Artigos de revistas: "Yoruba polities"

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Ajala, Aderemi Suleiman, e Olarinmoye Adeyinka Wulemat. "FROM KITCHEN TO CORRIDOR OF POWER: YORUBA WOMEN BREAKING THROUGH PATRIARCHAL POLITICS IN SOUTH-WESTERN NIGERIA". Gender Questions 1, n.º 1 (20 de setembro de 2016): 58–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2412-8457/1545.

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Since the 1990s, a number of socio-cultural agencies have played a significant role in the rise of Yoruba women in civil politics. Amongst these are the increasing value of monogamy and womenâ€™s greater access to Western education; the culture of first ladies in government; and female socio-economic empowerment through paid labour. Despite their increasing participation, women are still marginalised in elective politics. Using the ethnographic methods of key informant interviews, observation and focus group discussions and a theoretical analysis of patriarchy, this article examines gender relations in Yoruba politics and in the nationalist movement in south-western Nigeria. The rise of Yoruba women in politics in south-western Nigeria is discussed, along with the factors influencing womenâ€™s participation in civil politics. The study concludes that patriarchal politics still exists in the Yoruba political system. Factors inhibiting the total collapse of patriarchal politics in south-western Nigeria include the nature of Yoruba politics; women being pitted against women in politics; gender stereotypes and household labour. Thus, to make Yoruba politics friendlier to all, it would be desirable to create more political openings for women.

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Saka, L., e L. Amusan. "Principle of Utis Possidetis and challenges of sitting at the frontier in Africa: The Yoruba in the Old Ilorin province and the politics of identity and belonging in post-colonial Nigeria". New Contree 83 (30 de dezembro de 2019): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/nc.v83i0.51.

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For communities that sit at the fringe of ethnic, cultural and linguistic divide, the twin questions of identity and belonging often remain issues of concern. The remoteness of such communities from the mainstream of sociocultural and political processes, the straddling of ethno-cultural boundaries and the dilution of cultural beliefs, values system, practices and language often reinforce the notion that they belong to the peripheries of the nationalities. This in turn can generate crises of marginalization of such communities as is the case of the Yoruba’s of the old Ilorin Province. Through the circumstance of history and the geographical location of Ilorin at the fringe of the Yoruba nation, the people of the Old Ilorin Province have come to be seen as a community that is of less importance to the socio-cultural, political and economic development of the Yoruba nation at large. Thus, the issue of where to place Ilorin has remained an enigma for the people of the community and the Yoruba nation. This has generated a crisis of identity and belonging for the Yoruba of the old Ilorin Province. To this end, this study examined how frontier communities experience and navigate the complexity of identity politics and belonging using Ilorin as a point of reference. The study made use of archival, historical documents and other qualitative data to weave its narration of the crisis of identity and belonging facing the Yoruba of the old Ilorin Province as a common phenomenon in Africa because of colonial legacy.

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Gbadegesin, Segun. "Anchored in Justice: Yorùbá Philosophy and the Politics of a Diverse State". Yoruba Studies Review 3, n.º 1 (21 de dezembro de 2021): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/ysr.v3i1.129915.

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As a major ethnic nationality in the multinational state cobbled together and christened by Lord Frederick Lugard, the Yoruba have been an integral part of the politics of the Nigerian diverse state since 1914. From the vicissitudes of the politics of nationalist struggles against colonial imposition to the politics of independence and nation-building, the core traditional values and philosophical outlook of each of the ethnic nationalities are discernible in their approaches to the issues that confront the new state. In this paper, I identify the core traditional values of the Yoruba nationality. I focus specifically on the Yoruba fascination with justice as a guiding principle as they relate to other nationalities in dealing with the issues that confront the new state. I argue that this fascination is not an arbitrary recourse in the politics of the new state. Rather, obsession with justice has been a defining feature of intra-Yoruba dealings from precolonial times to the present. To illustrate, I recount a few historical and mythical examples from the radical and unconventional social critics, Kọrú Ọjà, Ọpálábà and Aróhánrán of the Old Ọyọ Empire, to the historical Àare ̣ Kúrunmí of Ìjàyè. Finally, I highlight a few episodes in the political development of Nigeria and the role that the Yoruba obsession with justice has played in the political journey of the country.

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VAUGHAN, OLUFEMI. "CHIEFTAINCY POLITICS AND COMMUNAL IDENTITY IN WESTERN NIGERIA, 1893–1951". Journal of African History 44, n.º 2 (julho de 2003): 283–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002185370200837x.

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This article examines the dimensions of indigenous political structures that sustained local governance in colonial Yorubaland. Legitimated by reconstructed traditional political authorities and modern concepts of development, Yoruba indigenous political structures were distorted by the system of indirect rule. Conversely, obas (Yoruba monarchs), baales (head chiefs), chiefs, Western-educated Christian elites and Muslim merchants embraced contending interpretations of traditional authorities to reinforce and expand their power in a rapidly shifting colonial context. With a strong emphasis on development and governance, collective political action also entailed the struggle over the distributive resources of the colonial state. Traditional and modern political leaders deployed strong communal ideologies and traditional themes that defined competing Yoruba communities as natives and outsiders.

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Ajala, Aderemi Suleiman. "Cultural Patrimony, Political Identity, and Nationalism in Southwestern Nigeria". International Journal of Cultural Property 22, n.º 4 (novembro de 2015): 471–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0940739115000259.

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Abstract:The convergence of Yoruba nationals and the intensification of nationalism in southwestern Nigeria for self-assertion, political brokerage, and power relations in colonial and post-colonial eras were reinforced by the projection of Yoruba cultural heritage and patrimony expressed both in person and literary productions. Using textual analysis and observation, this paper examines some aspects of cultural heritage and Yoruba nationalism and how cultural heritage created patrimony, the sense of a nation, established civic virtue, and formed local (re)publics in southwestern Nigeria. The present discourse further examines how cultural patrimony is used to echo Yoruba sense of marginalization and political superiority in Nigeria. The paper further argues that most of this cultural heritage addresses a fairly well-defined audience, most especially those sympathetic to Yoruba nationalism and politics. Thus, cultural heritage and patrimony are active agents of nationalism and political identity in southwestern Nigeria.

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Apter, Andrew. "Yoruba Ethnogenesis from Within". Comparative Studies in Society and History 55, n.º 2 (abril de 2013): 356–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417513000066.

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AbstractIt is an anthropological truism that ethnic identity is “other”-oriented, such that who we are rests on who we are not. Within this vein, the development of Yoruba identity in the late nineteenth century is attributed to Fulani perspectives on their Oyo neighbors, Christian missionaries and the politics of conversion, as well as Yoruba descendants in diaspora reconnecting with their West African homeland. In this essay, my aim is to both complement and destabilize these externalist perspectives by focusing on Yoruba concepts of “home” and “house” (ilé), relating residence, genealogy and regional identities to their reconstituted ritual frameworks in Cuba and Brazil. Following Barber's analysis of Yoruba praise-poetry (oríkì) and Verran's work on Yoruba quantification, I reexamine the semantics of the category ilé in the emergence of Lucumí and Nagô houses in order to explain their sociopolitical impact and illuminate transpositions of racial “cleansing” and ritual purity in Candomblé and Santería. More broadly, the essay shows how culturally specific or “internal” epistemological orientations play an important if neglected role in shaping Atlantic ethnicities and their historical trajectories.

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Ojo, Ranti Matthew. "Colonialism and the Changing Nature of Indigenous Political Organisations: The Okun-Yoruba and the Igbo in Comparative Perspectives". IKENGA International Journal of Institute of African Studies 24, n.º 3 (30 de setembro de 2023): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.53836/ijia/2023/24/3/004.

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The study carries out a comparative analysis of the nature and characters of indigenous politics and leadership among the Okun-Yoruba and the Igbo of Southeastern Nigeria. The paper extends the analysis to the changing nature of the political organisation of both societies as a result of external influence. For the Okun-Yoruba, the paper explores the political organisations and nature of intergroup relations before the Nupe invasion in the mid-nineteenth century and the subsequent imposition of British colonial rule in Nigeria around 1900. The indigenous political organisation of the Igbo is subjected to a comparative analysis with the Okun-Yoruba. The study also examines the impact of British colonialism on both the Igbo and Okun-Yoruba. It is noted that both the Okun and Igbo societies shared similar indigenous political and social structures that were characterised by small-scale political units. These colonial arrangements had far-reaching consequences on inter-group relations as well as the political organisation of both Okunland and Igboland. British colonial arrangement applied a new system of administration that was fashioned in line with the indirect rule system which was antithetical to the pre-colonial situation. The British imperialism in Nigeria did not only alter the political landscape but they also changed the nature of intergroup relations for both Okun Yoruba and the Igbo.

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Presbey, Gail. "Sophie Olúwọlé's Major Contributions to African Philosophy". Hypatia 35, n.º 2 (2020): 231–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hyp.2020.6.

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AbstractThis article provides an overview of the contributions to philosophy of Nigerian philosopher Sophie Bọ´sẹ`dé Olúwọlé (1935–2018). The first woman to earn a philosophy PhD in Nigeria, Olúwọlé headed the Department of Philosophy at the University of Lagos before retiring to found and run the Centre for African Culture and Development. She devoted her career to studying Yoruba philosophy, translating the ancient Yoruba Ifá canon, which embodies the teachings of Orunmila, a philosopher revered as an Óríṣá in the Ifá pantheon. Seeing his works as examples of secular reasoning and argument, she compared Orunmila's and Socrates' philosophies and methods and explored similarities and differences between African and European philosophies. A champion of African oral traditions, Olúwọlé argued that songs, proverbs, liturgies, and stories are important sources of African responses to perennial philosophical questions as well as to contemporary issues, including feminism. She argued that the complementarity that ran throughout Yoruba philosophy guaranteed women's rights and status, and preserved an important role for women, youths, and foreigners in politics.

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Adebanwi, Wale. "The cult of Awo: the political life of a dead leader". Journal of Modern African Studies 46, n.º 3 (18 de agosto de 2008): 335–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x08003339.

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ABSTRACTThis essay examines the ‘posthumous career’ of Chief Obafemi Awolowo, the late leader of the Yoruba of Nigeria. It focuses on why he has been unusually effective as a symbol in the politics of Yorubaland and Nigeria. Regarding Awolowo as a recent ancestor, the essay elaborates why death, burial and statue are useful in the analysis of the social history of, and elite politics in, Africa. The Awolowo case is used to contest secularist and modernist assumptions about ‘modernity’ and ‘rationality’ in a contemporary African society.

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CLARKE, KAMARI MAXINE. "Transnational Yoruba revivalism and the diasporic politics of heritage". American Ethnologist 34, n.º 4 (novembro de 2007): 721–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.2007.34.4.721.

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Hashimi, A. O. "The Role of ‘Ulama (Arabic Scholars) In The 19th Century Yoruba Nation And Politics". Oguaa Journal of Religion and Human Values 6, n.º 1 (1 de junho de 2020): 47–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.47963/ojorhv.v6i1.332.

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The nineteenth Century was a revolutionary period in the history of societies, kingdoms and empires in Yorubaland. The Century witnessed profound and irreversible social, religious and political transformations in the lives of the people who lived in the region. Both internal and external factors were responsible for these processes of change. The consequential events centred on commerce, politics, religion, warfare, intra-and intergroup relations, and reform and adjustment to new ways of life. This paper describes the activities of the Muslims in the 19th century Yoruba Politics, and the significant roles played by the ‘Ulama in the period under study. Islam was introduced to Yorubaland before the 19th century, and the population was reinforced by the ingress of Muslim immigrants and Hausa slaves who were brought to Oyo Empire. In this diverse group different roles were played by the Muslim community and the ‘Ulama (clerics). The activities of the Muslims had momentous impact on 19th century Yoruba politics in different ways as recorded in Arabic documents and other historical materials. In the course of time, Muslims occupied positions of great authority in royal administration. They used their position to promote Islam. This paper argues that the roles of the ‘Ulama in the political transformation and social change in Yorubaland was so important that its impact is felt till today.

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Balogun, Lekan, e Sesan Fasanu. "Complexity and Politics of Naming in Yoruba Tradition: A Dramatic Exploration of Once Upon an Elephant". Genealogy 3, n.º 2 (11 de abril de 2019): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy3020018.

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This paper examines the connection between naming and oral tradition, specifically àló and ìtàn, by discussing Bosede Ademilua-Afolayan’s Once Upon an Elephant (2015), and demonstrates the ways in which contemporary Nigerian playwrights appropriate the same to engage their political realities. The Yoruba are aware that names are not mere signs but the material nodes of the social network, hence the rites associated with naming underscore the people’s belief in birth, life, and living, as well as the totality of existence. The paper is in three parts: a background to the analysis, a discussion of Yoruba belief about naming that is linked with a discussion of oral tradition, and an analysis of the play with materials that are drawn from the previous discussion in order to show how the playwright has used the strategy of naming to engage a broader socio-political reality of her society.

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Ajayi, J. F. Ade, e David D. Laitin. "Hegemony and Culture: Politics and Religious Change among the Yoruba". Journal of Religion in Africa 18, n.º 3 (outubro de 1988): 271. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1580945.

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Muller, Jean-Claude, e David D. Laitin. "Hegemony and Culture: Politics and Religious Change among the Yoruba". Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 24, n.º 1 (1990): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485612.

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Adewole, L. O., e David D. Laitin. "Hegemony and Culture: Politics and Religious Change among the Yoruba". African Studies Review 30, n.º 1 (março de 1987): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/524514.

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GRAY, RICHARD. "Hegemony and Culture. Politics and Religious Change among the Yoruba". African Affairs 86, n.º 344 (julho de 1987): 443–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a097935.

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CONCHA-HOLMES, AMANDA D. "CUBAN CABILDOS, CULTURAL POLITICS, AND CULTIVATING A TRANSNATIONAL YORUBA CITIZENRY". Cultural Anthropology 28, n.º 3 (26 de julho de 2013): 490–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/cuan.12016.

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Nolte, Insa. "Identity and violence: the politics of youth in Ijebu-Remo, Nigeria". Journal of Modern African Studies 42, n.º 1 (março de 2004): 61–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x03004464.

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This article examines the politics of youth in Ijebu-Remo (henceforth Remo) from the 1950s to the present. The emergence of the politics of youth in the 1950s and 1960s drew on precolonial discourse and was closely associated with the emergence of Remo's anti-federal postcolonial political identity. Since Nigeria's political and economic decline in the mid-1980s, strong feelings of exclusion – strengthened further by the political sidelining of Yoruba-speaking politicians in national politics between 1993 and 1999 – have contributed to an increase of nationalist sentiment in Remo youth politics. This is enacted through secrecy, a reinvention and utilisation of ‘traditional’ cultural practice, and the growing definition of local identity through ethnic discourse. Traditionally, Remo youth and elite politics have legitimised and supported each other, but the cohesion between these groups has declined since the return to democracy in 1999. Rivalry and conflict over local and national resources have led to bitter intergroup fighting, and young men's strategies to combat social exclusion remain mostly individual.

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Ige, Matthew. "“Emi lokan, Yoruba lokan”: expression of ideologies in Bola Tinubu’s political speech". ELS Journal on Interdisciplinary Studies in Humanities 6, n.º 3 (23 de setembro de 2023): 588–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.34050/elsjish.v6i3.28025.

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Beyond the traditional import of language which is for communicative purpose and information sharing, its usefulness cuts across other strands such as for expression of one ideology or others, representation and identification of self and other social groups among others, especially within the political context. Previous linguistic studies on political discourse with emphasis on (intra party) electioneering campaign speeches have invested on the nexus between language and politics. Such studies, however, have not exteriorised expressions of ideologies in Emi lokan, Yoruba lokan campaign slogan of Bola Tinubu in the build-up to 2023 Nigeria’s presidential election. This study, consequently, studies the differing ideologies expressed in the Emi lokan, Yoruba lokan speech made by the All Progressive Congress’ presidential aspirant in the build-to the party’s 2023 presidential primary election. The data for the study is audio-visual of the speech obtained from the YouTube platform, which was rendered in the mixture of English and Yoruba languages, given the nature of the audience where the speech was made. The translated video was transcribed into MS Word. The selected excerpts were subjected to Critical Discourse Analysis, borrowing insight from van Dijk’s (2006) socio-cognitive model. The findings reveal that supremacist, collectivist, welfarist and ethnocentric ideologies are embedded in Bola Tinubu’s emi lokan slogan/speech which are indexed through certain discursive moves.

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Faleye, Adeola Adijat. "Gendered Species of Yoruba Plants: An Ecofeminist Perspective". Yoruba Studies Review 8, n.º 1 (6 de maio de 2023): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/ysr.8.1.134087.

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The phenomena of female and male collaboration or concurrence towards making a positive and progressive impact in most environmental situations in Yorùbá land cannot be over-emphasized. From published works of Yorùbá literature and other oral data, such as in poetry texts, findings show extant research on many herbs [plants]. Such findings show that there exists a dichotomy between the gendered species of plants. In addition, evidence reveals that within the Yorùbá belief system, some cultural practices are evident in support of the ecofeminist thought spanning various contexts in politics, warfare, or conflict resolutions, as well as Yorùbá Òrìṣà cults. Therefore, this essay seeks to explore the feminine relevance and significance in some contexts of herb or plant growth and their nature. The theory of ecofeminism and the sociology of literature are applied. The study shall make use of relevant orature to support the validity and essentialism of creation and the strengths deposited in the female gender regarding its purpose and values in contents and context, modern diversity, and contemporary views at large on nature. This is to emphasize the significance of the abo-female as supported by nature and other iconic materials within the sacred/metaphysical realm.

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Nolte, Insa. "Chieftaincy and the State in Abacha's Nigeria: Kingship, Political Rivalry and Competing Histories in Abeokuta During the 1990s". Africa 72, n.º 3 (agosto de 2002): 368–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2002.72.3.368.

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AbstractThis article investigates the relationship between chieftaincy and the state in modern Nigeria. It focuses on politics and the mythical history of kings in the city of Abeokuta and argues that, particularly during the 1990s, the royal politics of the town drew heavily on different versions of mythical history. The reasons are twofold. They concern, first, the traditional political discourse of Yoruba kingship, in which a king's legitimacy can be discussed in terms of the attributes of the royalpersonahe embodies. In this context, legitimacy and status are often discussed as the first king's mythical origin. However, the continued political relevance and even volatility of this discourse in the 1990s related to the nature of the Nigerian state, in which traditional status is closely associated with political power.

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Nolte, Insa. "‘Without Women, Nothing Can Succeed’: Yoruba Women in The Oodua People's Congress (OPC), Nigeria". Africa 78, n.º 1 (fevereiro de 2008): 84–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0001972008000065.

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This article examines the role of women in the politics of the Oodua People's Congress (OPC), a militant ethno-nationalist movement of the Yoruba people in south-west Nigeria. Women's inclusion in the organizational structure and their typical roles within the OPC, the article suggests, expand the political agency of women but at the same time ensure that their contributions are contained within the OPC's overall politics. Women play important roles within the OPC, primarily by enabling and supporting the vigilante activities of male OPC members. In the provision of this support, women overwhelmingly draw on the knowledge and powers associated with typically female life experiences. As a result, women's interests are represented within the overall agenda of the OPC, but on the basis of complementary rather than egalitarian gender roles.

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Rea, William R. "Rationalising culture: youth, elites and masquerade politics". Africa 68, n.º 1 (janeiro de 1998): 98–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161149.

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Studies of associations in West Africa have tended to focus upon the development of new development-related institutional forms. Other, so-called traditional, cultural groupings have tended to be ignored. This article points to transformations and changes in the masquerade society of the north-eastern Yoruba town of Ìkòlé and considers the continuing development of the masquerade society as an association. Changes in the masquerade society are being strongly promoted by younger men as a way to establish masquerade as a resource, promoting Ìkòlé's cultural identity. They are aided and funded by groups of elite citizens who are not necessarily resident in Ìkòlé. The article examines the relations between the various groups involved in masquerade, as well as the relationship between those often elite town members who support masquerades and Pentecostal Christian groups which would happily see their demise.

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Adesoji, Abimbola O. "Yoruba ethnic nationalism, power elite politics and the Nigerian state, 1948–2007". African Identities 15, n.º 2 (7 de setembro de 2016): 187–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14725843.2016.1227695.

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Oparinde, A. "Yoruba Identity and Power Politics, edited by Toyin Falola and Ann Genova". African Affairs 107, n.º 428 (2 de maio de 2008): 491–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adn030.

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Falola, Toyin. "The Yoruba Toll System: its operation and abolition". Journal of African History 30, n.º 1 (março de 1989): 69–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700030887.

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The Yoruba toll system has not been studied, in spite of its important place in Yoruba economy and politics. This essay fills the gap by examining toll collection among the Yoruba-speaking states of south-western Nigeria. It is divided into two parts, the first on the practice of toll collection during the pre-colonial era and the second on the changes introduced by the colonial administration. For the pre-colonial, it emphasizes the dominant aspects of the system, most notably the significance of toll revenue in relation to other sources of income; the control of toll gates by chiefs in order to appropriate the revenues; the character and privileges of collectors; and the features of collection at the toll gates, especially the duties imposed and their implications for trade.The second part explains the steps taken by the new colonial administration to regulate toll collection after 1893, notably by the reduction of customs houses and the printing of tariffs. These reforms failed to solve the problems of corruption by toll clerks and evasions and smuggling by traders, or allay the fear that the imposition of tolls constituted an obstacle to modern commerce. Consequently, the colonial administration decided to abolish the system, and was able to achieve this between 1904 and 1908. Both reforms and abolition were possible because of the gradual approach adopted, the administrative and military power available to the administration, and its ability to generate alternative sources of revenue to maintain itself and pay the chiefs. There can be no doubt that abolition was a major step towards the constitution of the colonial economy.

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Falola, Toyin. "T. O. Avoseh on the History of Epe and Its Environs". History in Africa 22 (janeiro de 1995): 165–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171913.

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The first edition of this little book a short History of Epe-is to be freely used…No acknowledgement is necessary nor royalty required.With the above words, Chief Theophilus Olabode Avoseh opens his second and most successful book, A Short History of Epe. His generosity was unusual, with his time to researchers, and with publications that he distributed freely and allowed others to use without seeking his permission. His unstated motto would be that knowledge should be acquired and distributed at no charge. His books on Epe and Badagri are his best known works, although he wrote several other obscure pamphlets which I have previously drawn attention to. As this is a continuation of my study on Avoseh, this essay does not intend to repeat previously published information on the author. The primary aim of the present paper is to present the text on Epe, and so to make it more accessible to a larger audience. A few additional points, made possible by the examination of the text under consideration, form the bulk of this introduction intended to shed more light on Avoseh.Epe is an Ijebu-Yoruba town, located on the banks of the lagoon. This location has always facilitated the development of a fishing industry, commerce, and agriculture. Epe was drawn into nineteenth—century Yoruba power politics and then into international diplomacy with the British when it was occupied in the mid-nineteenth century by Kosoko, the indomitable exiled ruler of Lagos. When Kosoko returned to Lagos, not all his adherents followed, and their presence produced far-reaching changes in Epe politics and society to this very day.

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OLAIYA, Olajumoke Olufunmilola. "The Oughtness of the Politics and Culture of ‘Created’ Identities for Teaching Nigerian History: A Case Study of the Egbe Omo Oduduwa". Filosofiya osvity. Philosophy of Education 27, n.º 1 (11 de agosto de 2021): 141–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31874/2309-1606-2021-27-1-8.

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History education has been able to give a flowing account of how various cultures have been co-existing prior European encounter. The historical account has evolved from the mythical stage into the scientific stage with evidence adduced and coming forward to revise and even correct initial assumptions. In the face of these revisions and corrections, it is not in place to demand: how do we teach African history to students? What is the connection between religion and culture in the making of a people? Using Kwame Appiah’s cosmopolitan perspective as my theoretical framework and through the method of philosophical analysis, I tender that the idea of an identity that is distinct or peculiar to a particular people cannot be reliable. To make my point lucid, this research uses the Yoruba of south-west Nigeria as paradigm. I contend that the emergence of Egbe Omo Oduduwa is not tied to a special or peculiar identity, but a surge in the need to emphasize common grounds over differences in order to establish a common cause for a perceived identity. The point that has been established thus far is that all the small kingdoms and mighty empires that claim to share the Yoruba identity in contemporary times, were hitherto sworn enemies who hardly perceive things from a similar perspective. It is however interesting to note that it was during the colonial era and the press for political independence that informed the need to coalesce and create an identity from that which cuts across all of them to initiate a common denominator. From the exploration of the Yoruba peoples from earliest times to the present times, it is the case that there was no perception of common ground prior 1945. The factors that led to the recognition of a common ground are tied to the struggle for liberation from foreign powers. It is on this that note that this research submits that identities are human creations and they neither primordially original nor pure.

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Oyeniyi, Bukola A. "John Thabiti Willis. Masquerading Politics: Kinship, Gender, and Ethnicity in a Yoruba Town." American Historical Review 126, n.º 1 (1 de março de 2021): 432–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhab154.

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PEACE, ADRIAN. "Hegemony and Culture: Politics and Religious Change among the Yoruba . DAVID D. LAITIN". American Ethnologist 14, n.º 4 (novembro de 1987): 780–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.1987.14.4.02a00150.

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Vaughan, Olufemi. "Communalism, legitimation and party politics at the grassroots: The case of the Yoruba". International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society 7, n.º 3 (março de 1994): 419–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02142132.

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Alawode, Sunday Olayinka, e Olufunke Oluseyi Adesanya. "Content Analysis Of 2015 Election Political Advertisments In Selected National Dailies Of Nigeria". European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, n.º 5 (28 de fevereiro de 2016): 234. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n5p234.

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The Nigerian Press in its 156 years of existence from the Reverend Henry Townsend days has been enmeshed in politics and is in fact insoluble from it like Siamese twins. From its debut in November 23rd 1859 with “Iwe Iroyin fun Awon Ara Egba ati Yoruba” (Newspaper for the Egbas and Yorubas) the press has taken centre stage in matters affecting all spheres of individual life and collective existence including religion, education, economy and politics among others. Thenewspaper was actually noted to have educated the growing publics about history and politics of the time. The growth in media has given room for political parties to reach larger groups of constituents, and tailor their adverts to reach new demographics. Unlike the campaigns of the past, advances in media have streamlined the process, giving candidates more optionsto reach even larger group of constituents with very little physical efforts. Political advertising is a form of campaign used by political parties to reach and influence voters. It can include several different mediums and span several months over the course of a political campaign and the main aim is to sway the audience one way or the other. Political advertisements involve the use of advertising campaigns by politicians to bring their messages to the masses or the electorates in order to explain policy, inform citizens and connect people to their leaders. It is a form of campaigning by political candidates to reach and influence voters through diverse media (including web based media). Politics on the other hand has to do with activities involved in getting and using power in public life, and being able to influence decisions that affect a country or a society. Thus political advertisement in the context of this study are strategically placed information deliberately informing the populace or making public activities or personalities as well as political parties and ideologies in order to get and use power by placing such information in the newspapers. The Punch, The Guardian, Vanguard and Daily Trust were purposively selected for the study investigating prominence of political advertisements featured before, during and after the elections; contents as the pictures, logos, texts, and languages majorly used in the political advertisements; and adversarial or the slants/directions of the March 28th Presidential and April 11th 2015 Assemblies Elections.Content categories include language, logo/icon/symbols, issue/personality/event/activity, visuals/pix, size, colour, political ideology among others. The study reveals that political adverts were prominent in the newspapers during the six-month period with the dominance of full page adverts, mostly inside-page adverts, aspirant-filled pictures, PDP-dominated and coloured adverts, largely favourable and friendly adverts with rational appeal going before testimony appeals. It further shows that Punch closely followed by Guardian had the highest adverts, while PDP and APC dominated the political landscape with low presence of adversarial contents. The study recommends more ethical monitoring of political adverts as well as the de-commodification of newspaper contents.

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ADEBANWI, WALE. "DEATH, NATIONAL MEMORY AND THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF HEROISM". Journal of African History 49, n.º 3 (novembro de 2008): 419–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853708003642.

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ABSTRACTAncestors occupy a central place in African cosmologies and social practices. The death and the remembrance of Lt-Col. Adekunle Fajuyi, the Military Governor of Western Nigeria who was killed during a military coup in 1966, is used in this essay to critique the assumptions in the literature about ancestors, by linking the recent dead with the long dead in a lineage of ancestral practices. I focus on the ways in which Fajuyi's death was used in constructing ethno-national memory and history in the context of 21st-century challenges faced by the Yoruba in national politics, particularly in relation to unequal ethno-regional relations. Here, I attempt to historicize commemoration as a ritual of ethno-national validation.

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Nolte, Insa. "Colonial Politics and Precolonial History: Everyday Knowledge, Genre, and Truth in a Yoruba Town". History in Africa 40, n.º 1 (24 de julho de 2013): 125–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hia.2013.9.

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AbstractThis article suggests that colonial African historiography was shaped both by the textual forms and conventions associated with local historical knowledge and by the complex political interests which emerged under colonial rule. Based on a case study of two linked debates in the small Yoruba town of Ode Remo, the article argues that beyond narratives, local historical knowledge was also contained, sometimes opaquely, in a variety of other genres and practices. During the colonial period, traditionally segmented and distributed forms of knowledge were brought together in civic debates to constitute a more general history. But while historical accounts could be inflected under political pressure or even to reflect widespread local ambitions, the enduring presence of historical knowledge in textual forms used in everyday life meant that there nonetheless remained an overall sense of what was true within the community.

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Abdullahi, Kadir Ayinde. "Poetic Style and Social Commitment in Niyi Osundare’s Songs of the Marketplace". Human and Social Studies 6, n.º 2 (1 de junho de 2017): 73–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/hssr-2017-0015.

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Abstract This essay studies some of the poetic devices employed by Osundare to project social commitment and vision in Songs of the Marketplace. It examines how the poet’s deployment of style makes his poetry more accessible to a larger audience than that of his predecessors. Like the oral traditional performance, his poetry employs rich Yoruba oral literary devices in a way that is unique and glaringly innovative. Osundare’s radical poetic style has a clearly defined concept and role. It is also central to the resolution of the polemics of governance and politics in society. The pervasive theme of the collections remains a serious concern for hope out of the decadent situation that has eaten deep into the fabric of our social existence.

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Heaton, Matthew M. "The politics and practice of Thomas Adeoye Lambo: towards a post-colonial history of transcultural psychiatry". History of Psychiatry 29, n.º 3 (27 de março de 2018): 315–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957154x18765422.

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This article traces the career of Thomas Adeoye Lambo, the first European-trained psychiatrist of indigenous Nigerian (Yoruba) background and one of the key contributors to the international development of transcultural psychiatry from the 1950s to the 1980s. The focus on Lambo provides some political, cultural and geographical balance to the broader history of transcultural psychiatry by emphasizing the contributions to transcultural psychiatric knowledge that have emerged from a particular non-western context. At the same time, an examination of Lambo’s legacy allows historians to see the limitations of transcultural psychiatry’s influence over time. Ultimately, this article concludes that the history of transcultural psychiatry might have more to tell us about the politics of the ‘transcultural’ than the practice of ‘psychiatry’ in post-colonial contexts.

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Nwaezeigwe, Nwankwo T. "Politics of conversion and inter-faith marriages among Christians and Muslims in Nigeria: An analysis in religious contest and conflict". Integrity Journal of Arts and Humanities 3, n.º 4 (30 de agosto de 2022): 68–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.31248/ijah2022.051.

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Nigeria is a country where Christianity and Islam compete for dominance in the political realm. This competition which often degenerates into physical confrontation is rooted in the 1804 jihad tradition of the Fulani-driven Sokoto Caliphate which is founded on the immutable request for the conversion of their non-Muslim neighbours. Unfortunately, this quest found itself frontally confronted by the fledging advance of Christianity and westernization from the south, with both eventually meeting at the Middle Belt region, which is home to non-Hausa-Fulani minority ethnic groups. Although Islam in Yoruba land no doubt predated the Fulani Jihad of 1804, the later advent of Christianity in the 19th century with its superior sophistication, soon overwhelmed Islam there. Thus Islam subsequently found itself in retreat. With this retreat came resistance against the domineering influence of Western civilization which is often associated with Christianity. It consequently elicited a state of conversion and counter-conversion between these two competing religions which often extends to inter-personal relations, one of which is inter-marriage. The present work looks at the subject of this confrontation from the barometer of conversion through inter-marriages between members of both faiths. Focusing on the three major ethnic groups in Nigeria—the mainly Muslim Hausa-Fulani of the North, the mixed Christian-Muslim Yoruba of the West, and the mainly Christian Igbo of the East, it explores their respective trajectories of response to Christian-Muslim marriages within the context of their religious traditions and by extension assesses their respective levels of inter-religious tolerance and accommodation.

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Pagan, Darlene. "The Politics of Faith in the Work of Lorna Dee Cervantes, Ana Castillo, and Sandra Cisneros". Ethnic Studies Review 26, n.º 1 (1 de janeiro de 2003): 121–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2003.26.1.121.

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If Chicanas are perceived as a communal threat because they are closer to the carnal, according to the Church, they paradoxically are worshipped as the female divine within indigenous practices like Yoruba or Mexica as well. In the works of Sandra Cisneros, Ana Castillo, and Lorna Dee Cervantes women's religious commitment is revealed through their possible responses to cultural multiplicity: 1) the rejection of one tradition over another, 2) syncretism, or 3) the continual migration between practices despite contradictory impulses. Using irony to address the tension and seeming impossibility of maintaining distinct traditions simultaneously, these writers intimate how women derive strength and a stronger sense of self primarily by moving between traditions.

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Dixon, P. J. "“Uneasy Lies the Head”: Politics, Economics, and the Continuity of Belief among Yoruba of Nigeria". Comparative Studies in Society and History 33, n.º 1 (janeiro de 1991): 56–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500016868.

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Traditionally a considerable gap has existed between social anthropologists, on the one hand, and political scientists and historians, on the other, in their analysis of events. Archetypically, social anthropologists have concentrated upon enduring social structure and have tended to steer clear of more recent events in the society under study; yet this suggests that the anthropologist is avoiding the question of how the social structure that he enshrines in the ethnographic present is derived. ‘Social structure’ is a composite of the anthropologist's own observation of native behaviour and native exegesis, the latter in turn being the result of a dialectic between their (the indigenous people's) present perception of events and their idea (or image) of what their society has traditionally been and perhaps ought to be. This is particularly so in those societies that, in Lévi-Strauss' words (1966a:233–4) seek “by the institutions they give themselves, to annul the possible effects of historical factors upon their equilibrium and continuity in a quasi-automatic fashion,” that is, in those societies in which “their image of themselves is an essential part of their reality.”

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Adeyemi, Lere. "Poetic Utterances and Socio-Political Commitment in Ọbasa’s Poems". Yoruba Studies Review 5, n.º 1 (21 de dezembro de 2021): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/ysr.v5i1.130063.

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Yorùbá literary critics such as Olabimtan (1974a), Fo ̣ lọ runs ̣ ọ (1998), among ̣ others, have classified D. A. Obasá as a unique colonial poet whose poems ̣ were committed to the promotion of Yorùbá cultural heritage. Tus, a lot of critical works that exist on Obasa’s poems largely concentrate on the cultural ̣ and the philosophical dimensions with little or no focus on the socio-political commitment of the poet. The objective of this study therefore, was to examine the socio-political commitment of Obasa and his poetic utterances. The research methodology is descriptive. It is a corpus study or content analysis of the poetry books. Poems that are relevant to socio-political issues in the three books (Ìwé Kinni Awon Akéwì, ̣ Ìwé Kejì Awon Akéwì and ̣ Ìwé Kéta ̣ Àwoṇ Akéwì) were analyzed within the theory of Nativism. The major findings of the study were that: the selected poems have diverse socio-political themes as related to traditional politics, colonial politics, Yorùbá civil wars, first world war, migration and the need to remember one’s home or country; some of the poems were used as viable tool for political education; while others were essentially to ignite political consciousness in the readers. The paper concluded that Obasá was a committed poet who used his poetic utterances to disseminate, analyze, and educate the readers on the socio-political climate of colonial days. His non-violence ideological position in resolving socio-political issues is in consonance with the theory of Nativism and it is recommended for modern Yorùbá society and other African societies.

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Muhammad, Abdulrasheed A. "Under the Shadow of the Siamese Twins: Ethnicity, Religion and Nigeria’s 2023 Presidential Election". Hasanuddin Journal of Strategic and International Studies (HJSIS) 2, n.º 1 (27 de dezembro de 2023): 21–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.20956/hjsis.v2i1.32084.

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Nigeria is considered a heterogeneous society per excellence. This is courtesy of its multi ethnic and multi religious character. While there is no agreement among scholars as to the exact number of its ethnic and religious diversities, its ethnic and religious composition closely follow same geographical boundary such that while the Eastern Ibo are mostly Christians, the Northern Hausa are predominantly Muslims while the Western Yoruba people are partly Christians and partly Muslims. Thus both often exercise joint influence on its politics. This is more profound at moments of decision making such as elections. This paper examines the 2023 Presidential elections in Nigeria viz a viz ethnic and religious influence in the election. Anchored on the rational choice theory, the paper relied on secondary source of materials such as text books, journals, electronic sources and official publications especially from the Independent National Electoral Commission. These were analysed using content analysis. It argued that both ethnic and religious influences are like Siamese twins as far as elections in Nigeria are concerned especially because of their geographical boundaries that roughly coincided. It concluded that Nigeria is yet to witness a significant departure in the pattern of ethno-religious influence on its elections. It, therefore, recommends the need for all stakeholders to be deliberate in stemming the tide of destructive ethnic and religious influence on politics in the country. Key Words: Ethnicity, Religion, Politics, Election, Influence

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Suell, David Thomas. "Leave the Dead Some Room to Dance: Postcolonial Founding and the Problem of Inheritance in Wole Soyinka’s A Dance of the Forests". Political Theory 48, n.º 3 (3 de outubro de 2019): 330–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591719878403.

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In this essay, I examine Nigerian playwright Wole Soyinka’s A Dance of the Forests in order to think through political founding. Viewing founding from the postcolonial context, I explore how members of a political community negotiate among the multiple pasts that continue to affect them, and what kind of institutions and actors are best equipped to pursue this critical part of the founding project. Situating Soyinka’s account against competing narratives of the postcolonial condition, I demonstrate how he uses Yoruba philosophy and cosmology to reframe the challenges and potentials of founding, and I illustrate how political actors should respond to these by adopting the role of “citizen-artists” who can learn from past struggles and overcome their overwhelming legacies. Read as a dramatic intervention into Nigerian democratic politics and as a work of political theory, A Dance offers a lens through which to interrogate founding within and beyond the postcolony.

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Nwankwo, Nkechi Eke. "Spatial politics and gendered strategies: women traders and institutions in Oke Arin market, Lagos". Africa 89, n.º 1 (fevereiro de 2019): 61–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972018000700.

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AbstractMarkets in Lagos, as in other parts of Yorubaland, are discursively constructed as spaces where women are in charge, perhaps based on their numbers. However, this article on the spatial relationships between women traders, the state and market institutions at Oke Arin in Lagos points to women's subordination and reflects Doreen Massey's concept of gendered spaces. Massey explains that spaces are in themselves gendered and that they also reflect and affect how gender is constructed and enforced in a specific context. The study is based on a sample of eighty Lagos (Yoruba) women traders and uses a combination of surveys, in-depth interviews, observation and secondary data to examine gendered strategies for survival and accumulation. I argue that, contrary to the perceptions of powerful Lagos market women, Massey's ‘internal structures of domination and subordination’ are evident in spatial governance, ownership and access at Oke Arin. Therefore, in response to spatial politics and the dominating structures of market and government authorities, women traders devise strategies of resistance, sometimes pushing the boundaries of legality to secure their livelihoods.

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Adunbi, Ọmọlade. "MYTHIC OIL: RESOURCES, BELONGING AND THE POLITICS OF CLAIM MAKING AMONG THE ÌLÀJẸ YORÙBÁ OF NIGERIA". Africa 83, n.º 2 (maio de 2013): 293–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972013000053.

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ABSTRACTThis article examines the genealogies of the Ìlàjẹ and the narrative of belonging that reinforces claims to ownership of land and natural resources such as oil. The article maps how oil flow stations, pipelines and platforms have come to represent an ancestral promise of wealth to many members of Ìlàjẹ communities. This claim making is embedded in a mythic origin that continuously reinforces a distinct identity that projects an imagined community connected to the Yorùbá of south-west Nigeria as well as the oil-rich Niger Delta region. While many scholars have studied the myth of origin of the Yorùbá, in most cases focusing on rituals and political imagination that intersect with linguistic evidence in determining Yorùbá identity, these scholars have often neglected the centrality of these myths to oil resources. Thus, I investigate how the Ìlàjẹ narrative of belonging creates its own specificity of ‘ownership’ of natural resources through ritual performances connected to migration and dispersal of subject populations. I examine how such narratives create spaces of opportunity for the organization of protests against multinational oil corporations and the Nigerian state.

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Ajala, Aderemi Suleiman. "Cultural Nationalism, Democratization, and Conflict in Yoruba Perspectives: Focus on O’odua Peoples’ Congress (OPC) in Nigerian Politics". Studies of Tribes and Tribals 4, n.º 2 (dezembro de 2006): 131–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0972639x.2006.11886546.

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NOLTE, INSA. "THE CONTINGENCIES OF YORUBA MASQUERADING. Masquerading Politics: Kinship, Gender, and Ethnicity in a Yoruba Town. By John Thabiti Willis. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2017. Pp. 210. $35.00/£26.99, paperback (ISBN: 9780253031464)." Journal of African History 60, n.º 01 (março de 2019): 153–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853719000240.

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Schiltz, Marc, e J. Lorand Matory. "Sex and the Empire that is no More: Gender and the Politics of Metaphor in Oyo Yoruba Religion." Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 3, n.º 2 (junho de 1997): 389. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3035039.

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Lawuyi, Olatunde, e J. Lorand Matory. "Sex and the Empire That Is No More: Gender and the Politics of Metaphor in Oyo Yoruba Religion". Journal of Religion in Africa 26, n.º 4 (novembro de 1996): 441. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1581844.

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Boddy, Janice. "Sex and the Empire That Is No More: Gender and the Politics of Metaphor in Qyo Yoruba Religion". American Ethnologist 24, n.º 4 (novembro de 1997): 950–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.1997.24.4.950.

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Cole, Jennifer. "Foreword: Collective Memory and the Politics of Reproduction in Africa". Africa 75, n.º 1 (fevereiro de 2005): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2005.75.1.1.

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When Bamileke women in urban Cameroon give birth, older women often recall the ‘troubles’, the period between 1955 and 1974 when the UPC (Union des Populations du Cameroun) waged a battle of national independence, as a way of teaching their daughters about the hazards of reproduction and threats to Bamileke integrity as a people (Feldman-Savelsberget al.). Slightly to the north-west, in the Nigerian city of Kano, Igbo talk constantly about their memories of the Biafran war, using them to forge a sense of Igbo ethnic distinctiveness that reinforces patterns of patron-client relations critical to the maintenance of transregional connections (Smith), while further to the south many Yoruba are reassessing the meaning of the old practice of pawning children (Renne). Meanwhile in Botswana, where the AIDS epidemic exacts a high death toll, members of an Apostolic church create distinctive practices of remembering what caused a person's death. In so doing, they counter the attenuation of care and support that often occurs when people interpret death as due to illnesses transmitted through blood and improper sexual relations (Klaits). By contrast in a Samburu community in Kenya, the cultural practice ofntotoi, a complex board game, reproduces a male-dominated history of kinship, while systematically erasing a female narrative of adulterous births and forced infanticide. And among rural Beng in Côte d'Ivoire, beliefs and practices that structure infant care serve as an indirect critique of the violence of French colonialism and of its aftermath that continues to interfere in Beng lives in the form of high rates of infant mortality (Gottlieb). As these examples taken from this volume indicate, the papers gathered together in this special issue examine the complex and often contradictory ways in which the reproduction of memories shapes the social and biological reproduction of people.

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Artigos de revistas sobre o tema "Yoruba polities"

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