Artigos de revistas: "Women – suffrage – cross-cultural studies"

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Kirkley, Evelyn A. "‘This Work is God's Cause’: Religion in the Southern Woman Suffrage Movement, 1880–1920". Church History 59, n.º 4 (dezembro de 1990): 507–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169146.

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As I began researching religion and woman suffrage in the South I asked a prominent historian of southern religion if he knew of any sources. I had assumed that religion and woman suffrage had an intimate relationship in the South, since historians have amply documented the close connection between southern religion and culture. After scraching his head for a moment, however, he commented dryly, “There really aren't any sources. That will be a short paper.” He went on to explain that religious arguments were seldom used in the struggle for woman suffrage, that natural rights ideology and the social benefits of moral women voting were more common defenses than ones based on Scripture. Even antisuffragists relied on the threat of black women voting and the superfluity of women voting when they were represented by their husbands at the ballot box more often than explicitly religious arguments.

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Kristmundsdóttir, Sigríður Dúna. "Men and the Suffrage". Veftímaritið Stjórnmál og stjórnsýsla 12, n.º 2 (19 de dezembro de 2016): 259. http://dx.doi.org/10.13177/irpa.a.2016.12.2.4.

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Around the turn of the last century the suffrage was a crucial political issue in Europe and North America. Granting the disenfranchised groups, all women and a proportion of men, the suffrage would foreseeably have lasting effects on the structure of society and its gendered organization. Accordingly, the suffrage was hotly debated. Absent in this debate were the voices of disenfranchised men and this article asks why this was so. No research has been found on why these men did not fight for their suffrage while women ́s fight for their suffrage has been well researched. Within this context, the article examines the case of Iceland, in terms of issues such as the importance of urbanization, social change and culturally defined perceptions of men and women as social persons. It is argued that men did not have the same impetus as women to fight for their suffrage, and that if they had wanted to they were in certain respects disadvantaged compared to women. The gendered organization of society emerges as central in explaining why women fought for their suffrage and men did not, and why women’s suffrage received more attention than men’s general suffrage. As a case study, offering a microcosmic view of the subject in one social and cultural context, it allows for comparison with other like studies and with ongoing social processes.

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Nolte, Sharon H. "Women's Rights and Society's Needs: Japan's 1931 Suffrage Bill". Comparative Studies in Society and History 28, n.º 4 (outubro de 1986): 690–714. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500014171.

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The history of women is different from that of men. Women's history is the highlighting of the cultural construction of gender, the ways in which “men” and “women” are defined in considerable autonomy from biological males and females. The culturally constructed gender system interacts with a society's political system in ways that are just beginning to be explored.1 At the same time, scholars also find their definitions of national states to be in flux. Criticizing both Weberian and Marxist traditions of analysis of the state, Charles Bright and Susan Harding have stressed the open-ended, continuous, and contingent interplay between state structures and initiatives on the one hand, and social movements on the other.2 It is an auspicious time to reconsider the relationships between women and the state in cross-cultural perspective. Here I will examine the women's suffrage movement in Japan (1919–31 ) in its political context in order to encourage comparison with other women's suffrage movements, and to re-examine the interwar Japanese state from the viewpoint of one of its least-studied challengers.

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Mayhall, Laura E. Nym. "Defining Militancy: Radical Protest, the Constitutional Idiom, and Women's Suffrage in Britain, 1908–1909". Journal of British Studies 39, n.º 3 (julho de 2000): 340–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386223.

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May some definition be given of the word “militant”? (Chelsea delegate Cicely Hamilton)Scholarship on the women's suffrage movement in Britain has reached a curious juncture. No longer content to chronicle the activities or document the contributions of single organizations, historians have begun to analyze the movement's strategies of self-advertisement and to disentangle its racial, imperial, and gendered ideologies. Perhaps the most striking development in recent scholarship on suffrage, however, has been the proliferating discourse on militancy among literary critics, a development with which few historians have engaged. Yet, while militancy has spawned a veritable subfield in literary studies, continually generating new articles and books, these accounts portray the phenomenon in similarly reductive terms. After 1903 the Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU), under the leadership of Emmeline and Christabel Pankhurst, revitalized a genteel and moribund women's suffrage movement. The WSPU introduced the use of militancy, first interrupting Liberal Party meetings and heckling political speakers, then moving to the use of street theater, such as large-scale demonstrations, and ultimately to the destruction of government and private property, including smashing windows, slashing paintings in public galleries, and setting fire to buildings and pillar-boxes. Once the Liberal government introduced forcible feeding as an antidote to the suffragette hunger strike, militants created a visual activism, dependent upon the exhibition of women's tortured bodies as spectacle. By this account, the activities of the WSPU became exemplary of what critic Barbara Green has called “performative activism” and “visibility politics” in early twentieth-century feminist praxis, creating “almost entirely feminine communities where women celebrated, suffered, spoke with, and wrote for other women,” and that “allowed women to put themselves on display for other women.”

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Moulton, Mo. "“You Have Votes and Power”: Women's Political Engagement with the Irish Question in Britain, 1919–23". Journal of British Studies 52, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2013): 179–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2012.4.

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AbstractThe Anglo-Irish War of 1919–21 spurred organized political activity among women in Britain, including former suffragists who campaigned against coercion in Ireland and members of the Irish minority in Britain who supported more radical republican efforts to achieve Irish independence. Their efforts are particularly significant because they occurred immediately after the granting of partial suffrage to women in 1918. This article argues that the advent of female suffrage changed the landscape of women's political mobilization in distinct ways that were made visible by advocacy on Ireland, including the regendering of the discourse of citizenship and the creation of new opportunities beyond the vote for women to exercise political power. At the same time, the use of women's auxiliary organizations and special meetings and the strategic blurring of the public and private spheres through the political use of domestic spaces all indicate the strength of continuities with nineteenth-century antecedents. The article further situates women's political advocacy on Ireland in an imperial and transnational context, arguing that it was part of the process of reconceptualizing Britain's postwar global role whether through outright anti-imperialism, in the case of Irish republicans, or through humanitarianism and the new internationalism, in the case of most former suffragists. Finally, the article examines the failure of these two groups of women to forge alliances with each other, underscoring the ways in which both class and nationality challenged a notional common interest based on sex.

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Bonin, Hugo. "“Woman Suffrage Would Undermine the Stable Foundation on Which Democratic Government is Based”: British Democratic Antisuffragists, 1904–1914". Praktyka Teoretyczna 39, n.º 1 (22 de maio de 2021): 137–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/prt2021.1.7.

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From 1904 to 1914, the British debate on women’s suffrage was at its height. Suffragism has been the subject of numerous studies, however, few have paid attention to its opponent, “antisuffragism”. This article focuses on antisuffragists’ speeches, pamphlets and books to examine their uses of “democracy” and grasp the conceptual struggles at play. Most “Antis” painted women’s suffrage as a step towards a degenerate democratic society. However, more surprisingly, some also mobilised the democratic vocabulary positively, as a reason to disallow women the vote. Several authors considered that “democracy” rested on the capacity of the majority to impose its decisions through physical force–thus rendering a government elected by women impotent. Politicians also opposed granting women suffrage on a censorial basis since it went against the “democratic spirit of the time”. These findings demonstrate the increased importance of “democracy” in Britain and how a “conservative subversion” of the concept was attempted.

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Jasmin González, Tiffany. "Recasting the Vote: How Women of Color Transformed the Suffrage Movement". Journal of American Ethnic History 41, n.º 2 (1 de janeiro de 2022): 100–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/19364695.41.2.07.

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Perego, Elizabeth. "Veil as Barrier to Muslim Women’s Suffrage in French Algeria, 1944–1954". Hawwa 11, n.º 2-3 (9 de junho de 2014): 160–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692086-12341246.

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In 1944, women in metropolitan France and across the French empire gained full citizenship. That same year, French officials enfranchised Algerian Muslim men. Yet, under pressure from the European settler community in Algeria, the French refused to give Algerian Muslim women citizenship. Why did the settler community want to withhold political rights from these women, and how did the French justify their exclusion while permitting everyone else across the empire to become citizens? This paper will argue that, due to settler resistance to seeing the Algerian electorate expanded, members of Algeria’s European community and French officials exploited the veil to emphasize how Muslim society “repressed” its women to the point that they were unfit to exercise political rights. In the process, the veil came to symbolize a barrier between these women and modernity, a constructed meaning that continues to drive secular campaigns against Muslim headcoverings in France and North Africa.

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Fletcher, Ian Christopher. "“A Star Chamber of the Twentieth Century”: Suffragettes, Liberals, and the 1908 “Rush the Commons” Case". Journal of British Studies 35, n.º 4 (outubro de 1996): 504–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386120.

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The suffragette in the dock at Bow Street police court is one of the emblematic scenes of the “votes for women” agitation. She usually stood alone in the prisoners' box, facing the magistrate, flanked by tables lined with lawyers and police officials and backed by benches full of friends and supporters, newspaper reporters, and ordinary spectators. Notwithstanding the state's claims of legal equality and judicial impartiality, she seemed to be engaged in an unequal contest speaking truth to unbending masculine authority. She was powerless to alter the outcome, a guilty verdict and a spell of imprisonment. This scene, like those of the protester arrested in the streets and the hunger striker being forcibly fed in prison, underlines the spectacular nature of suffrage militancy. Yet its very power to seize and hold our attention can obscure the complex interactions and effects that made militancy such a profoundly ambiguous moment in the intertwined histories of the women's suffrage movement and the Liberal-ruled Edwardian state.Recent research has displaced the Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU) from its once central place in suffrage history. Jill Liddington, Jill Norris, and Jo Vellacott have recovered the very important contributions of radical and democratic feminists to the movement. In recounting the efforts of moderate women's suffragists, Claire Hirshfield, Leslie Parker Hume, and others have helped to paint a much more complex picture of the high politics of franchise reform. Historians have also begun to examine the distinct experiences of the movement in Ireland and Scotland.

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Hayduk, Ron, Marcela Garcia-Castañon e Vedika Bhaumik. "Exploring The Complexities of “Alien Suffrage” in American Political History". Journal of American Ethnic History 43, n.º 2 (1 de janeiro de 2024): 70–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/19364695.43.2.03.

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Abstract Although historians and political scientists have long acknowledged the significant place of immigrants in American political history, the role of “alien suffrage” has not been well appreciated, and gaps remain in the scholarship about the nature of its practice. How extensively was “alien voting” practiced and what were its effects? This study addresses these questions by examining eleven of the forty states that allowed non-citizens to vote before obtaining citizenship. These states, located in the Midwest, South and West, were selected because immigrants comprised a significant proportion of their total population and allowed alien suffrage for an extended period of time (1848–1920). We develop estimates of non-citizen voters and examine ethnic voting patterns in these states to gauge their impacts on partisan dynamics in gubernatorial elections. Our findings show non-citizens voted and factored into election outcomes, furthering the incorporation of European immigrants. We also shed light on the unsavory side of alien suffrage, which contributed to a form of settler colonialism and functioned to block or delay the enfranchisement of African Americans and women. We conclude with a discussion of the implications of these findings for our understanding of immigrant political incorporation in American political history, as well as for contemporary debates about the revival of the legal practice of non-citizen voting in the United States.

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Clark, Elaine. "Catholics and the Campaign for Women's Suffrage in England". Church History 73, n.º 3 (setembro de 2004): 635–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700098322.

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Narratives about women and religion in Victorian and Edwardian society seldom addressed the world of the Catholic laity, leaving the impression that Catholics were unimportant in English history. Pushed into anonymity, they were easily misunderstood because of their religious sensibilities and loyalty to a church governed not from London but Rome. This was a church long subject to various forms of disability in England and with a membership of roughly 5 percent of the population around 1900. By then, objections to the Catholic Church as a foreign institution had lessened, but critics still labeled Catholics “a people apart,” viewing them as too disinterested in their neighbors' welfare to play a vital part in public life. So commonplace was this particular point of view that it obscured Catholic participation in social causes such as the hard fought campaign for women's suffrage. As often as journalists, suffragists, and members of Parliament debated enfranchisement in the years before and after the First World War, very little is known today about the role Catholics played in the struggle for women's rights.

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Soufi, Hana. "Parliamentary democracy and the representation of women in Arab countries". Contemporary Arab Affairs 2, n.º 2 (1 de abril de 2009): 252–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910902853652.

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This article deals with the question of parliamentary democracy and female representation in the Arab world in both statistical and historical contexts. The role of women is considered in societies across history from the ancient period to the modern as well as the correlation between women's suffrage and actual political participation with relative development and underdevelopment of countries in the post-modern period. Historical as well as cultural factors – including those with direct bearing on the Arab world – are examined as is the disparity between the letter of the law and social and political practice.

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Wilson, John F. "From Suffrage to a Seat in the House: The Path to Parliament for New Zealand Women, Jenny Coleman (2020)". Journal of New Zealand & Pacific Studies 11, n.º 2 (1 de dezembro de 2023): 215–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/nzps_00157_5.

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Vargas, Marta del Moral. "‘Intercrossings’ between Spanish women’s groups and their German, British and Portuguese counterparts (1914–32)". International Journal of Iberian Studies 00, n.º 00 (18 de agosto de 2021): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijis_00045_1.

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This article contends that the movement in favour of the rights of women in Spain during the first third of the twentieth century was integrated into several international networks. Three exchanges are analysed between, on the one hand, the women socialists and suffragists in Spain, and, on the other, the international networks built up by the German socialist Clara Zetkin, the suffragists of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance and the Portuguese feminist Ana de Castro Osório. Scrutiny of these ‘intercrossings’ reveals that, despite their ‘asymmetrical’ outcomes, the demand for the social and political rights of women surpassed national boundaries and had a transformative impact on all the parties involved.

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Henson, Pamela M. "Invading Arcadia: Women Scientists in the Field in Latin America, 1900-1950". Americas 58, n.º 4 (abril de 2002): 577–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2002.0045.

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Let us keep a place where real research men can find quiet, keen intellectual stimulation, freedom from any outside distraction." This was the response of a prominent North American naturalist opposed to a 1924 proposal to build facilities for women at the Barro Colorado Island Biological Laboratory in Panama. In the first decades of the twentieth-century, in the aftermath of the Spanish-American War and as the United States built the Panama Canal, the American tropics became a major focus for North American politics and natural history, with government funding and logistical support from the military for scientific expeditions. As the North American western frontier closed, the New World tropics—or Neotropics—assumed the role that the West had played for an earlier generation of nineteenth-century explorers. In a post-Darwinian world, a field trip to the tropics with its rich biodiversity had become a rite of passage and a route to fame for young North American naturalists. And in the decades during and after the successful campaign for women's suffrage in the United States, tensions between men and women ran high, in the home, at the ballot box, and at the field station.

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French, Simone. "Still Not There: The Continued Invisibility of Female Athletes and Sports in the New Zealand Print Media". Media International Australia 148, n.º 1 (agosto de 2013): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1314800105.

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This research examined parity for female athletes compared with male athletes in the level of coverage received in the New Zealand print media in a year that did not contain either the Commonwealth or Olympic Games. Using content analysis, 562 sport news articles from the New Zealand Herald and the Dominion Post were analysed. The findings revealed that female athletes received 6.1 per cent of coverage compared with male athletes, who received 73.6 per cent; articles related to female athletes/sports had an average length of 432 words compared with 461 words for articles related to male athletes/sports. These data are a stark illustration that, even in a country where women led the world in achieving suffrage, continuing cultural change is not guaranteed.

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Kościewicz, Katarzyna. "„Odezwa nasza [...] spaliła na panewce“. Walka o prawa wyborcze kobiet w świetle korespondencji Elizy Orzeszkowej, Konstancji Skirmuntt i Emmy Jeleńskiej-Dmochowskiej". Bibliotekarz Podlaski Ogólnopolskie Naukowe Pismo Bibliotekoznawcze i Bibliologiczne 60, n.º 3 (21 de dezembro de 2023): 129–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.36770/bp.825.

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In her article, Katarzyna Kościewicz analyses the behind-the-scenes creation of the proclamation To the Voters and Electors of Our Lands and Cities. Three prominent women – Eliza Orzeszkowa, Konstancja Skirmuntt and Emma Jeleńska-Dmochowska – who were active in the cultural and social life of the second half of the 19th century and the first decades of the 20th century in the territories of the former Grand Duchy of Lithuania, were particularly involved in working on it. The purpose of the proclamation was to demand women’s suffrage before the upcoming first elections to the State Duma in the Russian Empire in 1906. An analysis of their correspondence shows how complex was the struggle for women’s suffrage undertaken by them in 1906 in the territory of the former Grand Duchy of Lithuania. The dispute over the national or supranational nature of the action, which was outlined between the proclamation’s creators, took on an even more complicated shape in the public forum, revealing differences regarding the evaluation of emancipation measures among both men and women. The researcher concludes that social consensus in this regard could not yet be spoken of at the time.

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Prystupa, Natasha. "Transformation of Women in the Czech Lands of Austria-Hungary (1900–1907)". Czasopismo Naukowe Instytutu Studiów Kobiecych, n.º 2(13) (2022): 79–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/cnisk.2022.02.13.03.

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Based on the analysis of the articles published in the magazine “Ženský svět”, the author of the research completed the image of “a new type of woman” in the Czech lands. The period of study was defined by an active struggle for women’s suffrage taken in 1900–1907. It was also shown how the deliverance of women’s consciousness from gender stereotypes took place. It was presented in their desire to go beyond the usual framework defined by the society and through the expansion of women’s secondary education, the development of vocational education and the creation of a higher education system strengthened their professionalism and independence.

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Parr, Rosalind. "Self-Sacrifice, Suffrage and Socialism: Gandhi and the Mobilisation of Women, 1930–31". South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 46, n.º 4 (4 de julho de 2023): 834–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00856401.2023.2239622.

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Cuplinskas, Indre. "National and Rational Dress: Catholics Debate Female Fashion in Lithuania, 1920s–1930s". Church History 88, n.º 3 (setembro de 2019): 696–719. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640719001793.

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The debates about female fashion in the new Republic of Lithuania in the 1920s and 1930s saw papal representatives, bishops, leading public intellectuals, and members of Catholic youth movements argue about deep décolletés and short skirts. In this predominantly Catholic country, objections made against modern fashion may initially look like a conservative stand against modern developments. Studying more closely the debate around women's fashion as it developed in a particular subset of the Catholic population in Lithuania—educated youth in the Ateitis Catholic student association, this article examines the interconnected arguments that were woven together to evaluate what women should wear in interwar Lithuania and shows that Catholics in this northeastern European country aimed to create a modern national and rational woman. At issue were not just Catholic moral norms but also national identity and the challenges posed by mass consumer culture. The new ideal being proposed was a modern Catholic female intelligentsia, a gender ideal that embraced the opportunities offered in the first decades of the twentieth century, such as suffrage, education, urban living, more active participation in civic life, while retaining more conservative moral norms, questioning consumer culture, and debating woman's nature and mission.

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Kent, Susan Kingsley. "The Politics of Sexual Difference: World War I and the Demise of British Feminism". Journal of British Studies 27, n.º 3 (julho de 1988): 232–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385912.

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The outbreak of war in August 1914 brought to a halt the activities of both militant and constitutional suffragists in their efforts to gain votes for women. By that time, the suffrage campaign had attained the size and status of a mass movement, commanding the time, energies, and resources of thousands of men and women and riveting the attention of the British public. In early 1918, in what it defined as a gesture of recognition for women's contribution to the war effort, Parliament granted the vote to women over the age of thirty. This measure, while welcome to feminists as a symbol of the fall of the sex barrier, failed to enfranchise some five million out of eleven million adult women. When war ended, feminists continued to agitate for votes for women on the same terms as they had been granted to men, but organized feminism, despite the fact that almost half of the potential female electorate remained disenfranchised, never regained its prewar status as a mass movement. By the end of the 1920s, feminism as a distinct political and social movement no longer existed. This was due to the impact of the war on cultural perceptions of gender. Feminists' understandings of masculinity and femininity became transformed during the war and in the immediate postwar period, until they were virtually indistinguishable from those of antifeminists.As I have argued elsewhere, prewar British feminists regarded their movement as an attack on separate-sphere ideology and its constructions of masculinity and femininity.

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Adak, Hülya. "Suffragettes of the Empire, Daughters of the Republic: Women Auto/biographers Narrate National History (1918-1935)". New Perspectives on Turkey 36 (2007): 27–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600004581.

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AbstractThis paper explores modes of autobiographical writing by female authors in the early republican period. Women's autobiographies draw a strict distinction between the narration of the private and the public self, as they promote the narration of the undomestic, professional self at the expense of the private. Ironically, even if the autobiographers in question were politically active in suffrage, women's autobiographies either do not represent the authors' involvement in such campaigns, or praise state feminism for granting emancipation. “Personal is political” only becomes a maxim for a later generation of women writers, with autobiographies and autobiographical novels of the post-1970 period underscoring the importance of exploring the subjectivity of the adult woman/narrator. More recent examples of auto/biographical writing blur the boundaries between private and public and narrate gendered accounts of republican history.

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Ehrick, Christine. "Affectionate Mothers and the Colossal Machine: Feminism, Social Assistance and the State in Uruguay, 1910-1932". Americas 58, n.º 1 (julho de 2001): 121–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2001.0070.

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In 1910, the Uruguayan Public Assistance Law established the concept of universal poor relief, declaring that “anyone … indigent or lacking resources has the right to free assistance at the expense of the state.” Nothing better than this law qualifies Uruguay for its distinction as the ‘first welfare state’ in Latin America. As in other countries, much of the first social assistance legislation targeted poor women and children and relied on elite women for much of its implementation. In the Uruguayan case, the primary intersections between public assistance and private philanthropy were the secular “ladies’ committees” (comités de damas), charitable organizations without direct ties to the Catholic Church. These organizations were also an important catalyst for liberal feminism in Uruguay, whose chronology—from the foundation of the National Women's Council in 1916 through the women's suffrage law of 1932—closely parallels the history of the early Uruguayan welfare state. Following a discussion of the formation of the National Public Assistance and its significance for class and gender politics in Uruguay, this article will summarize the evolving relationship between the Uruguayan social assistance bureaucracy and one of these groups, theSociedad“La Bonne Garde,” an organization that worked with young unmarried mothers. It then discusses how a formal and direct relationship with the state helped make the Bonne Garde and other groups like it a principal point of entry for many elite women in the early phases of Uruguayan liberal feminism. Finally, this article shows how processes set in motion in the 1910s resulted in a relative marginalization of elite women from both state welfare and organized liberal feminism in the 1920s. Through an examination of the history of these ladies’ committees, we gain new insight into both welfare state formation in its earliest Latin American example as well as some of the elements and circumstances which helped shape liberal feminism in Uruguay.

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Schwartzmann, Julia. "A Late Nineteenth-Century Rabbinic Critique of the Status of Women in Judaism". Modern Judaism - A Journal of Jewish Ideas and Experience 40, n.º 3 (12 de setembro de 2020): 259–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/mj/kjaa008.

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Abstract This article aims to show that long before the famous debate over women’s suffrage (1918–25), women’s alienation from significant parts of Judaism was a fact that was obvious to those in the Orthodox community who were ready to admit it. To prove this, I discuss the late nineteenth-century essay Netiv Moshe: Maamar Mehkari 'al Mishpat haNashim baEmunah (A Scholarly Enquiry into the Case of Women in Religious Faith).1 This essay, written in Hungary by Mózes Salamon, the rabbi of a small provincial community, analyzes the gender problem in Judaism and reveals that the basic arguments of Jewish religious feminism had been expressed even before feminism as a movement came to terms with its objectives. This is the first scholarly analysis of this little known essay.

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Herzog, Hanna. "One Hand Giveth, the Other Taketh Away". Israel Studies Review 36, n.º 2 (1 de setembro de 2021): 31–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2021.360204.

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This article presents a feminist perspective on polity, religion, and gender in the Yishuv. It analyzes how each of these three categories is shaped by its intersection with the others while simultaneously constituting the whole. Two major decisions that were enacted in the 1920s—women’s right to vote and the institutionalization of the Chief Rabbinate—serve as case studies of the formation of these categories, as well as of the creation of social boundaries, the politics of inclusion and exclusion, and the culture of political arrangements in the Jewish state-in-the-making. Women were both the focus of and significant actors in these multi-dimensional conflicts. They won their rights for equal citizenship in terms of suffrage, but lost their personal status rights as a result of the institutionalization of the Chief Rabbinate.

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Rutherford, Susan. "“Loud and Open Speaking in ‘the People's’ Mighty Name”: Eliza Cook, Music and Politics". Journal of British Studies 60, n.º 2 (abril de 2021): 416–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2020.249.

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AbstractIn 1849, the working-class poet Eliza Cook (1818–89) expanded her international profile by venturing into weekly periodical publication with Eliza Cook's Journal. Not only was this the first British journal named after a female editor but it also placed an unusual emphasis on music—unusual not least because few women in that epoch were given the opportunity to participate in the broader critical discourses on music. Cook's poetry was already widely disseminated through various musical settings by composers from William Balfe to Henry Russell; in her new journal, music further emerged as central to her philosophy of liberation for all. Placing street musicians alongside opera and salon concerts in an exhibition of remarkably eclectic taste, Cook saw the propensity for music making in all layers of society. She regarded musical culture as a soundscape of experience, emotion, and agency to which she, and all those from the laboring classes, not only had a right to access, engage in, and share but was part of their own innate being. Music symbolized imagination, freedom from the mundane, and limitless human potential. Efforts to secure music for “the people” were thus indissolubly linked to broader political rights for suffrage and equality.

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Ward, Brian. "Winning the vote for women: the Irish Citizen newspaper and the suffrage movement in Ireland". Irish Studies Review 27, n.º 2 (11 de março de 2019): 279–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09670882.2019.1587820.

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Jurėnienė, Virginija. "Strategies and Tactics of the Lithuanian Women’s Movement: Retrospective Analysis". Czasopismo Naukowe Instytutu Studiów Kobiecych, n.º 2(13) (2022): 117–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/cnisk.2022.02.13.05.

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The strategies and tactics of the Lithuanian women’s movement helped to change the attitudes of society, political parties, altered political, educational and legal systems and expanded the field of relevant issues on the international level. However, the state’s existence period (1918–1940) was too short for women to be able to fully realise them; thus, most of the formed strategies are relevant today and are realised. The examples of strategy implementation ways show that women’s actions were important for the society and the state and had direct impact on their development. The second strategic period is very important; during this period, Lithuanian women were granted political rights. Novelty of work. The article provides the correct date of women being granted suffrage based on historical sources, i.e., 20 November 1919, the law on election of the Constituent Assembly of Lithuania. It does not coincide with the notion established in the Lithuanian historiography that the date is 2 November 1918. The author proves that this error emerged due to incorrect interpretation of the article in the 2 November 1918 Lithuanian Temporary Constitution on the person’s (citizen’s) rights. Moreover, the researcher takes on a new approach towards the Lithuanian women’s movement through the prism of implementation of strategies and tactics. This approach towards the history of the Lithuanian women’s movement is new. The methods of descriptive, analytical and comparative research. The sources studied are: historical sources, including state documents, archival materials, monographs, survey studies, biographical studies, memoirs, private letters, press, etc.

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Wood, Elizabeth A. "February 23 and March 8: Two Holidays that Upstaged the February Revolution". Slavic Review 76, n.º 3 (2017): 732–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2017.181.

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By most accounts, the Russian Revolution began on February 23, 1917 with the women's strike for bread and suffrage. Yet for the next thirteen years (until 1930), that revolutionary beginning was celebrated on March 12, after which it was expunged from the revolutionary calendar altogether. “International Women's Day” meanwhile became March 8 because of the change in the Russian calendar in 1918 (it had been 13 days behind the European calendar), and February 23 became “Red Army Day” and subsequently (in 2006), “Day of the Defender of the Fatherland.” Over the course of the early 1920s, the connection between the women's strike on February 23/March 8 and the February Revolution was actively undermined in several ways. First, the February Revolution itself was dated not from the moment when women marched in the streets of Petrograd calling out the men to strike, but rather from March 12 (February 27), which was the day of the founding of the Temporary Committee of the State Duma, soon to become the Provisional Government. Second, the celebration of the two holidays of Red Army Day on February 23 and International Women's Day on March 8 created a split between men and women in their celebrations, separating them and assigning spheres to each, the army for men and the home for women. Finally, the creation of February 23 as the anniversary of the Red Army's founding seems to have deliberately upstaged both women's involvement in the 1917 Revolution and the overthrow of autocracy.

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Chernock, Arianne. "Julie V. Gottlieb and Richard Toye, eds. The Aftermath of Suffrage: Women, Gender, and Politics in Britain, 1918–1945. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013. Pp. 268. $30.00 (paper)". Journal of British Studies 53, n.º 2 (abril de 2014): 536–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2014.36.

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Butkowski, Chelsea P. "Livestreaming Election Day: Political Memory and Identity Work at Susan B. Anthony’s Gravesite". Social Media + Society 8, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2022): 205630512210862. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20563051221086236.

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Social media platforms record and fuel the construction of memories and social identities through discursive processes of memory work—or reconstructing the past in the present—and identity work—or representing individual and group characteristics. In this article, I interrogated sites of intersection and friction between mediated memory and identity work to uncover their shared political potential. I conducted a visual discourse analysis of Facebook Live videos and Instagram photos captured at the gravesite of famed women’s suffragist Susan B. Anthony during the 2016 US presidential election. In a long-standing Election Day tradition in Rochester, NY, local women visit Anthony’s grave after casting their ballots to pay tribute to her suffrage activism. However, when the nation saw its first woman presidential candidate nominated by a major political party in 2016, the gravesite drew an unprecedented crowd. The resulting media texts both capture and shape memory and identity work as they unfold. Ultimately, I identify a collection of four discursive practices that illustrate distinct modes of interdependence between memory and identity work in the gravesite livestreams and photos: (a) representing commemoration, (b) displaying affect, (c) regulating “respect,” and (d) personalizing political imaginaries. Together, these practices illustrate how memory and identity work can spark collective sentiments, encourage political sense-making, and invite discord or social regulation. They also demonstrate how competing politics of memory and identity coincide and clash to envision participatory futures across digital and physical spaces.

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Schroeder, Janice. "SELF-TEACHING: MARY CARPENTER, PUBLIC SPEECH, AND THE DISCIPLINE OF DELINQUENCY". Victorian Literature and Culture 36, n.º 1 (março de 2008): 149–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150308080091.

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With the growth of the organized feminist movement in England at the end of the 1850s, women began to mount public lecture platforms in increasing numbers. By claiming a space in public assembly rooms through the simple use of their voices, women reformers such as Bessie Rayner Parkes and Barbara Leigh Smith Bodichon challenged the male privilege of public address, and changed the visual, oral, and aural culture of Victorian reform movements. Women's public speech in the 1850s and 60s was never linked with the kind of riotous responses provoked later by Josephine Butler or the women's suffrage movement. But even public speakers associated with a more moderate or “polite” tone, such as Parkes and Frances Power Cobbe, routinely received a mixture of moral censure and ridicule, causing them to question the value of publicity – both print and platform – for the feminist cause. However, one of the most prolific female public speakers of mid nineteenth-century England, Mary Carpenter (1807–77), seems to have escaped all such criticism and was repeatedly held up as a shining example, by both feminists and non-feminists, of appropriate womanly behavior in official public settings. Commentators on Carpenter's work and her public reputation were nearly unanimous in their approval of not only the content of her public speech but also its flawless delivery. What can Carpenter's apparently unique public persona tell us about shifts in the gendered dimensions of public utterance in the 1850s and 60s, when she was most active? More broadly, what does the history of women's platform speech have to do with a seemingly unrelated narrative: that is, the theorization of juvenile delinquency as a specific problem in nineteenth-century England?

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DeVries, Jacqueline R. "The March of the Women: A Revisionist Analysis of the Campaign for Women's Suffrage, 1866-1914 (review)". Victorian Studies 44, n.º 2 (2002): 347–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/vic.2002.0011.

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Van Lieburg, Fred. "De stille refolutie". Religie & Samenleving 9, n.º 1 (1 de maio de 2014): 44–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.54195/rs.12623.

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Several studies have been published about ‘silent (r)evolutions’ in different wings of Dutch Reformed Protestantism, such as synodaal-gereformeerden (Reformed Churches in the Netherlands), vrijgemaakt-gereformeerden (Reformed Churches in the Netherlands [Liberated]) and hervormd-gereformeerden (Reformed Bond within the Protestant Church in the Netherlands). They suggest slow shifts within partly ‘pillarized’ church groups from orthodox Calvinist beliefs to modern religious views. The so-called bevindelijk (pietistic) gereformeerden, reformatorischen (‘refo’s’) or Dutch Bible Belt communities seem to be a special case in point. Scattered among the mainstream Protestant Church in the Netherlands and various small and strict Reformed denominations, they are represented by the Staatkundig Gereformeerde Partij. This ‘Political Reformed Party’ was founded by G.H. Kersten in 1918 as mobilization of conservative, pietistic and anti-papist people, rejecting social assurance, vaccination and women suffrage, and developing into a minor pillar or reformatorische zuil in the 1970s. This essay builds upon contemporary observations of the SGP in its starting period and in its recent presentation as well. It argues for a development from a critical or ‘revolutionary’ positioning in the democratic scene during the 1920s to a constructive participation in the political process since the 1990s. However, the ‘silent revolution’ of the staatkundig gereformeerden or the social and cultural emancipation of the bevindelijk gereformeerden is accompanied by signs of ‘anti-government sentiments’ and serious resistances within certain ‘refo’ communities. The artificial word refolutie (refolution) plays on the suggestion of a delayed and specific way of emancipation, integration and ‘depillarization’ of this religious minority. Further research is encouraged in order to understand and explain the complicated and contradictory experience of these compromisers between orthodoxy and modernity.

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DeVries, Jacqueline R. "BOOK REVIEW: Martin Pugh.THE MARCH OF THE WOMEN: A REVISIONIST ANALYSIS OF THE CAMPAIGN FOR WOMEN'S SUFFRAGE,1866-1914. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2000." Victorian Studies 44, n.º 2 (janeiro de 2002): 347–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/vic.2002.44.2.347.

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Levine, Philippa. "When Method Matters: Women Historians, Feminist Historians - E. Sylvia Pankhurst: Portrait of a Radical. By Patricia W. Romero. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1990. Pp. xv + 334. $17.95. - Beyond Suffrage: Feminists in War and Peace, 1914–28. By Johanna Alberti. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1989. Pp. vi + 249. $39.95. - Women and Marriage in Nineteenth-Century England. By Joan Perkin. Chicago: Lyceum Books, 1989. Pp. iv + 345. $25.95. - Hard Lessons: The Lives and Education of Working-Class Women in Nineteenth-Century England. By June Purvis. Oxford: Polity Press, 1989. Pp. x + 308. £35.00. - Women and Industrialization: Gender and Work in Nineteenth-Century England. By Judy Lown. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1990. Pp. xi + 260. $45.00. - The Darkened Room: Women, Power, and Spiritualism in Late Victorian England. By Alex Owen. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1990. Pp. xxi + 314. $34.95." Journal of British Studies 30, n.º 4 (outubro de 1991): 459–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385994.

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Yeo. "The Feminine Public Sphere: Middle-Class Women and Civic Life in Scotland, c. 1870–1914, by Megan SmitleyThe Women's Suffrage Movement in Wales, 1866–1928, by Ryland Wallace". Victorian Studies 54, n.º 2 (2012): 321. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/victorianstudies.54.2.321.

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Lewis, Judith S. "Separate Spheres: Threat or Promise? - Family, Love, and Work in the Lives of Victorian Gentlewomen. By M. Jeanne Peterson. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989. Pp. xii + 241. $39.95 (cloth); $14.95 (paper). - Ladies Elect: Women in English Local Government, 1865–1914. By Patricia Hollis. New York: Clarendon Press, 1987. Pp. xx + 533. $74.00. - The Spectacle of Women: Imagery of the Suffrage Campaign, 1907–1914. By Lisa Tickner. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988. Pp. xii + 334. $37.50. - A Zeal for Responsibility: The Struggle for Professional Nursing in Victorian England, 1868–1883. By Judith Moore. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1988. Pp. xvii + 214. $23.00. - Angels and Citizens: British Women as Military Nurses, 1854–1914. By Anne Summers. New York: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1988. Pp. xii + 371. $35.00. - Playing the Game: Sport and the Physical Emancipation of English Women, 1870–1914. By Kathleen E. McCrone. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1988. Pp. x + 310. $35.00." Journal of British Studies 30, n.º 1 (janeiro de 1991): 105–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385976.

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Pauley, Garth E. "W.E.B. Du Bois on Woman Suffrage". Journal of Black Studies 30, n.º 3 (janeiro de 2000): 383–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002193470003000306.

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Bowie, Katherine. "Women's Suffrage in Thailand: A Southeast Asian Historiographical Challenge". Comparative Studies in Society and History 52, n.º 4 (outubro de 2010): 708–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417510000435.

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Although much of the history of women's suffrage has focused on the American and British struggles of the early twentieth century, a newer generation of interdisciplinary scholars is exploring its global trajectory. Fundamental to these cross-cultural comparisons is the establishment of an international timeline of women's suffrage; its order at once shapes and is shaped by its historiography. According to the currently dominant chronology, “Female suffrage began with the 1893 legislation in New Zealand” (Ramirez, Soysal, and Shanahan 1997: 738; see also Grimshaw 1987 [1972]: xiv). In this timeline, “Australia was next to act, in 1902” (ibid.). Despite the geographical location of New Zealand and Australia in greater Southeast Asia, the narrative that accompanies this timeline portrays “first world” women as leading the struggle for suffrage and “third world” women as following their example.1As Ramirez, Soysal, and Shanahan write, “A smaller early wave of suffrage extensions between 1900 and 1930 occurred mostly in European states. A second, more dramatic wave occurred after 1930” (ibid.). Similarly, Patricia Grimshaw writes, “It was principally in the English-speaking world, in the United States, in Britain and its colonial dependencies, and in the Scandinavian countries that sustained activity for women's political enfranchisement occurred. Other countries eventually followed suit” (1987: xiv).

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Moore, Sarah J. "Making a Spectacle of Suffrage: The National Woman Suffrage Pageant, 1913". Journal of American Culture 20, n.º 1 (março de 1997): 89–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1542-734x.1997.00089.x.

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Clark, Anna. "Changing Concepts of Citizenship: Gender, Empire, and Class - Women and the People: Authority, Authorship and the Radical Tradition in Nineteenth-Century England. By Helen Rogers. Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing, 2000. Pp. vii+342. $79.95 (cloth). - Defining the Victorian Nation: Class, Race, Gender and the Reform Act of 1867. Edited by Catherine Hall, Keith McClelland, and Jane Rendall. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. Pp. xii+303. $70.00 (cloth); $25.00 (paper). - Women's Suffrage in the British Empire: Citizenship, Nation and Race. Edited by Ian Christopher Fletcher, Laura E. Nym Mayhall, and Philippa Levine. London: Routledge, 2000. Pp. xxii+252. $95.00 (cloth)." Journal of British Studies 42, n.º 2 (abril de 2003): 263–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/345605.

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Lamont, Victoria. "‘‘MoreThan She Deserves’’: Woman Suffrage Memorials in the ‘‘Equality State’’". Canadian Review of American Studies 36, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2006): 17–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cras-s036-01-02.

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DjeDje, Jacqueline Cogdell, e Ellen Koskoff. "Women and Music in Cross-Cultural Perspective". Ethnomusicology 33, n.º 3 (1989): 514. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/851772.

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Smith, Pamela J. Olubunmi. "Feminism in Cross-Cultural Perspective: Women in Africa". Transformation: An International Journal of Holistic Mission Studies 6, n.º 2 (abril de 1989): 11–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026537888900600204.

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Zakai. "Entering the Records: Difference, Suffrage and the Autobiography of the New Hebrew Woman". Nashim: A Journal of Jewish Women's Studies & Gender Issues, n.º 22 (2011): 136. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/nashim.22.136.

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Eltis, Sos. "The Fallen Woman in Edwardian Feminist Drama: Suffrage, Sex and the Single Girl". English Literature in Transition, 1880-1920 50, n.º 1 (2007): 27–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2487/2642-0727-1713-rp24.

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Browner, C. H., e Dixie L. King. "Cross‐cultural perspectives on women and immigration". Women's Studies 17, n.º 1-2 (novembro de 1989): 49–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00497878.1989.9978789.

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Omar, Azura, e Marilyn J. Davidson. "Women in management: a comparative cross‐cultural overview". Cross Cultural Management: An International Journal 8, n.º 3/4 (dezembro de 2001): 35–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/13527600110797272.

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Ahn, Christine. "Disrupting War: Women Cross the Korean DMZ". American Quarterly 71, n.º 4 (2019): 1045–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/aq.2019.0075.

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