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Nicolaus, Peter, and Serkan Yuce. "Sex-Slavery: One Aspect of the Yezidi Genocide." Iran and the Caucasus 21, no. 2 (2017): 196–229. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20170205.
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Even though almost three years have passed since the black banners of the terror organisation, calling themselves the “Islamic State of Iraq and Syria” (ISIS) were first hoisted throughout the Yezidi heartland of Sinjar, the Yezidi community continues to be targeted by ISIS, militias. 300,000 vegetate in camps as Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) in Iraqi Kurdistan; thousands of others have been killed, are missing, or remain in captivity where they are subjected to unspeakable sexual and physical abuse. With deference for these victims of violence, and without detracting from the collective suffering and trauma of the entire Yezidi community of Sinjar (families, women, men, and children alike), the authors have chosen to focus the present article on the plight and misery of the females; who were, and still are, facing despicable sexual abuses, unfathomable atrocities, and unfettered human rights violations. In doing so, they highlight the views of the fundamentalist Islam practiced by ISIS that encourages sex-slavery, while elaborating on the complacent acceptance of ISIS terror tactics by the local Sunni population of the territories they control. The work goes on to describe how survivors escaped, as well as how they are received and treated by the Yezidi community and state authorities. This discussion includes an overview of the national and international mechanisms available for prosecuting ISIS members for their crimes of genocide against the Yezidi people. The authors further stress that the genocide has contributed to, and even accelerated the process of the Yezidi selfidentification as a unique ethno-religious entity; which, in turn, has produced changes to their religious traditions. These changes will be briefly covered by examining a new approach to the institution of the Kerāfat.
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McGee, Thomas. "Saving the Survivors: Yezidi Women, Islamic State and the German Admissions Program." Kurdish Studies 6, no. 1 (2018): 85–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v6i1.435.
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Brutality and sexual violence perpetrated by the Islamic State (IS) group against women and girls held in captivity have left traumatic effects on survivors and their communities. In this context, the German federal state of Baden-Württemberg launched a novel ‘Special Quota’ Humanitarian Admissions Programme to receive one thousand vulnerable women and children. They are predominantly from the Yezidi religious minority in Iraq and its autonomous Kurdistan Region. The programme serves as a noble precedent for new and expanded forms of international protection to those affected by conflict-related sexual violence and associated trauma. This article draws, however, on interviews with participants of the programme in order to consider critically the gendered assumptions embedded within its design, implementation and related discourse. Research findings indicate that explicit exclusion of all adult male family members from accompanying the vulnerable “womenandchildren” [1]to Germany is against the wishes and self-perceived best interests of some women survivors. Moreover, women’s inability to maintain family unity compounds their lack of agency to determine the conditions of their own recovery and future within the programme framework.[1] This article borrows the one-word compound term coined by feminist writer Cynthia Enloe to evoke the treatment of women within a conflated conceptual category of diminished personal agency and essentialised vulnerability.ABSTRACT IN KURMANJIXelaskirina yên saxmayî. Jinên êzidî, Dewleta Îslamî û bernameya Almanyayê ya qebûlê Wehşet û şideta cinsî ya ji hêla Dewleta Îslamî pêk hatî li hember jin û keçên dîl tesîrên trawmatîk li ser ên xelasbûyî û li ser cemaetên wan hiştiye. Di vê çarçoveyê de, eyaleta Alman a Baden-Württemberg bernameyeke nû “Kotaya Taybet” a Bernameya Însanî ya Qebûlkirinê da destpêkirin da ku hezar jin û zarokên di rewşa hesas de qebûl bike. Ew jî bi piranî ji kêmîneya olî ya êzidiyan pêk tên li Iraqê û li Herêma Otonom ya Kurdistanê. Bername wek pêşengeke hêja ye ji bo awayên nû û berfireh ên vehewandin û parastina navneteweyî ji wan kesan re ku ketine ber şideta seksî ya ji ber şer û trawmayên ji wê çêbûyî. Ev meqale xwe dispêre hevpeyvînên ligel beşdarên bernameyê ji bo ku bi awayekî rexneyî li wan pêşferzên cinsî yên di binyad û dîzayn û tetbîq û gotara wê de. Encamên lêkolîne nîşan didin ku bi eşkereyî rênedana hemû endamên mêr ên malbatê da ligel “jin û zarokên” di rewşa hesas de werin Almanyayê li dijî daxwaz û baştirîn feydeya (bi baweriya wan) hin ji wan jinên xelasbûyî ye. Herwiha, zehmetiya jinan ji bo parastina yekîtiya malbatên xwe kêmasiya bikeriya wan jî xurttir dike ku ew bi xwe karibin biryarê bigrin ji bo şert û mercên qencbûna xwe û dahatûya xwe di nav çarçoveya bernameyê de.ABSTRACT IN SORANIRizgarkrdinî zîndûmawan, jinanî êzdî, Dewlletî Îslamî û programî wergirtinî EllmanîEw weḧşiyet û tundûtîjîye sêksîyey û ke le layen grupî Dewlletî Îslamîyewe le dijî jinan û kiçanî be dîlgraw hatote encam dan, karîgerîy tirawmatîkî le ser zîndûmawan û komellgakanyan be cê hêştûwe. Lem kontêkste da wîlayetî fîdirrallîy Baden Wurtembêrgî Ellmanya programêkî be nawî pişkî taybet (Special Quota) dest pê kird ke brîtîye le prrogramêkî xêrxwazîy bo wergirtin, bo pêşwazîkirdin le yek hezar jin û mindallî brînbar. Zortirînyan ser be kemîney ayînî êzdîn le 'Êraq û herêmî Kurdistanin. Ew prrograme wek despêşxerîyekî nayab şwênî xoy kirdotewe bo brewdan be şêwazî nwêtir û berfrawantirî parastinî nêwneteweyî bo ewaney ke kewtûnete jêr karîgerîy tundûtîjîy sêksî û ew tirawmayey ke bew hoyewe tûşyan bûwe. Le ser binemay çawpêkewtingelî encamdraw legell beşdarbûwanî programeke da em meqaleye be şêweyekî rexnegirane ew grîmane cenderîyane şî dekatewe ke le naw nawerrok û şêwazî cêbecêkirdin û gutarî peywendîdar dan. Encamekanî lêkollînewe derî dexen ke xistinederî tewawî endame nêrînekanî xêzan ke hawşanî "jinan û mindallan"î brînbar birron bo Ellmanya le dijî wîst û pêdawîstîye kesîyekanî hendêk le jine zîndumawekane. Herweha nebûnî twanayîy ewey ke jinekan xêzanekanyan be yekgirtûwîy bihêllinewe, rêga le karabûnyan degirêt le pêkhênanî mercekanî çareserî û dahatûyan le çwarçêwey ew programe da.
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Buarque, Beatriz. "The violence against Yezidi women: The Islamic State’s sexual slavery system." Malala 4, no. 6 (2016): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2446-5240.malala.2016.122158.
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Desde agosto de 2014, milhares de mulheres e meninas Yezidi são tiradas de suas comunidades, estupradas e vendidas como mercadoria pelo autoproclamado Estado Islâmico. Esse tipo de violência já dura pelo menos dois anos, mas apenas recentemente o mundo tomou conhecimento da forma pela qual essas mulheres são tratadas pelo grupo extremista. O presente artigo se propõe a lançar luz sobre o sistema de escravidão sexual estabelecido pelo Estado Islâmico, buscando compreender porque o sistema foca principalmente na comunidade Yezidi. O artigo também tenta compreender por que governos e organizações de segurança têm falhado na extinção desse tipo de violência de gênero que tem feito milhões de vítimas ao longo dos anos.
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Ayhan, Tutku. "Security and Empowerment as Justice: Yezidi Women's Demands and Perceptions of Post-Genocide Justice." Middle East Journal 77, no. 3 (2024): 372–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/77.34.16.
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This article examines how Yezidi women's experiences before, during, and after the 2014 genocide have shaped their perceptions and demands for justice. Drawing from interviews conducted between 2018 and 2021 among Sinjari Yezidis in Iraq and in the diaspora, I found diverse demands: older women prioritize a safe return to Sinjar, while younger women seek socioeconomic rights and an end to structural violence, and survivors of captivity emphasize retribution. These demands converge around Yezidis' longing for equality, security, and empowerment in Iraq, highlighting the necessity of a human security approach to attain transformative justice for minorities in the country.
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Isakhan, Benjamin, and Sofya Shahab. "The Islamic State’s destruction of Yezidi heritage: Responses, resilience and reconstruction after genocide." Journal of Social Archaeology 20, no. 1 (2019): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1469605319884137.
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After conquering large swathes of northern Iraq, the Islamic State undertook an aggressive genocidal campaign against the Yezidi people in which they not only executed and enslaved thousands of innocent civilians, but also damaged or destroyed several key Yezidi temples and shrines. Drawing on a small sample of in-depth semi-structured interviews with Yezidi men and women from two regions conquered by the Islamic State, this article documents the effect this wave of persecution has had on these Yezidi individuals. It finds that the attacks by the Islamic State on Yezidis and their heritage sites have caused considerable suffering among the community, in part because of their inability to practise their intangible religious rituals and customs. However, the Yezidi people have also demonstrated remarkable resistance and resilience to the Islamic State genocide in terms of returning to their ancient homelands, reconstructing their heritage sites and the re-emergence of their intangible religious heritage practices. The article concludes by noting that the new insights gleaned from these interviews are a step towards better understanding the relationship between tangible and intangible heritage in the wake of conflict, genocide and mass heritage destruction.
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Lee-Koo, Katrina. "Gender-Based Violence Against Civilian Women in Postinvasion Iraq." Violence Against Women 17, no. 12 (2011): 1619–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077801211436094.
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This article explores the increase in gender-based violence against civilian women in Iraq since 2003 and connects it to the U.S.-led invasion of that country. It outlines the complex nature of the gender-based violence and the impact that it has had on civilian women in Iraq. It then analyzes the links between this violence and the politics of the postinvasion period. This article also explores how this violence has been politicized. Ultimately, the article (re)politicizes gender-based violence through a feminist lens and argues that the security of Iraq’s women is fundamental to the stability of Iraq as a whole.
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Al-Musawy, Jasim, Saad Badai Nashtar, Hassan Sayid Hussein, Rahaf Akel Rajjoub, Hadi Faiz Jazan, and Abdul Amir H. Kadhum. "Violence against Women by Addicted Husbands in Iraq." Open Access Macedonian Journal of Medical Sciences 10, B (2022): 1960–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3889/oamjms.2022.9120.
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Objective: Despite that women are becoming active participants and protagonists of the development social, economic, and political process, they still suffer from the distress of violence, and this problem still spread worldwide. Domestic violence against women is studied in the general population, but the violence against women with addicted spouses was little highlighted especially in Iraq, and this study aimed to reveal the rate of violence and to clarify the different types of violence against wives of addicted husbands.
 Methods: This comparative study was carried in Ibn Rushud psychiatric training hospital in Baghdad, Iraq This study has been done during the time extended from10th April to 20thof December 2020, and conducted on 400 married women,200 of them were women with addicted husbands, and200were women with no addicted husband. The inclusion criteria were married women living with her husband, and those women who voluntarily gave consent were included. Divorced widows and pregnant women are excluded. The questionnaire used was valid and reliable and appropriate to our society's culture furthermore it was used in a similar study done in the neighboring country. Data analysis was performed using SPSS. Descriptive statistics and chi-square, Mann-Whitney U, and Kruskal–Wallis tests, odds ratio (OR), and Kendall's correlation coefficient were used to analyze the data. The overall mean score of violence was 70.47 ± 14.32 for the women with addicted husbands and 42.01 ± 7.50 for women with non-addicted spouses (P < 0.001). The mean score of psychological violence was 40.03 ± 5.03 in women with addicted spouses and 23.40 ± 4.26 in those with non-addicted husbands (P < 0.001). Furthermore, the mean score of physical violence was 23.71 ± 6.24 in women with addicted spouses and 15.50 ±3.76 in those with non-addicted husbands (P < 0.001). Moreover, the mean scores of sexual violence were 3.21 ± 2.11 and 2.92 ± 0.25 in women with and without addicted spouses, respectively (P < 0.001). Finally, the mean scores of financial violence were 2.10±0.94and 1.10 ± 0.23 for women with and without an addicted husband, respectively (P<0.001).
 Result: The finding confirms the conclusion of other studies and reveals that the overall rate of violence was significantly higher among women with addicted spouses and especially if the spouse abused more than one type of substance.
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Saeed, Hiba Raad, Besmah Mohamad Ali, and Jawad K. AL-Diwan. "Domestic violence among pregnant women in Baghdad\Iraq 2018." Journal of the Faculty of Medicine Baghdad 63, no. 1 (2021): 31–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.32007/jfacmedbagdad.6311725.
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Background: Domestic violence against women is a public health problem that affects more than one third of all women globally. It includes any physical, sexual or emotional abuse imposed upon women within family relationships. Several studies in Iraq demonstrated that domestic violence has been increasing over the past two decades.
 Objective: Determine the prevalence of domestic violence against pregnant women and factors associated with it.
 Patients and methods: A total of 345 pregnant women were included in a cross- sectional study conducted during the period from July - November 2018. They were selected through multistage random sampling from four Primary Health Care Centers in Baghdad. An Abuse Assessment Screen was used, with a known validity and reliability.
 Result: The overall prevalence of domestic violence was 37.1%. It was 9.0% during pregnancy. There were significant associations between domestic violence during pregnancy and the duration of marriage, husband’s age at marriage, husband’s consumption of alcohol and the number of children.
 Conclusion: Pregnancy acts as a protective factor against domestic violence
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Al-Kadi, Alia, and Gina Vale. "Local voices against violence: women challenging extremism in Iraq and Syria." Conflict, Security & Development 20, no. 2 (2020): 247–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2020.1719702.
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Ochab, Ewelina U. "Daesh’ Atrocities Against Women and Girls and The Necessary Response." Chrześcijaństwo-Świat-Polityka, no. 24 (May 27, 2020): 142–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/csp.2020.24.1.24.
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Since 2014, Daesh has been perpetrating mass atrocities against the population of Syria and Iraq, and beyond, and especially, crimes targeting religious minorities in Syria and Iraq. These included atrocities specifically targeting women and girls, including, rape, sexual abuse, and sexual slavery, and many more. Nonetheless, Daesh fighters are not being prosecuted for such crimes against women and girls and their (few) prosecutions are being conducted for terror-related offences only. The paper explores the use by Daesh of rape and sexual violence against minority women and girls. It considers some of the evidence of the use of rape and sexual violence in conflict, and most specifically, in the case study regarding the genocide committed by Daesh. It further examines the necessary changes that need to happen to address the issue. This includes an analysis of what legal measures have been taken to date to bring the Daesh perpetrators to justice, and specifically, for their atrocities perpetrated against women and girls.
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Kareem Zghayyir Al-Saaidi, Sawsan, and Isra’a Raheem Abdul-Hussain. "A Critical Discourse Analysis of a Selected Non-Governmental Organizations’ Report on Violence against Women in Iraq." Arab World English Journal 13, no. 3 (2022): 445–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.24093/awej/vol13no3.29.
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Violence against women stands as one of the most dominant human rights violations. There are no social, economic, or national boundaries when it comes to violence against women. It is estimated that one in three women in the world will experience physical or sexual abuse at some point in their lives. Several non-governmental organizations’ reports have addressed the problem of violence against women in Iraq. Thus; the current study provides a critical analysis of the discursive techniques that are employed in the non-governmental organizations’ reports to show how Iraqi women are abused and subject to violence. Consequently; this study focuses on the linguistic and ideological underpinnings of a selected text on violence against women in Iraq. It attempts to show how language produces and maintains domination and abuse of power, engendering injustice, inequality, and ideological viewpoints. To answer this, the researchers draw upon van Dijk’s (2011) socio-cognitive approach and (2000) ideological analysis. The findings of the study have revealed that the non-governmental organizations’ report attempts to reflect the ideological position of the non-governmental organizations towards the Iraqi government, which declared its rejection of violence against women through its constitution and Panel Code. Despite this, the researchers have found that there is no actual adoption of these provisions in reality in its social context. Accordingly; the report has depended heavily on authority and evidentiality to show power relations and through the construction of reality based on societal perspectives. Using the linguistic and discoursal strategies employed in the analysis; the researchers have found that the report has materialized a negative attitude towards the government and society by referring to the power dominance which is exercised by social groups.
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Wachter, Karin, Rebecca Horn, Elsa Friis, et al. "Drivers of Intimate Partner Violence Against Women in Three Refugee Camps." Violence Against Women 24, no. 3 (2017): 286–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077801216689163.
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This qualitative study examined the “drivers” of intimate partner violence (IPV) against women in displacement to identify protective factors and patterns of risk. Qualitative data were collected in three refugee camps in South Sudan, Kenya, and Iraq ( N = 284). Findings revealed interrelated factors that triggered and perpetuated IPV: gendered social norms and roles, destabilization of gender norms and roles, men’s substance use, women’s separation from family, and rapid remarriages and forced marriages. These factors paint a picture of individual, family, community and societal processes that exacerbate women’s risk of IPV in extreme conditions created by displacement. Implications for policy and practice are indicated.
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Mohammed, Nishtiman Othman, and Kameran Hussein Al-Salihi. "Stereotyped Roles for Men and Women in Kurdistan Region of Iraq." International Journal of Social Science Research 8, no. 2 (2020): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijssr.v8i2.16788.
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Discrimination against female draws to a great degree upon the tradition and tribal mentality. The role given to women is to be subordinated to men and be in the service of men and the family. Boys and men are allowed to dominate women in aspects of social life. This stereotypical role assigned to women, based on traditions and tribal mentality, involves not only accepting violence to be administered against women but prescribes even violence.CEDAW’s goal is to achieve equality between men and women to eradicate violence clashes with the local stereotype. CEDAW’s tools to bring about the needed changes have been to demand state party to it to translate their textual commitment to legal codes and practices. This paper examines the national legislation of Iraq and Kurdistan to point out the degree of subordination of local laws to CEDAWs Article 5. The findings of this paper are that Kurdistan has introduced important changes to the laws but in regard to child marriage it has not reached the international standards.
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Perešin, Anita. "Why Women from the West are Joining ISIS." International Annals of Criminology 56, no. 1-2 (2018): 32–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cri.2018.19.
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AbstractMore than 550 Western women have moved to Syria and Iraq to join the “Islamic State of Iraq and Syria” (ISIS), showing a success of ISIS in attracting women from the West that no other jihadist group had before. To explain the reasons for such success, it is important to understand how ISIS lures women from the West, why ISIS persuasion tools are so successful, what motivates women to join such a notorious terrorist group, famous for its brutal violence, mistreatment and enslavement of women and what role women expected to play in the “Islamic State.” Understanding the motives why ISIS Western female migrants left their Western countries of residence and moved to ISIS-controlled territories is crucial to find appropriate measures to prevent and stop the radicalization of women, to cut the support that ISIS receives from its female sympathizers, to properly treat female returnees and to prepare appropriate measures against women ready to plot against their countries of residence in the name of ISIS goals.
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Lamyaa Othman Hussien and Rana H. Al-Bahrani. "A Cognitive Linguistic Study of Visual Language as a Reflection of Culture: Violence Against Women in Iraq." Journal of the College of Education for Women 34, no. 1 (2023): 10–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.36231/coedw.v34i1.1651.
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The present work is qualitative descriptive. It aims to examine the idiosyncratic schema when deciphering the selected violence-based panel from Nasser Ibrahim’s caricatures. The researchers accordingly adopted part of Sharifian’s (2011) Cultural Schema model, particularly that part that is concerned with the examining the micro/idiosyncratic level of understanding. The study has revealed that the participants have not only differed among themselves regarding the way a figure is being denotatively conceptualized, they also highlighted different exact conceptualizations for the same figure, such as: using various adjectives that reflect various levels of intensity, emphasizing the behavioral aspect or the appearance of the figure, adopting different patterns of thinking like: metaphoric, metronomic, generic, specific, comprehensive or linear. Besides, based on their various points of attention and cognitive schema, they varied in conceptualizing the type of violence being depicted in this image as: psychological, verbal, physical, domestic violence or as the combination of more than one type.
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Castellano San José, Paula. "The Rapes Committed against the Yazidi Women: a Genocide?" Comillas Journal of International Relations, no. 18 (July 19, 2020): 50–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.14422/cir.i18.y2020.003.
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Rape has been used as a tool of war throughout the history of mankind. With the establishment of the International Criminal Court, rape was included in the Rome Statute, being internationally recognized as a war crime, a crime against humanity and a means to commit genocide. The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, in its war to establish the caliphate, has carried out a campaign of sexual violence against women of religious minorities such as the Yazidi. This article examines the evolution of the definition of rape in International Criminal Law and applies the current definition to the crimes committed by ISIS against the Yazidi. The study assesses the elements of the actus reus of genocide and considers that the actions carried out by the Islamic State towards the Yazidi could qualify as a genocide by means of rape.
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Sarac, Busra Nisa. "UK Newspapers’ Portrayal of Yazidi Women’s Experiences of Violence under ISIS." Journal of Strategic Security 13, no. 1 (2020): 59–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1944-0472.13.1.1753.
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Although as of early 2019 ISIS has lost all of the territories it occupied, scholarly and media attention has continued to focus on its barbarity and brutal treatment of the women living in its former territories. The extremist group has committed a long list of severe human rights violations since it seized territories in Iraq and Syria. In this article, I aim to illustrate the reporting of this violence against the Yazidi women from 2014 to 2019 by the UK’s national newspapers because the media’s portrayal of these women shapes public opinion and policy towards this group in relation to the violence they have endured. The results indicate that while UK national newspapers give preferential treatment in their coverage of Yazidi women’s experiences of violence, abuse, and torture, they often ignore these women’s agency and activism in terms of the extent to which these women resisted and coped with the atrocities they endured.
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AL OBAIDI, Bushra Salman Hussain. "HONOR CRIMES AND ITS LEGAL AND SOCIAL IMPACTS، MURDER IS A WASH OF SHAME AS A MODEL." International Journal of Humanities and Educational Research 03, no. 04 (2021): 159–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2757-5403.4-3.15.
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The importance of research: The heavenly canons and all laws affirm the guarantee of everyone's right to life, but a look at daily practices reveals that a large number of women are killed daily under the background of honor killings. His race and his religion, is considered today a necessity and a priority heavily placed on the collective conscience. The exacerbation of the phenomenon of honor murders, or the liquidation of women who has rebel against family laws, and the pretext that she is an adulterer, is a dangerous indication of underestimating the right of women to life and is a sign of social discrimination practiced on the basis of gender. The phenomenon of the exacerbation of honor murders indicates a crisis of relationships within the family and society, a crisis of relations within the community of women, the continued dominance of some customs over laws in contemporary societies, and the institutionalization of violence against women and their sacrifice. Iraq society is a tribal society and accepts the idea of killing of women as a means of dishonor. However, killings under this concept have increased as a result of the tyranny of tribal values, and they increased even more after the occupation of Iraq on 9/ 4 / 2003 Research objectives: abolishing the legal articles that encourage the killing of women under any pretext, and making the crime of murder under the pretext of washing shame a premeditated murder, like all murders, and subject to its provisions without wearing the garment of a mitigating excuse and allowing the perpetrators to escape from punishment and activating the implementation of international conventions and respecting them. Part of the national legislation for ratification by Iraq. As well as respect for the constitutional texts being the highest in the application. When talking about treating this crime and setting up a solution for it, the law must be the other side, without a law that protects women, clarifies the limits and provisions of this crime, and establishes appropriate punishment for its images in a way that does not allow the perpetrators to escape from punishment, then there will be no benefit from all that was said It is said about violence against women.
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Lamyaa Othman Hussien Al-Jubori and Rana H. Al-Bahrani. "A Cognitive Linguistic Study of Battered Woman in Selected Iraqi Caricatures." Journal of the College of Education for Women 33, no. 3 (2022): 20–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.36231/coedw.v33i3.1617.
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The present paper is a qualitative descriptive study. It aims to examine the macro-cultural schemata addressing the concept of violence against women in Iraq from a cognitive linguistic point of view. To meet this objective, a number of Iraqi social caricatures have been selected from two popular and active Iraqi caricaturists, Odeh Al-Fahdawi and Nasser Ibrahim. The selection and the analysis of data have been achieved following the validity and reliability procedures and the ethical considerations. To meet this objective, Sharifian’s Model (2011) of Cultural Schemata has been adopted in data analysis. The study has concluded that the macro-cultural schemata regarding the concept of violence in the selected panels reveals that violence against women does exist in the Iraqi society, and that woman and children are the major victims of that phenomenon. Moreover, the major cause of such a phenomenon is due to the patriarchal nature of the society that leads to have an unbalanced power between the two parties man vs. woman/children; in addition to other reasons related to the unfair social traditions and customs. The mismatch in power has been conceptualized creatively and differently by these two caricaturists. Speaking from the cognitive linguistic point of view, the researchers have also found that the panels are symbolic rather than iconic, as they involve culture-proper figures. Finally, both caricaturists invested the conceptual metaphors and figurative devices when depicting the concept of violence against women; that is, the concept of violence against women is universal in their panels; however, the way it is depicted is subjective and cultural-proper at the micro-cultural level.
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Al-Hamdani, Esraa Hamid Gharib. "The Inoperative Domestic Violence in Iraq and Its Role in Community Equity." Journal of AlMaarif University College 32, no. 4 (2021): 275–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.51345/.v32i4.414.g243.
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The phenomenon of domestic violence is one of the phenomena that human society has known since ancient times. It is not a product of the present time; Indeed، violence has existed since God Almighty began to create humanity. It is a historical fact that its emergence was linked to the existence of man and developed during his human journey and civilized growth. Family violence is a global phenomenon، as it is one of the problems that are widespread worldwide. As violence is not related to a specific community، there is hardly a community of societies devoid of manifestations of violence، whether apparent or latent within the simple family framework، and family violence takes different forms that differ in form، gravity، meaning and purpose، and the seriousness of the phenomenon of domestic violence is that it is a common and dangerous phenomenon and that Its effects are not limited to the physical effects only، but also to the psychological effects that result from the victim affecting his adaptation and thus his compatibility، and this in turn reflects negatively on the family، which is the first building block of the human being and society. Whereas the widespread manifestations of domestic violence directed against women and the family are causing negative effects on society، the family، the public order، and on the development and development of society، in order to reduce these manifestations; The treatment of this scourge is a matter that imposes it. It was of great importance to clarify how the Iraqi legislator deals with domestic violence and to work to disrupt it and preserve the family entity from it، by reviewing what is already in the Iraqi penal code، personal status، and other Iraqi juvenile legislation as is the case in Iraqi Domestic Violence Protection Law related to the research topic.
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Ismael, Goran Yousif. "Collaborative Knowledge Building and Social Capital in Gender-Based Violence, Northern Iraq." European Conference on Knowledge Management 23, no. 2 (2022): 1329–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.34190/eckm.23.1.821.
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As the number of COVID-19 continue to increase exponentially in an alarming rate, so as the number increase in Gender-based Violence (GBV). Different authorities and human right groups have making effort to tackle the increase in GBV but still more need to be done. The purpose of this study is to explore the role of collaborative knowledge building and social capital in the fight against gender-based violence. To analyse this issue, the study developed a model with 3 constructs; social capital, Crisis preparedness and collaborative knowledge building. The data generated from the survey was analysed using statistical tools in SPSS and model fitness was tested based on reliability and validity. The study’s findings indicate that 69% of the respondents believe that women are at risk of increase in domestic gender-based violence due to the pandemic. Respondent’s perceptions on collaborative knowledge building and social capital varies significantly. The hypothesis testing has shown that all the hypothesis is supported due to attainment of path coefficient greater than 0.1, t-value of greater than 1.96 and level of significance of above 0.05.
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Rasooli, Mohammed Majeed. "Trends of Women's Economic Empowerment in Iraq for the Period 1990-2018." Journal of Economics and Administrative Sciences 27, no. 127 (2021): 155–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.33095/jeas.v27i127.2143.
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This research aims to study the economic, social, and political reality of Iraqi women by identifying the obstacles and diagnosing their empowerment trends in various fields, assessing the extent of their participation in economic activity, and re-achieving balance between women and men by reducing the gender gap between them and reducing the percentage of female unemployment to the lowest possible level. Is achieved by enhancing confidence in Iraqi women by enacting laws and making decisions that allow them to access resources freely. The researcher used the descriptive and analytical method to deal with information and data related to the research topic over a specific period (1990-2018), using local, Arab, and international reports issued by the United Nations and the World Bank, and the Iraqi Ministry of Planning surveys - the Central Bureau of Statistics and previous studies. Among the researcher's findings in the research conclusion is the necessity of empowering Iraqi women by facilitating their possession of an academic qualification that would increase their skills and confidence in themselves and facilitate their involvement in the labour market. Moreover, amend laws that hurt women working in the government and private sectors and activate the media. In addition to activating positive media for women and society to accept her as a right partner with men in all fields of life and work firmly and complete transparency to enforce criminal laws against perpetrators of violence against women in all its forms.
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KAREEM, HIBA. "The role of human rights organizations in empowering Iraqi women." Journal Ishraqat Tanmawya 27 (June 2021): 514–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.51424/ishq.27.20.
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The issue of empowering women has been and still is the preoccupation of various humanitarian organizations, especially human rights organizations. Regarding the issue of human rights in Iraq, it is extremely difficult, because of the exceptional circumstances ordered by Iraq, which made it an arena for human rights violations. Vulnerable groups, they are more affected by the surrounding circumstances, such as violence, displacement, terrorism, displacement, widowhood, and others ... especially with regard to measures to empower women, because what women suffer in our society is a heap of discriminatory traditional culture against them and their lack of awareness of themselves and Their legitimate rights, in addition to weak government policies, and the lack of resources and opportunities, and herein lies the problem. The importance of the research stems from the importance of the role of women in society and the social, economic, health and political dimensions that this role represents, and the extent of its impact on the development process in Iraq. As for its objectives, it is to stand on the role of human rights organizations in empowering women in all social, economic, political and health fields, from which we have deduced most of them marginalization and discrimination on the basis of gender, and then we proposed some enabling measures, hoping through them to integrate women in all levels of development . Key words : role, organizations, human rights, empowerment, women .
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Ismail ZAIDAN, Athraa. "INDICATORS OF THE REALITY OF IRAQI WOMEN DURING THE CORONA CRISIS - AN ANALYTICAL COMPARATIVE STUDY." RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 05, no. 05 (2023): 722–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.25.38.
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that Iraqi women were disproportionately affected more than men; They faced increasing risks of violence, and their incomes and livelihood were affected by virus prevention measures to a greater extent compared to men. One of the objectives of the research is to identify the indicators of women’s reality during crises (such as Qid 19) and from the conclusions through the literature and the foregoing that violence is not determined by time, place or environment. Specific and recommendations, including providing comprehensive medical aid to women victims of violence and torture by non-governmental organizations and holding seminars, conferences and workshops dealing with confronting the phenomenon of violence against women. In March 2020, the Covid-19 pandemic began to spread rapidly throughout Iraq, and in response to the new epidemic, the government imposed a complete closure, and everyone, individuals, institutions, and government offices, began to take measures necessary to curb the spread of the Corona virus. The pandemic, as well as the closure itself, had serious repercussions that weighed heavily on all segments of society, and changed the economic and social reality of the Iraqi people. The pandemic has had an adverse effect on a variety of conditions, including individuals’ employment and financial status, psychological status, family and social relationships, domestic violence, education, and health
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Kolotukha, I. O. "Violence against women during armed conflict - a war crime or genocide?" Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law 2, no. 76 (2023): 240–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2022.76.2.38.
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The issue is considered, which aims to establish the connection between violence against women and armed conflict and to determine the different degrees of severity of this crime in international law and in national criminal legislation.The analysis of modern international relations shows that humanity has not yet managed to get rid of wars and other armed conflicts, which are mostly armed conflicts of a non-international nature. This is evidenced by the events in the former Yugoslavia, Rwanda, Afghanistan, Iraq, Liberia, and the Caucasus, and since 2014 Ukraine has not been an exception, the international armed conflict on whose territory since February 24, 2022 has grown into a full-scale war waged by the Russian Federation on the scale of which Europe has not knew since the Second World War.Modern international relations are characterized by a change in the nature of the conflict, the emergence of a number of new categories and situations, an increase in the number of victims among the civilian population, and the increasing internationalization of armed conflicts of a non-international nature. In this regard, the question of the qualification of various manifestations of genocide is extremely relevant, especially in the conditions of the ongoing full-scale war unleashed by Russia.Special attention is paid by the author to the provisions of the statute of the International Criminal Court and the statute of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, which essentially form the modern doctrine of criminal responsibility for war crimes and the crime of genocide.It is worth noting that violence against a woman appears as a war crime in most cases when participants in a military conflict commit acts that constitute the crime of rape for personal purposes, but as soon as these acts appear within the policy or plan of the leadership, they are committed by order of the command and for the purpose of intimidation, in the context of ethnic cleansing, inflicting severe psychological trauma, extermination of a certain group of people united by any features that are common to such a group and identify it, we can clearly speak about the presence of a crime against humanity in the actions of criminals and genocide. We must also state that violence against women was and remains an integral element of armed conflict, and unlike the precedent of the terrible rampant violence witnessed by the world community in the former Yugoslavia, which became known mainly thanks to the work of the Tribunal, other armed conflicts do not give us such the completeness of consideration of the scale of violence against women, since these crimes are ignored, and due to the lack of an effective mechanism for bringing criminals to justice, we do not have the ability to assess the full scale of crimes committed against women during the conflict. There is hope that this situation will change, since the IСС is functioning, which should effectively resolve such situations.This article actually confirms the relevance of the application of international humanitarian law in national legislation and points to significant gaps that cannot be filled without the help of international law as a whole.With his work, the author tries to draw the attention of domestic legislators to the problems of implementing international humanitarian law into the national law of Ukraine, and to single out the most important directions in this area.
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Ilyas, Azeema. "PAKISTAN AND GENDER (IN) SECURITY A NEED ASSESSMENT FOR SECURITIZATION OF GENDER ISSUES." ISSRA Papers 13 (December 31, 2021): 117–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.54690/issrap.v13ixiii.92.
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The World Economic Forum in its report, The Global Gender Gap Index 2020, ranked Pakistan at 151th position out of 153 countries just above Iraq and Yemen. Women form almost 50% of Pakistan’s total population yet the laws generally lag in properly addressing crimes that violate or deprive the rights of women and girls in the country. Even the laws designed to address issues related to gender-based violence like the “The Protection Against Harassment of Women at Workplace Act, 2010” lacks in its purview by not granting protection to women who work in informal workplaces. Despite the Constitution of the country granting rights to each citizen irrespective of their gender and status, discrimination and violence against women and girls is pretty pertinent in Pakistan. This paper takes into account the harrowing situation of gender parity in Pakistan by discussing statistics from different reports and studies while illuminating the gap between rhetoric and implementation on state level. And in that context argues that the state should move to ‘securitize’ the issue of ‘Gender (In)security’, given that it concerns a large portion of its population. Gender Security is also an extremely important factor in achievement of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The paper also puts forth recommendations for all three pillars of the state i.e., executive, parliament and judiciary for the addressal of these issues.
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Abdullah ABHIT, Baydaa. "THE POSITION OF IRAQI WOMEN PARLIAMENTARIANS ON APPROVING THE LAW ON PROTECTION FROM DOMESTIC VIOLENCE (A FIELD STUDY)." RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 05, no. 05 (2023): 749–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.25.40.
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In the absence of legal legislation that guarantees the rights of the family and protects it from any domestic abuse, and with the presence of fanatical parliamentary and political blocs and leaders that reject everything that would lead to a safe and fair life for all, the Anti-Domestic Violence Law in Iraq has been put forward in Parliament since 2011. It was adopted and sponsored by human rights and social bodies. Civil organizations concerned with the rights of the family and the child in particular, and set up studied frameworks for it to ensure the reduction of rumored violence and deterring those who cause violence. It was proposed by the Presidency of the Republic and sent by the Council of Ministers on August 4, 2020 to the House of Representatives, but it remained without acknowledging its obligation to reject some blocs inside the dome of Parliament on the pretext that Some of the provisions of the law contradict the principles of Islam in the upbringing of the wife and children, describing it as a destroyer of the family and a cause of the disintegration of its bonds. She has done more than that by launching campaigns to abuse the law, distort its paragraphs and intimidate people from it, while the opposite is true and the provisions of the law carry only greater regulation of social relations. And the family. Iraq today does not have any law that protects women and children, with an increase in incidents of abuse within the family against the most vulnerable groups, such as women and children. It may sometimes reach murder as a result of violence, and it comes under several justifications such as sudden death or suicide and others to escape judicial penalties. Violence is taken Gender-based violence takes many forms, including partner violence، sexual violence, and child marriage. Girls and women may also be exposed to gender-based violence when they are deprived of nutrition and education. Women and girls who are survivors of gender-based violence suffer severe long-term consequences for their lives. Their physical and psychological health, and some of them are exposed to serious physical injuries and may lose their lives. Based on all of the above, I conducted field research with some Iraqi women parliamentarians about the legislation of the law and their position towards it. During the research, it was found that some parliamentary blocs strongly oppose the legislation of the law, as they claim within it the disintegration of Muslim families and contrary to the constants of Sharia. Some of them believe that there is no infrastructure to shelter survivors of domestic violence and the need to amend some of its paragraphs
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Foutz, Brittany. "From Religion and Resources to Conflict: the Yazidis and ISIS." Journal for Peace and Justice Studies 29, no. 2 (2019): 45–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/peacejustice201929216.
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The Yazidis, surely one of the most unknown communities in the Middle East, made it to the front page of international media in 2014 when the Dáesh added them to their long list of victims. However, it was not the first time in history that this community suffered direct attacks and discrimination for their religion. On October 5, Iraq celebrated the award of the Nobel Peace Prize to one of its citizens, Nadia Murad, awarded for her fight against the use of sexual violence as a weapon in armed conflict. With this, Murad placed her people, the Yazidis, a religious minority in northern Iraq, in the center of hundreds of articles in the international press. Murad was also the first Kurd to win the award, which made her, as stated by the leader of the Kurdistan National Party, a symbol of firmness for Kurdish women and youth.
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Sharma, Priyanka. "Women Exploitation under ISIS: Ideology, Sexual Enslavement and Consequences." Journal of Women Empowerment and Studies, no. 41 (December 1, 2023): 6–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jwes.41.6.12.
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ISIS is an infamous acronym for Islamic States of Iraq and Syria, having strong hold on these two regions. It had established itself as a self-declared Caliphate. It possesses one of the largest terrorist threats to the international society and to global peace and security. There leaders have introduced a specific interpretation of sharia law, which is intensely harsh and brutal, one-sided with a very little regard to the human life. Among the whole human community, one of the worst sufferers are the women living in the ISIS controlled regions. Women faced brutal suppression and maltreatment under the ISIS rule. They forbid women education and impose stringent dress codes. Strict laws are made for marriage which gives a year-to-year guide that at which age a girl should be married and how later a woman should live her life. Women are brutally punished if they do not follow rules made by the ISIS like public execution. Irrespective of any sect all women face the brunt of strict oppressive behavior undermining their basic human rights. ISIS heavily sexualizes women as an object, “sex slaves”. This paper will focus on ideological standpoint behind different forms of violence against women in ISIS controlled territories, consequences of both direct and indirect violence on women and a case study on the sexual enslavement of the Yazidi women.
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KAREEM, Sukaina. "LEAGAL PROTECTION FOR WOMEN FROM VIOLENCE AND FROM THE THREAT OF ARTICLE NUMBER 41 OF THE IRAQI CONSTITUTION ON THEIR RIGHTS." RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 05, no. 03 (2023): 61–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.23.5.
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The right of life and bodily integrity of, in addition to the right reputation, is one of the most important rights attached to the personality of a person, whoever this person is, male or female, but recognizing and implementing this seems more important to people than others, and we mean by them those who are vulnerable to violating their rights Because of their gender, which may appear clearly for women in many cases, women may be exposed to various risks of assault on their personal rights, as they are exposed types of attacks and violence directed against them. Domestic violence in Iraq is not a contemporary issue, but rather a phenomenon that has historical implications. It was associated with the pressures of life and with the values and traditions based on the masculinity of society in all its fields, and its manifestations extended and worsened over time. For decades, the Iraqi family has suffered from fragile, turbulent and insecure environmental conditions, which made it a fertile place for the emergence and growth of new forms of violence in both the family and society. Especially after June 2014 when Iraq resist a series of deteriorating situations, which was represented by the terrorist organizations controlling more than a third of the area of Iraq, and the subsequent waves of displacement of more than 4 million people, and a rise in unemployment rates that reached 28% in 2017, and a rise in Poverty rates reached 41% in areas that came under the control of terrorist organizations. The spread of extremist ideology based on a misunderstanding of the tolerant spirit of Islamic law and the attempt to push the sectarian soul with regard to women’s rights and protection through what is enshrined in Article 41 of the Iraqi constitution as it is an article that affects the rights of Iraqi women and seeks to obliterate the Iraqi identity and seeks to establish sectarian sectarianism and according to the justifications and justifications The proposed supporter of this point of view, and since this matter provokes the entity of every individual and citizen who clings to his patriotism, since one of its most dangerous effects is the consecration of sectarian tension, And the threat to the consistency of the homogeneous Iraqi society, and the need to preserve the gains of the Personal Status Law No. 188 of 1959, if it was changed based on Article 41 of the Constitution, which indicated that citizens are free in their personal status, but all these rights and guarantees provided to women under this law are subject to violation If the draft amendment to the Iraqi Personal Status Law No. 188 of 1959 was approved, which the House of Representatives intends to put forward, which ignores all these guarantees in terms of the permissible age in the marriage contract, especially with regard to the girl, child custody, second marriage, and even with regard to the wife’s inheritance, this causes The bitter reality of Iraq's economic, social, political, security and health environment has led to the emergence of new forms of violence against women and girls, whether in the family or society, all of which necessitated conducting recent studies to address these forms of growing violence that affected women more than all other groups. affected by these changes
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KUWERT, PHILIPP, and HARALD JÜRGEN FREYBERGER. "The unspoken secret: sexual violence in World War II." International Psychogeriatrics 19, no. 4 (2007): 782–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1041610207005376.
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War is a complex, enduring trauma composed of variable forms of extreme stress, such as violence, fear of death, displacement, loss of family members, abuse and starvation (Berman, 2001). More than 90% of war victims are civilians (UNICEF, 2006). Children and women are extremely vulnerable to traumatic experiences in times of war and the risk continues even in post-war-situations (Shanks and Schull, 2000). As far as former war-children are concerned, a high prevalence of post-traumatic stress symptoms is apparent even six decades after World War II (Kuwert et al., 2006). In the 1990s, the world was shocked by reports about systematic and widespread rape in the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda (Shanks and Schull, 2000). The Lancet has published articles about wartime rape and demanded the development of clear strategies against sexual violence in conflict (Hargreaves, 2001). However, it can be concluded that sexual violence was and is common in nearly all crisis zones. One recent example was the rape and murder of a 14-year-old girl by U.S. soldiers of the 101st Airborne Division in Iraq (The Times, 2006).
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Randeree, Kasim. "Campaigning for Change in Conflict Environments: A Case Study on Islamic Relief’s Development Programme to End Violence against Women in Iraq." Global Studies Journal 6, no. 4 (2014): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/1835-4432/cgp/v06i04/40906.
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Bakhtiar S. Hama. "Sexual Violence and Psychotrauma in Roxane Gay's An Untamed State and Nabard Fouad's Parrot: A Psychoanalytic Study." گۆڤاری ئەکادیمیای کوردی, no. 51 (August 23, 2022): E21—E38. http://dx.doi.org/10.56422/ka.1.51.32.
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The History of humanity has widely witnessed violation of human rights during the wars and in the political, ethnic and religious disputes. Heartbreakingly, most of the victims are women and children. Females in general and underage girls are vulnerable to rape and sexual violence either to satisfy the lustful captors or to be used as ransom. Most awfully, in many cases, the fighting groups, terrorists and thugs target females as effective weapons against each other since in several societies women are regarded as the honor of the families, such as what happened to the Yazidi Kurds in Shangal, North of Iraq when ISIS terrorists attacked their city. The detainers think only of achieving their aims and never care about what will happen to the prey. This paper shows how the male captors rape and sexually abuse the female captives during their confinement, and more significantly to unveil how the trauma affects the victims after they get their freedom. What happens to a woman when she is taken by a group of ruthless lustful men is expectable, but how she continues is incomprehensible. The study selects two novels An Untamed State by Roxane Gay (2014) and Parrot (Tutti) by Nabard Fouad (2015) which narrate the story of women abducted and raped by their abductors. The psychological battle the women suffer from does not end in the prison rooms, but it will continue and actually it will never end since the victims develop post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and can never live a normal life thereafter. The sufferers are not criminals; they are mere victims of political and religious rage.
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لاهاي عبد الحسين. "العنف القائم على أساس الجنس ضد النساء : دراسة اجتماعية لعينة مختارة من الناجيات من أعمال العنف في العراق = Sexual Gender Based Violence against Women : A Sociological Study of a Selective Sample of Women Survivors of Violence in Iraq". مجلة شؤون إجتماعية 36, № 143 (2019): 133–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.12816/0053195.
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Studies, Kurdish. "Book Reviews." Kurdish Studies 3, no. 1 (2015): 99–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v3i1.395.
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Minoo Alinia, Honor and Violence against Women in Iraqi Kurdistan. Palgrave Macmillan, 2013, 190 pp., (ISBN: 978-1-137-36700-6).Fevzi Bilgin and Ali Sarıhan (eds.), Understanding Turkey’s Kurdish Question, Lanham, Maryland: Lexington Books, 2013, 250 pp., (ISBN: 978-0-7391-8402-8).Michael M. Gunter, Out of Nowhere: The Kurds of Syria in Peace and War, Hurst Publishers, London, 2014, 169 pp., (ISBN: 978-1-84904-435-6).Mohammed Shareef, The United States, Iraq and the Kurds: Shock, Awe and Aftermath, New York and Oxon: Routledge, 2014, 234 pp., (ISBN-13: 978-0415719902).Latif Tas, Legal Pluralism in Action: Dispute Resolution and the Kurdish Peace Committee, Farnham: Ashgate, 2014, 208 pp., (ISBN-13: 978-1472422088).Galia Goran and Walid Salem (eds.), Non-State Actors in the Middle East: Factors for Peace and Democracy, Oxon: Routledge, 2013, 230 pp., (ISBN-13: 978-0415517058).Mehmed S. Kaya, The Zaza Kurds of Turkey: A Middle Eastern Minority in a Globalised Society. London: I.B. Tauris, 2011, xii, 223 pp., (ISBN 978-1-84511-875-4). Shanna Kirschner, Trust and Fear in Civil Wars: Ending Intrastate Conflicts, Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2015, 189 pp., (ISBN: 978-0-7391-9641-0).
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Yalçın-Heckmann, Lale. "Payton, Joanne: Honor and the Political Economy of Marriage. Violence against Women in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 2020. 172 pp. ISBN 978-1-9788-0171-4. Price: $ 29.95." Anthropos 118, no. 1 (2023): 267–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0257-9774-2023-1-267.
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AL-OBAIDI, Bushra Salman Hussain. "THE CRIME OF FORCED MARRIAGE A STUDY FROM A LEGAL AND SOCIAL PERSPECTIVE." RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 03, no. 05 (2021): 48–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.5-3.6.
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Forced marriage is a form of marriage that takes place without the consent of the parties, or is done under coercion by one of the parties to the contract. The difference revolves around between compulsory marriage and regular marriage, as the latter depends on the agreement and consent of the parties to the contract, and with the consent of the parents of both parties. As for forced marriage, it obligates one or both parties to the contract to accept, even if it is necessary to use psychological pressure or physical violence. In recent years, there has been a significant increase in the rate of forced marriage, which has reached more than 20 percent, according to statistics from personal status courts, while the percentage of victims of these marriages is more than 40 percent of women, indicating that most divorce cases are among young people who were forced to marry before reaching the legal age. The phenomenon was very small during the nineties, but it increased significantly after the US occupation of Iraq in 2003. There are legal treatments for the phenomenon, through declarations, the agreements that Iraq joined or ratified, such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Covenant on Civil, Political and Social Rights, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Violence and Discrimination against Women, and the Convention on the Rights of the Child, all of which contain texts stating not to be forced into marriage. Forced for whatever reason. The problem lies in the failure to criminalize the perpetrators of forced marriage by the penal laws and legislations. The Iraqi Penal Code of 1969 did not include any criminalization of it, but the Personal Status Law No. 188 of 1959 mentioned the penalty of imprisonment for the person who is forced to marry if he is the relative of the victim of the first degree, and imprisonment for a period Not more than 10 years, if otherwise. One of the most common types of forced marriage is reciprocal, or by presenting a woman as a substitute for the dowry, whether it is a sister or a daughter, and there is another type of marriage, which is a blood allowance, that is to offer a woman as compensation for the harm that befell the other clan in the event that one of her clan members kills One of the members of that clan, and there is a gift marriage, and such marriages had receded. There is kidnapping marriage, which is widespread in one of the sects and is criminalized by the Penal Code with life imprisonment for its perpetrator. In addition to the problem of marriage outside the courts with the approval of a cleric, and this matter is not related to individual cases, but in tens of thousands of cases throughout the country. About 9,800 cases of marriage outside the courts were recorded in Baghdad alone during 2017, according to Judicial Council numbers, while about 59,000 were registered. A situation throughout Iraq, with the exception of the Kurdistan region, a large part of which is the marriage of minors (under the legal age) whose families want to impose a fait accompli on the courts. From all the foregoing, it becomes clear how important the research topic is, as it affects the human rights and freedoms of girls and women and negatively affects the family and society, and thus the security and community peace. The research aims to include detailed texts in the Personal Status Law that include all forms of forced marriage and its material, moral and psychological aspects and all parties and persons in the forced marriage process or the reason for its occurrence and the various cases of its occurrence, as well as addressing legislative contradictions and mitigating or exempting excuses stipulated in the Penal Code, which allow For the perpetrators with impunity. And that the forms of the crime of forced marriage are included with its provisions in the penal code and not in the personal status law, and heavy penalties are imposed on the perpetrators, and that the degree of relationship of the perpetrator to the victim is a reason for the severity of the punishment and not to reduce it, so that the closer the degree, the more severe the punishment
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Fuller, Graham E. "Freedom and Security." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 22, no. 3 (2005): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v22i3.466.
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The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics?
 GEF: Who is a moderate Muslim? That depends on whom you ask and what that person’s (or government’s) agenda is. Moderate is also a quite relative term, understood differently by different people. For our purposes here, let’s examine two basically different approaches to this question: an American view and a Middle Eastern view of what characterizes a moderate Muslim. Most non-Muslims would probably define a moderate Muslim as anyone who believes in democracy, tolerance, a non-violent approach to politics, and equitable treatment of women at the legal and social levels. Today, the American government functionally adds several more criteria: Amoderate Muslim is one who does not oppose the country’s strategic and geopolitical ambitions in the world, who accepts American interests and preferences within the world order, who believes that Islam has no role in politics, and who avoids any confrontation – even political – with Israel. There are deep internal contradictions and warring priorities within the American approach to the Muslim world. While democratization and “freedom” is the Bush administration’s self-proclaimed global ideological goal, the reality is that American demands for security and the war against terror take priority over the democratization agenda every time. Democratization becomes a punishment visited upon American enemies rather than a gift bestowed upon friends. Friendly tyrants take priority over those less cooperative moderate and democratic Muslims who do not acquiesce to the American agenda in the Muslim world. Within the United States itself, the immense domestic power of hardline pro-Likud lobbies and the Israel-firsters set the agenda on virtually all discourse concerning the Muslim world and Israel. This group has generally succeeded in excluding from the public dialogue most Muslim (or even non-Muslim) voices that are at all critical of Israel’s policies. This de facto litmus test raises dramatically the threshold for those who might represent an acceptable moderate Muslim interlocutor. The reality is that there is hardly a single prominent figure in the Muslim world who has not at some point voiced anger at Israeli policies against the Palestinians and who has not expressed ambivalence toward armed resistance against the Israeli occupation of Palestinian lands. Thus, few Muslim leaders enjoying public legitimacy in the Muslim world can meet this criterion these days in order to gain entry to the United States to participate in policy discussions. In short, moderate Muslimis subject to an unrealistic litmus test regarding views on Israel that functionally excludes the great majority of serious voices representative of genuine Muslim thinkers in the Middle East who are potential interlocutors. There is no reason to believe that this political framework will change in the United States anytime soon. In my view, a moderate Muslim is one who is open to the idea of evolutionary change through history in the understanding and practice of Islam, one who shuns literalism and selectivism in the understanding of sacred texts. Amoderate would reject the idea that any one group or individual has a monopoly on defining Islam and would seek to emphasize common ground with other faiths, rather than accentuate the differences. Amoderate would try to seek within Islam the roots of those political and social values that are broadly consonant with most of the general values of the rest of the contemporary world. A moderate Muslim would not reject the validity of other faiths. Against the realities of the contemporary Middle East, a moderate Muslim would broadly eschew violence as a means of settling political issues, but still might not condemn all aspects of political violence against state authorities who occupy Muslim lands by force – such as Russia in Chechnya, the Israeli state in the Palestine, or even American occupation forces in Iraq. Yet even here, in principle, a moderate must reject attacks against civilians, women, and children in any struggle for national liberation. Moderates would be open to cooperation with the West and the United States, but not at the expense of their own independence and sovereignty.
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Fuller, Graham E. "Freedom and Security." American Journal of Islam and Society 22, no. 3 (2005): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i3.466.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics?
 GEF: Who is a moderate Muslim? That depends on whom you ask and what that person’s (or government’s) agenda is. Moderate is also a quite relative term, understood differently by different people. For our purposes here, let’s examine two basically different approaches to this question: an American view and a Middle Eastern view of what characterizes a moderate Muslim. Most non-Muslims would probably define a moderate Muslim as anyone who believes in democracy, tolerance, a non-violent approach to politics, and equitable treatment of women at the legal and social levels. Today, the American government functionally adds several more criteria: Amoderate Muslim is one who does not oppose the country’s strategic and geopolitical ambitions in the world, who accepts American interests and preferences within the world order, who believes that Islam has no role in politics, and who avoids any confrontation – even political – with Israel. There are deep internal contradictions and warring priorities within the American approach to the Muslim world. While democratization and “freedom” is the Bush administration’s self-proclaimed global ideological goal, the reality is that American demands for security and the war against terror take priority over the democratization agenda every time. Democratization becomes a punishment visited upon American enemies rather than a gift bestowed upon friends. Friendly tyrants take priority over those less cooperative moderate and democratic Muslims who do not acquiesce to the American agenda in the Muslim world. Within the United States itself, the immense domestic power of hardline pro-Likud lobbies and the Israel-firsters set the agenda on virtually all discourse concerning the Muslim world and Israel. This group has generally succeeded in excluding from the public dialogue most Muslim (or even non-Muslim) voices that are at all critical of Israel’s policies. This de facto litmus test raises dramatically the threshold for those who might represent an acceptable moderate Muslim interlocutor. The reality is that there is hardly a single prominent figure in the Muslim world who has not at some point voiced anger at Israeli policies against the Palestinians and who has not expressed ambivalence toward armed resistance against the Israeli occupation of Palestinian lands. Thus, few Muslim leaders enjoying public legitimacy in the Muslim world can meet this criterion these days in order to gain entry to the United States to participate in policy discussions. In short, moderate Muslimis subject to an unrealistic litmus test regarding views on Israel that functionally excludes the great majority of serious voices representative of genuine Muslim thinkers in the Middle East who are potential interlocutors. There is no reason to believe that this political framework will change in the United States anytime soon. In my view, a moderate Muslim is one who is open to the idea of evolutionary change through history in the understanding and practice of Islam, one who shuns literalism and selectivism in the understanding of sacred texts. Amoderate would reject the idea that any one group or individual has a monopoly on defining Islam and would seek to emphasize common ground with other faiths, rather than accentuate the differences. Amoderate would try to seek within Islam the roots of those political and social values that are broadly consonant with most of the general values of the rest of the contemporary world. A moderate Muslim would not reject the validity of other faiths. Against the realities of the contemporary Middle East, a moderate Muslim would broadly eschew violence as a means of settling political issues, but still might not condemn all aspects of political violence against state authorities who occupy Muslim lands by force – such as Russia in Chechnya, the Israeli state in the Palestine, or even American occupation forces in Iraq. Yet even here, in principle, a moderate must reject attacks against civilians, women, and children in any struggle for national liberation. Moderates would be open to cooperation with the West and the United States, but not at the expense of their own independence and sovereignty.
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Esposito, John L. "Moderate Muslims." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 22, no. 3 (2005): 11–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v22i3.465.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics?
 JLE: Our human tendency is to define what is normal or moderate in terms of someone just like “us.” The American government, as well as many western and Muslim governments and experts, define moderate by searching for reflections of themselves. Thus, Irshad Manji or “secular” Muslims are singled out as self-critical moderate Muslims by such diverse commentators as Thomas Friedman or Daniel Pipes. In an America that is politicized by the “right,” the Republican and religious right, and post-9/11 by the threat of global terrorism and the association of Islam with global terrorism, defining a moderate Muslim becomes even more problematic. Look at the situations not only in this country but also in Europe, especially France. Is a moderate Muslim one who accepts integration, or must it be assimilation? Is a moderate Muslim secular, as in laic (which is really anti-religious)? Is a moderate Muslim one who accepts secularism, as in the separation of church and state, so that no religion is privileged and the rights of all (believer and nonbeliever) are protected? Is a moderate Muslim one who accepts a particular notion of gender relations, not simply the equality of women and men but a position against wearing hijab? (Of course let’s not forget that we have an analogous problem with many Muslims whose definition of being a Muslim, or of being a “good” Muslim woman, is as narrowly defined.) In today’s climate, defining who is a moderate Muslim depends on the politics or religious positions of the individuals making the judgment: Bernard Lewis, Daniel Pipes, Gilles Kepel, Stephen Schwartz, Pat Robertson, and Tom DeLay. The extent to which things have gotten out of hand is seen in attempts to define moderate Islam or what it means to be a good European or American Muslim. France has defined the relationship of Islam to being French, sought to influence mosques, and legislated against wearing hijab in schools. In the United States, non-Muslim individuals and organizations, as well as the government, establish or fund organizations that define or promote “moderate Islam,” Islamic pluralism, and so on, as well as monitor mainstream mosques and organizations. The influence of foreign policy plays a critical role. For some, if not many, the litmus test for a moderate Muslim is tied to foreign policy issues, for example, how critical one is of American or French policy or one’s position in regard to Palestine/Israel, Algeria, Kashmir, and Iraq. Like many Muslim regimes, many experts and ideologues, as well as publications like The Weekly Standard, National Review, The Atlantic, The New York Sun and media like Fox Television, portray all Islamists as being the same. Mainstream and extremist (they deny any distinction between the two) and indeed all Muslims who do not completely accept their notion of secularism, the absolute separation of religion and the state, are regarded as a threat. Mainstream Islamists or other Islamically oriented voices are dismissed as “wolves in sheep’s clothing.” What is important here is to emphasize that it is not simply that these individuals, as individual personalities, have influence and an impact, but that their ideas have taken on a life of their own and become part of popular culture. In a post-9/11 climate, they reinforce the worst fears of the uninformed in our populace. The term moderate is in many ways deceptive. It can be used in juxtaposition to extremist and can imply that you have to be a liberal reformer or a progressive in order to pass the moderate test, thus excluding more conservative or traditionalist positions. Moderates in Islam, as in all faiths, are the majority or mainstream in Islam. We assume this in regard to such other faiths as Judaism and Christianity. The Muslim mainstream itself represents a multitude of religious and socioeconomic positions. Minimally, moderate Muslims are those who live and work “within” societies, seek change from below, reject religious extremism, and consider violence and terrorism to be illegitimate. Often, in differing ways, they interpret and reinterpret Islam to respond more effectively to the religious, social, and political realities of their societies and to international affairs. Some seek to Islamize their societies but eschew political Islam; others do not. Politically, moderate Muslims constitute a broad spectrum that includes individuals ranging from those who wish to see more Islamically oriented states to “Muslim Democrats,” comparable to Europe’s Christian Democrats. The point here is, as in other faiths, the moderate mainstream is a very diverse and disparate group of people who can, in religious and political terms, span the spectrum from conservatives to liberal reformers. They may disagree or agree on many matters. Moderate Jews and Christians can hold positions ranging from reform to ultraorthodox and fundamentalist and, at times, can bitterly disagree on theological and social policies (e.g., gay rights, abortion, the ordination of women, American foreign and domestic policies). So can moderate Muslims.
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Esposito, John L. "Moderate Muslims." American Journal of Islam and Society 22, no. 3 (2005): 11–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i3.465.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics?
 JLE: Our human tendency is to define what is normal or moderate in terms of someone just like “us.” The American government, as well as many western and Muslim governments and experts, define moderate by searching for reflections of themselves. Thus, Irshad Manji or “secular” Muslims are singled out as self-critical moderate Muslims by such diverse commentators as Thomas Friedman or Daniel Pipes. In an America that is politicized by the “right,” the Republican and religious right, and post-9/11 by the threat of global terrorism and the association of Islam with global terrorism, defining a moderate Muslim becomes even more problematic. Look at the situations not only in this country but also in Europe, especially France. Is a moderate Muslim one who accepts integration, or must it be assimilation? Is a moderate Muslim secular, as in laic (which is really anti-religious)? Is a moderate Muslim one who accepts secularism, as in the separation of church and state, so that no religion is privileged and the rights of all (believer and nonbeliever) are protected? Is a moderate Muslim one who accepts a particular notion of gender relations, not simply the equality of women and men but a position against wearing hijab? (Of course let’s not forget that we have an analogous problem with many Muslims whose definition of being a Muslim, or of being a “good” Muslim woman, is as narrowly defined.) In today’s climate, defining who is a moderate Muslim depends on the politics or religious positions of the individuals making the judgment: Bernard Lewis, Daniel Pipes, Gilles Kepel, Stephen Schwartz, Pat Robertson, and Tom DeLay. The extent to which things have gotten out of hand is seen in attempts to define moderate Islam or what it means to be a good European or American Muslim. France has defined the relationship of Islam to being French, sought to influence mosques, and legislated against wearing hijab in schools. In the United States, non-Muslim individuals and organizations, as well as the government, establish or fund organizations that define or promote “moderate Islam,” Islamic pluralism, and so on, as well as monitor mainstream mosques and organizations. The influence of foreign policy plays a critical role. For some, if not many, the litmus test for a moderate Muslim is tied to foreign policy issues, for example, how critical one is of American or French policy or one’s position in regard to Palestine/Israel, Algeria, Kashmir, and Iraq. Like many Muslim regimes, many experts and ideologues, as well as publications like The Weekly Standard, National Review, The Atlantic, The New York Sun and media like Fox Television, portray all Islamists as being the same. Mainstream and extremist (they deny any distinction between the two) and indeed all Muslims who do not completely accept their notion of secularism, the absolute separation of religion and the state, are regarded as a threat. Mainstream Islamists or other Islamically oriented voices are dismissed as “wolves in sheep’s clothing.” What is important here is to emphasize that it is not simply that these individuals, as individual personalities, have influence and an impact, but that their ideas have taken on a life of their own and become part of popular culture. In a post-9/11 climate, they reinforce the worst fears of the uninformed in our populace. The term moderate is in many ways deceptive. It can be used in juxtaposition to extremist and can imply that you have to be a liberal reformer or a progressive in order to pass the moderate test, thus excluding more conservative or traditionalist positions. Moderates in Islam, as in all faiths, are the majority or mainstream in Islam. We assume this in regard to such other faiths as Judaism and Christianity. The Muslim mainstream itself represents a multitude of religious and socioeconomic positions. Minimally, moderate Muslims are those who live and work “within” societies, seek change from below, reject religious extremism, and consider violence and terrorism to be illegitimate. Often, in differing ways, they interpret and reinterpret Islam to respond more effectively to the religious, social, and political realities of their societies and to international affairs. Some seek to Islamize their societies but eschew political Islam; others do not. Politically, moderate Muslims constitute a broad spectrum that includes individuals ranging from those who wish to see more Islamically oriented states to “Muslim Democrats,” comparable to Europe’s Christian Democrats. The point here is, as in other faiths, the moderate mainstream is a very diverse and disparate group of people who can, in religious and political terms, span the spectrum from conservatives to liberal reformers. They may disagree or agree on many matters. Moderate Jews and Christians can hold positions ranging from reform to ultraorthodox and fundamentalist and, at times, can bitterly disagree on theological and social policies (e.g., gay rights, abortion, the ordination of women, American foreign and domestic policies). So can moderate Muslims.
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Nurul Jannah Zainan Nazri. "EDITORIAL." AL-BURHĀN: JOURNAL OF QURʾĀN AND SUNNAH STUDIES 8, no. 1 (2024): i—ii. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/alburhn.v8i1.344.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The February issue of Al-Burhan journal commences with an illuminating exploration into the profound realm of Maqāṣid al-Qur’ān. This meticulous analysis unveils the inherent noble goals of preservation, justice, compassion, and knowledge within the Quranic framework. By adeptly integrating expert insights and diverse methodologies, the study not only sheds light on the nuanced understanding of Maqāṣid but also accentuates its enduring relevance across varied contexts and epochs. It eloquently advocates for a just and compassionate way of life rooted in Islamic principles, fostering harmony among diverse communities, while poignantly emphasising the Qur’ān’s profound significance as a timeless source of divine wisdom.
 The subsequent article ventures into an examination of critical thinking from a Quranic perspective, highlighting the deficiencies in conventional education systems. It stresses the imperative of integrating ethical, moral, and spiritual dimensions into traditional frameworks, recognising knowledge beyond the empirical. Drawing parallels between Quranic teachings and Western models, the research aims to promote a comprehensive approach to critical thinking. By prioritising moral and spiritual growth alongside technical skills, it challenges prevailing educational paradigms and advocates for holistic development.
 Understanding the communication methods of Prophet Mohammad (SAW) holds paramount importance for both Muslims and non-Muslims seeking to emulate his sunnah. Through a comprehensive archival study of ahadeeth in Sahih Al-Bukhari, the subsequent article unveils quantitative insights into the verbal and nonverbal communicative elements employed by the Prophet. This research provides valuable insights into Prophet Mohammad's communicative example, guiding successful messaging and adherence to his Sunnah.
 The halal certification process undergoes a thorough analysis in the fourth article, utilizing Quranic verses and Shariah principles as guiding benchmarks. By focusing on legislation, practicality, harm elimination, and positive impact, the research evaluates market leaders across various sectors. It emphasises the necessity of incorporating Shariah principles in understanding customer demand, especially in sectors such as processed food and clothing. Ultimately, the research aims to foster economic and social growth through the production and consumption of more halal products and services.
 The fifth article delves into the importance of applied research in driving societal change, particularly in addressing pressing issues such as food shortages exacerbated by population growth. Despite the absence of explicit mention in the Qur’an, the study adeptly demonstrates the relevance of applied research in enhancing agricultural productivity. Through illuminating examples from diverse contexts, the research highlights the indispensable role of applied research in addressing societal issues and fostering tangible positive transformations.
 A nuanced exploration of human evolution from an Islamic standpoint is presented in the sixth article, navigating the tensions between scientific theories and religious beliefs. By highlighting the centrality of mankind's creation in Islamic theology and contrasting it with evolutionary concepts, the article prompts critical reflection and scholarly inquiry. It highlights the importance of a thorough understanding of both Islamic teachings and biological evidence in addressing this contentious issue.
 The seventh article offers a comprehensive examination of women's political engagement in Iraq post-2003, shedding light on their significant strides despite facing numerous challenges. Through historical, descriptive, and political analysis, the text underscores the noteworthy involvement of Iraqi women in governmental and parliamentary roles, showcasing their ongoing efforts to promote progress within the political system.
 Moving to the first Arabic article in this issue, the study meticulously examines the foundational principles of political authority in Islam. It highlights the consensus among Islamic scholars regarding the state's role in ensuring the welfare and happiness of citizens, emphasizing justice, trustworthiness, truth, and freedom in political governance.
 The ninth article addresses the humanity of individuals in their interactions with people of diverse faiths, emphasizing humane relations devoid of violence, extremism, and selfishness. By illuminating the Prophet's (SAW) interactions with non-Muslims, the research seeks to promote justice and generosity that transcend religious, sectarian, societal, and cultural boundaries.
 Finally, the insightful study delves into the religious dimension of the African identity crisis, examining the resistance against Western colonization in West African countries. Through a theoretical framework grounded in historical sources, the research underscores the enduring influence of figures who resisted colonial encroachment, preserving Islam's significance in Gambian society.
 In summary, the February edition presents an array of scholarly contributions that meticulously examine various facets of Islamic thought, historical narratives, and contemporary challenges, all deeply rooted in the teachings of the Qur'an and Sunnah. These articles collectively enrich the understanding while fostering rigorous discourse, transcending the confines of academia to engage a broader audience.
 
 
 Nurul Jannah Zainan Nazri
 Editor
 Al-Burhan Journal of Qur’an and Sunnah Studies
 
 
 
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Mohammed, Dr Nishtiman Othman. "Gender-Based Violence: Women’s Safety in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq." International Journal of Social Science and Human Research 7, no. 04 (2024). http://dx.doi.org/10.47191/ijsshr/v7-i04-36.
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Violence and discrimination against women often originate from entrenched traditions and tribal mentalities, relegating women to subordinate roles within families and society. In many social spheres, boys and men are granted dominance over women. This paper aims to fulfill another aspect of CEDAW’s requirements. CEDAW demands that States parties undertake necessary legal and policy measures to ensure women’s equal enjoyment of all human rights and fundamental freedoms. To achieve this goal, CEDAW draws attention to specific fields for State Parties to address. This paper involves conducting surveys to assess the policy measures taken by the Kurdistan Region as key steps toward eliminating violence against women in line with CEDAW requirements. Accordingly, this paper discusses and analyzes questionnaire findings, identifying inadequately addressed issues. It also highlights CEDAW Committee Recommendations, providing further support to the study's findings. By conducting these studies, I aim to contribute to existing knowledge on preventing violence against women in the Kurdistan Region. This research offers guidance to legal professionals and politicians interested in achieving gender equality and preventing violence.
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"Legal protection for women from domestic violence, a comparative study." Journal of Scientific Development for Studies and Research, December 1, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.61212/jsd/91.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The study aims to define the legal protection that women enjoy from domestic violence and international and Arab laws, including Iraqi laws in their various branches that dealt with the issue of violence against women. Results The shortcomings of those laws, and this is due to the fact that these laws did not provide the necessary protection for women, as well as the passage of a long period of time on them, especially in Iraq. International and legal protection in the Arab countries and Iraq? The study recommended the need to make the necessary amendments to the laws commensurate with the existing development in order to protect women from violence in all its forms, especially domestic violence.
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Hamadi, Dr Ilham Maki. "Sexual Violence and Gender-Based Violence against Women and Girls in Iraq: Roots and Structural Causes." Thi Qar Arts Journal 1, no. 42 (2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.32792/tqartj.v1i42.451.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The plight of women and girls in Iraq predates the U.S-led invasion in 2003. Sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) is strongly linked to the widespread use of violence within the country, be it in the state’s relationship with society or in relationships within society itself. Lawlessness and recurring armed conflicts have undermined the mechanisms in place for protecting women, which were already inadequate and unable to protect them in peacetime, amid a widespread ‘victim-blaming’ mentality. Conflicts in Iraq not only fostered an enabling environment for violence, but also saw various parties use SGBV against women and girls as a means for imposing political agendas and a justification for the destruction of their adversaries. Discrimination, a lack of gender equality and equity, and the stereotyping of gender roles in relation to family, society, and the law, are among the main factors that fuel the existence and persistence of sexual violence, both in peacetime and in war. Some forms of SGBV against women and girls that had, in general, been previously tolerated in Iraqi society have been criminalized in recent years. The heinous crimes committed by ISIS against women and girls in the vast areas under the group’s occupation raised international attention and were widely denounced. This led to increased documentation of sexual violence against women and girls, as evidenced by the monitoring of sexual violence crimes and violations in the reports of local organisations and local media outlets and news agencies. Nevertheless, efforts by Iraqi government institutions to document and categorise SGBV are wanting. Victims face stigma, blame, and discrimination by their families, society, and those working in referral system institutions, which further undermines access to justice, reparations, and protection. One of the main reason for the persistence of SGBV is the reluctance of victims and survivors to come forward and report these types of violations
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Mahmood, Kazhan I., Sherzad A. Shabu, Karwan M. M-Amen, et al. "The Impact of COVID-19 Related Lockdown on the Prevalence of Spousal Violence Against Women in Kurdistan Region of Iraq." Journal of Interpersonal Violence, February 26, 2021, 088626052199792. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886260521997929.
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There is increasing concern about the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic and the lockdown’s social and economic consequences on gender-based violence. This study aimed to assess the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on gender-based violence by comparing the prevalence of spousal violence against women before and during the COVID-19 related lockdown periods. This study was conducted in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq using a self-administered online questionnaire survey after the COVID-19 lockdown period in June 2020. Data were collected from a sample of 346 married women about the occurrence, frequency, and forms of spousal violence before and during the lockdown period. Significant increases in violence were observed from the pre-lockdown period to the lockdown period for any violence (32.1% to 38.7%, p = .001), emotional abuse (29.5% to 35.0%, p = .005), and physical violence (12.7% to 17.6%, p = .002). Regarding emotional abuse, humiliation (24.6% to 28.3%, p = .041) and scaring or intimidation (14.2% to 21.4%, p < .001) significantly increased during the lockdown. For physical violence, twisting the arm or pulling hair (9.0% to 13.0%, p = .004) and hitting (5.2% to 9.2%, p = .003) significantly increased during the lockdown. Forcing to have sexual intercourse also significantly increased during lockdown (6.6% to 9.5%., p = .021). The concerned authorities and women’s rights organizations should collaborate to enhance the prevention of violence against women. An effective prevention strategy should emphasize recognizing and acknowledging the extent of the problem, raising awareness about the problem and the available resources to address it, and ensuring social and economic stability. Lessons learned about the increased prevalence of spousal violence against women during the COVID-19 pandemic and the need to adopt appropriate strategies to prevent and address it will be valuable for similar future crises.
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Shahali, Shadab, Shahrooz Shariati, and Ali Montazeri. "Sexual violence against women by so-called Islamic state of Iraq and Syria (ISIS): protocol for a systematic review." Systematic Reviews 9, no. 1 (2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s13643-020-01496-2.
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Abstract Background Violence against women and girls (VAWG) has been significantly increased by the rise of conflict and insecurity in the territories under controlling so-called Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). This review aims to provide an understanding of the consequences of ISIS sexual violence against women. Methods Electronic databases including MEDLINE, Cochrane Central Register of Controlled Trials, JSTOR, Web of Science, Scopus, Science Direct, ProQuest, and Google Scholar are searched for the articles published from 2014 to 2020. Then, two reviewers will systematically identify the articles which will meet the inclusion criteria. Using a standard checklist, methodological quality of articles is assessed. The findings will be summarized, and a narrative synthesis of data will be reported. Discussion This systematic review with a narrative synthesis approach will provide the important information about the gap in knowledge and detailed summary of the existing evidence on consequences of ISIS's systematic sexual violence against women. The evidence is useful for the international health organizations to plan and develop clinical guidelines with interest to reduce the consequences of sexual violence in the armed conflict territories. Systematic review registration PROSPERO CRD42019124215
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"Confronting the Crimes of domestic violence against women(Study in the Act of Combating Domestic Violence in Kurdistan Region-Iraq)." Journal of Scientific Development for Studies and Research, November 1, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.61212/jsd/83.
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The research aims to define the domestic violence that is committed against women, and to indicate the effects that can result from it, and to clarify its forms, and how the Iraqi legislator confronted this type of violence, which is considered the most dangerous. As it affects the family and threatens its entity and stability, and the harmful effects which may be resulting from that on society. And we have determine the topic of research in the Act of Combating Domestic Violence in Kurdistan Region, because it‘s the only special legislation issued in Iraq until now against the crimes of domestic violence, and we will discuss its provisions to identify if it succeeded in combating that crime or not? Some of its results is: the Act of Combating Domestic Violence didn't give enough protection for women against violence, and included contradictions between its provisions on the one hand, and between the legal and constitutional provisions on the other hand, as well as its dereliction in regulating many necessary maters, and as a result of this incomplete regulation, This law does not suitable for execution, and needs to be modified to be more effective in confronting these crimes.
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Al-Atrushi, Hazha H., Namir G. Al-Tawil, Nazar P. Shabila, and Tariq S. Al-Hadithi. "Intimate partner violence against women in the Erbil city of the Kurdistan region, Iraq." BMC Women's Health 13, no. 1 (2013). http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/1472-6874-13-37.
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Strang, Alison, Oonagh O’Brien, Maggie Sandilands, and Rebecca Horn. "Help-seeking, trust and intimate partner violence: social connections amongst displaced and non-displaced Yezidi women and men in the Kurdistan region of northern Iraq." Conflict and Health 14, no. 1 (2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s13031-020-00305-w.
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