Artigos de revistas sobre o tema "Women labor movement members"
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Whyte, Marama. "“The Worst Divorce Case that Ever Happened”: The New York Times Women's Caucus and Workplace Feminism". Modern American History 3, n.º 2-3 (novembro de 2020): 153–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mah.2020.14.
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In 1974, women at the New York Times made national headlines when they filed a class-action sex discrimination lawsuit. The drama of the court case, however, has overshadowed the formation of the Times Women's Caucus two years prior, in 1972. A focus on the Caucus, the daily labor its members undertook in the years before and after filing suit, and the behind-the-scenes negotiation of internal office politics reveals the years-long process of consciousness raising and workplace organizing required to undertake a lawsuit in this novel legal area. Activist newswomen operated with unique restrictions and necessarily distanced themselves from the feminist movement, while quietly advocating for feminist goals. Caucus members drew from the feminist, labor, and union movements strategically rather than ideologically, and laid the foundation for substantial shifts in women's participation and representation in the mainstream media.
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Patia, Kaitlyn. "Feminist Movements: The Role of Coalition, Travel, and Labor in the Third World Women’s Alliance". Journal for the History of Rhetoric 26, n.º 2 (julho de 2023): 177–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jhistrhetoric.26.2.0177.
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Abstract This article analyzes the role that travel and labor played in the coalitional activism of the Third World Women’s Alliance, a pathbreaking organization formed by women of color in 1970 and active through 1980. In it, I attend to the alliance’s feminist movements, how its members’ activism and commitments were lived, performed, and embodied. Specifically, I focus on its members’ travel to California to work with the United Farm Workers and to Cuba to work with the Venceremos Brigade. I explore the rhetorical capacity of movement and bodies in motion to transform feminist activism. This capacity—which I term rhetorical fluidity—names the always-ongoing processes of transforming what is possible that accompany that which moves. Understanding rhetorical fluidity and tracing its contours can demonstrate how activists and social movements can harness this latent power as a potential site of energy to sustain long-term struggles against oppression.
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Avendaño, Ana. "Sexual Harassment in the Workplace: Where Were the Unions?" Labor Studies Journal 43, n.º 4 (12 de novembro de 2018): 245–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x18809432.
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Unions have a mixed record when it comes to fighting sexual harassment, especially in cases that involve harassment by union members. Union responses to sexual harassment have been shaped by their position in labor markets that remain highly segmented by gender and race, with male-dominated unions playing a passive role vis-à-vis female targets of sexual harassment, and too often siding with male harassers. Those responses have also been shaped by a legacy of sexism within the labor movement, and exclusion of women from the formal labor market, and from unions, and by a distinctive form of feminism exercised by women inside the labor movement, which focuses on women’s economic situation rather than on other social factors that keep women down. In the wake of the #MeToo movement, some unions faced their own internal harassment scandals. Several unions have since adopted internal codes of conduct, and other approaches to better address harassment internally, and on the shop floor. While codes of conduct are an important element in changing the culture that permits harassment to persist, they are not enough. By authentically focusing on sexual harassment, unions would connect to the experiences of women in all workplaces. They would also increase their chances of growing. Unions remain the most powerful voice for working people in America, and the best vehicle to create a transparent, accessible system that empowers those who suffer harassment in the workplace to stand up collectively and individually against violators. The moment demands intentional, well-resourced, genuine efforts from unions to do better. This article offers modest suggestions that unions could easily adopt.
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Bali, Namrata. "Naam, Kaam, Gaam: Educating Women for Self-Employment, Cooperation and Struggle". International Labor and Working-Class History 90 (2016): 164–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547916000077.
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The following is a detailed description of a training program offered by the Self-Employed Women's Association (SEWA) Academy to introduce new members to the organization and its work. SEWA describes its main goals as “to organize women workers for full employment,” by which it means “employment whereby workers obtain work security, income security, food security, and social security (at least health care, child care and shelter).” The organization works to achieve its goals “through the strategy of struggle and development. The struggle is against the many constraints and limitations imposed on them by society and the economy, while development activities strengthen women's bargaining power and offer them new alternatives.” SEWA describes itself as “both an organisation and a movement,” which is enhanced by “the sangama or confluence of three movements: the labour movement, the cooperative movement and the women's movement.” SEWA also describes itself as a Gandhian movement: “Gandhian thinking is the guiding force for SEWA's poor, self-employed members in organising for social change. We follow the principles of satya (truth), ahimsa (nonviolence), sarvadharma (integrating all faiths, all people) and khadi (propagation of local employment and self-reliance).” In practical terms, SEWA carries out its strategy “through the joint action of union and cooperatives.” As a trade union, it has nearly two million members, half of whom are in the organization's home state of Gujarat, India. It also operates or is affiliated with nearly two dozen sister organizations and cooperatives.
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Agarwala, Rina, e Shiny Saha. "The Employment Relationship and Movement Strategies among Domestic Workers in India". Critical Sociology 44, n.º 7-8 (3 de maio de 2018): 1207–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920518765925.
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This article examines how paid domestic workers in India fight to reproduce themselves by attaining recognition for their employment relationship and struggling to advance their labor rights. We find a striking convergence toward female-dominated unions that articulate the recipient of domestic services as “employers,” their employment relationship as an exploitative one in terms of time and dignity, and the household as a place of work and profit. To ensure a focus on women members and leaders, domestic workers’ have developed different union types including politically-affiliated and independent unions, as well as unions affiliated to NGOs, faith-based institutions, and cooperatives. Domestic workers’ direct, one-to-one employment relationship has led organizations to empower workers to confront employers’ daily control of workers’ associations (even outside the workplace), citizenship rights, worth, and dignity. However, because domestic workers’ employment relationship is still not recognized by Indian law, domestic workers avoid confronting employers and instead target the state when demanding material concessions to de-commodify their labor. These findings offer important insights into the limits and potential of domestic workers’ struggles.
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Han, Geum-Soon. "National Movements of Pyeong-kuk Kang in Japan". Society for Jeju Studies 58 (31 de agosto de 2022): 107–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.47520/jjs.2022.58.107.
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Pyeong-kuk Kang was a Korean nationalist during the period of Japanese colonial rule.
She participated in the March 1st movement in Seoul. After Kang enrolled in Tokyo Women’s Medical School, Kang was a member of youth activist group, feminist group, and labor union for Koreans in Japan. She participated in nationalist activism against ethnic discrimination in Japan until 1932.
Kang was a board member of the Korean Young Women League in Tokyo, which had a goal to enhance social status and economic welfare of women. She was also a fellow member of the Council of Korean Association in Tokyo. Furthermore, Kang was a committee member of the Department of Women in the Eastern branch of Korea Trade Union in Tokyo and in the Korea Trade Union Confederation in Japan. She participated in social activism for Koreans against ethnic discrimination to protect the rights and interests of Korean labor. Kang played the leading role in the establishment of the Tokyo branch of Keun-Woo Association. Keun-Woo Association was an activist group for women’s social status and Korean liberation. Kang was a chairperson in General Meeting for the establishment of the Tokyo branch of Keun-Woo Association. Kang in Keun-Woo Association engaged in not only women’s rights and interests but also other political and social issues.
Kang’s activities in Japan were mainly focused on nationalist activism. A wide range of her activism from feminism to labor movement were protests for Koreans against ethnic discrimination. On the other hand, Kang’s activities in Japan were aligned with socialist activism.
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Muldoon, James. "Luise Kautsky: The ‘Forgotten Soul’ of the Socialist Movement". Historical Materialism 28, n.º 3 (17 de junho de 2020): 113–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-00001893.
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Abstract This article draws on archival research to recover the legacy of Luise Kautsky – journalist, editor, translator, politician and wife of Karl Kautsky – who has been overlooked as a leading member of the socialist movement. First, by adopting a feminist historical lens to reveal the unacknowledged intellectual labour of women, the article reassesses Luise Kautsky’s relationship to Karl Kautsky and his writings. The evidence suggests that Luise Kautsky was essential to the development, editing and dissemination of the work of Karl Kautsky. Second, the article claims Luise Kautsky played an invaluable practical role as the hub of an international network of socialist scholars and activists, acting as mediator, translator and middle point through her extensive correspondence and by hosting members of this network at her house. Finally, the article recovers her labour as a writer, editor and translator and calls for renewed attention to her as an independent figure of historical analysis.
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Jackson, Andrew J. H. "The Cooperative Movement and the Education of Working Men and Women: Provision by a Local Society in Lincoln, England, 1861–1914". International Labor and Working-Class History 90 (2016): 28–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014754791600020x.
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AbstractIn the second half of the nineteenth century the provision of better education for working-class men and women became one of the various and broad-ranging set of preoccupations of the cooperative movement in Britain. Much early cooperation was economic, concerning alternative means of production and distribution. However, local societies also turned themselves toward other forms of societal improvement, including creating the facilities and contexts that would promote and support the education and learning of adults. The archive of the Lincoln Equitable Co-operative Industrial Society offers a rich body of source material for a microhistorical investigation of the expansion and diversification of one local cooperative up to the First World War. The members’ magazine of this local society in particular records the evolution of its purpose—economic, political, social, and cultural. This included achieving progress through various forms of educational provision—although the opportunities for men contrasted with those made available for women. This research illuminates what is a relatively underresearched area—that is, exploration of the complexities, dynamism, and phenomenology of local cooperative adult education and the significance of what it had to offer the development of the labor movement in particular places.
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Cabaniss, Emily. "Pulling Back the Curtain: Examining the Backstage Gendered Dynamics of Storytelling in the Undocumented Youth Movement". Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 47, n.º 2 (26 de abril de 2016): 199–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0891241616643589.
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This article examines the backstage process by which undocumented youth activists developed and implemented an emotionally evocative storytelling strategy in their efforts to bring about social change. Using participant observation and in-depth interviews with members of the DREAM Act Movement, I show how they carefully cultivated and refined their storytelling performances through interaction. I also show how hegemonic gender expectations—and the stigma of victimization—complicated their efforts. Because they believed the best stories showed audiences what it felt like to be undocumented, this explicitly expressive tactic caused problems for men who had to overcome cultural expectations that they control their emotions and for women who worried about being perceived as weak if they showed too much vulnerability. I argue that their solution—the creation of a gendered division of emotional labor—ultimately reinforced the gender order. By revealing how the process of storytelling can simultaneously challenge and exacerbate inequalities, my research expands our knowledge of the potentials and limitations of narrative approaches to social change.
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Rodríguez-Gallardo, Ángel, e María Victoria Martins-Rodríguez. "The Incorporation of Women in the Agricultural Trade Union Struggle: The Case of the Galician Peasants’ Union Sindicato Labrego Galego". International Labor and Working-Class History 98 (2020): 121–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547918000054.
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AbstractThis project investigates the participation of rural Galician women in social movements regarding labor and rural concerns from 1970 to 1990, with a comparative and interdisciplinary approach. Based on the studies we have analyzed we can conclude that the recognition of rural women and their roles in their organizations have been consolidated in recent years. Rural women have gradually become significant social players in the development of their communities and, consequently, their economies. This study also demonstrates that participation in organizations plays a major role in the development of women's identities by changing the rural definition of gender. In the case of Galician women, historical relegation is evident as the empowerment of rural women did not begin until a group of feminist women became members of the Executive Board of Sindicato Labrego Galego. The driving force behind this empowerment was the creation of organizations for women with clear and specific objectives.
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Koivisto, Hanne. "Devotedly International—But Always Wrong: Left-Wing Intellectuals and Their Orientation toward International Progressive Culture and Literature in the 1930s and 1940s". Journal of Finnish Studies 18, n.º 2 (1 de julho de 2015): 99–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/28315081.18.2.07.
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Abstract The layer of the educated classes and intelligentsia was thin in Finland in the 1930s and 1940s. One of the most internationally oriented was a Helsinki-based group, whose members called themselves left-wing intellectuals. In spite of numbering only about twenty men and women, the group was both vocal and visible. Today the group offers a fascinating opportunity to observe clashes between ideologies and conflicts within the labor movement, as well as the ambivalent and problematic relationship of the Finns with the Soviet Union. Paradoxically, it appears that neither decade was favorable for the group, in spite of the decades’ strikingly different political ethos. The most active periods for left-wing intellectuals were the years 1933 to 1938 and 1944 to 1948. Both of these periods resulted in profound frustration for the members of the group, who could never realize their cultural objectives. Even worse, most contemporaries thought that their ideas and aims were simply wrong. In the present article, the author analyzes internationalism among left-wing intellectuals, its expression as well as its significance to working-class culture and literature in Finland.
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Raharto, Aswatini. "PENGAMBILAN KEPUTUSAN TENAGA KERJA INDONESIA (TKI) PEREMPUAN UNTUK BEKERJA DI LUAR NEGERI: KASUS KABUPATEN CILACAP". Jurnal Kependudukan Indonesia 12, n.º 1 (30 de junho de 2017): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.14203/jki.v12i1.275.
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In the past, women migrants are considered as passive migrants following their parents or husbands. However, the increasing number of Indonesian women migrating to work abroad, even outnumbering men, suggests the importance of understanding the reasons underlined their movements. This article examines the decision-making process of working abroad among the returned Indonesian women migrants. A quantitative approach was used to analyze secondary data from several government institutions. Also, the qualitative approach was utilized to understand the migration decision-making process. The study was conducted in Cilacap District, one of the major labor migrant sending districts in Indonesia. The result showed that women have no other choice than working abroad, mainly due to the economic reason. Moreover, the initiative to work abroad commonly comes from the women themselves, while other family members, especially father and husband, only give their consent. It can be said that women are more autonomous and self-assured when deciding to work abroad.
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Connolly, Clara, Lynne Segal, Michèle Barrett, Beatrix Campbell, Anne Phillips, Angela Weir e Elizabeth Wilson. "Feminism and Class Politics: A Round-Table Discussion". Feminist Review 23, n.º 1 (julho de 1986): 13–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.1986.18.
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In December 1984 Angela Weir and Elizabeth Wilson, two founding members of Feminist Review, published an article assessing contemporary British feminism and its relationship to the left and to class struggle. They suggested that the women's movement in general, and socialist-feminism in particular, had lost its former political sharpness. The academic focus of socialist-feminism has proved more interested in theorizing the ideological basis of sexual difference than the economic contradictions of capitalism. Meanwhile the conditions of working-class and black women have been deteriorating. In this situation, they argue, feminists can only serve the general interests of women through alliance with working-class movements and class struggle. Weir and Wilson represent a minority position within the British Communist Party (the CP), which argues that ‘feminism’ is now being used by sections of the left, in particular the dominant ‘Eurocommunist’ left in the CP, to justify their moves to the right, with an accompanying attack on traditional forms of trade union militancy. Beatrix Campbell, who is aligned to the dominant position within the CP, has been one target of Weir and Wilson's criticisms. In several articles from 1978 onwards, and in her book Wigan Pier Revisited, Beatrix Campbell has presented a very different analysis of women and the labour movement. She has criticized the trade union movement as a ‘men's movement’, in the sense that it has always represented the interests of men at the expense of women. And she has described the current split within the CP as one extending throughout the left between the politics of the ‘old’ and the ‘new’: traditional labour movement politics as against the politics of those who have rethought their socialism to take into account the analysis and importance of popular social movements – in particular feminism, the peace and anti-racist movements. In reply to this debate, Anne Phillips has argued that while women's position today must be analysed in the context of the capitalist crisis, it is not reducible to the dichotomy ‘class politics’ versus ‘popular alliance’. Michèle Barrett, in another reply to Weir and Wilson, has argued that they have presented a reductionist and economistic approach to women's oppression, which caricatures rather than clarifies much of the work in which socialist-feminists have been engaged. To air these differences between socialist-feminists over the question of feminism and class politics, and to see their implications for the women's movement and the left, Feminist Review has decided to bring together the main protagonists of this debate for a fuller, more open discussion. For this discussion Feminist Review drew up a number of questions which were put to the participants by Clara Connolly and Lynne Segal. (Michèle Barrett was present in a personal capacity.) They cover the recent background to socialist-feminist politics, the relationship of feminism to Marxism, the role of feminists in le ft political parties and the labour movement, the issue of racism and the prospects for the immediate future. The discussion was lengthy and what follows is an edited version of the transcript.
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Marques, Fernanda Cessel, João Vítor Mendes Vilela, Emanoel Nascimento Costa, Kenne Samara Andrade, Nayra Carla De Melo, Eduardo J. S. Honorato e E. Sônia Maria Lemos. "HUMANIZED CHILDBIRTH: A TRANSDICIPLINARY REVIEW". International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 8, n.º 7 (22 de julho de 2020): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v8.i7.2020.574.
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The Humanized Childbirth movement is characterized by the intellectual, technical, and professional union of several areas that focus on the quality of care received by pregnant women, babies, and family members during the process of childbirth. In the last four decades, specific knowledge about the birth process has undergone several updates, mainly concerning less interventionist assistance. However, in many contexts, labor is still seen as pathological or non-physiological and culminates in questionable interventions in the female body. This profound distortion in childbirth care is determined by multiple historical, structural, and cyclical factors that directly affect the way society in general and the health area, in particular, face the female sex. Thus, it is imperative to critically discuss childbirth care with contextualization of gender, cultural, structural, and scientific issues (Evidence-Based Medicine) to guarantee the protection of the person about violations of sexual and reproductive rights. The approach of this literature review focused on the multiple meanings of the humanization process of childbirth care, with the concern of being transdisciplinary.
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Koljanin, Milan. "The role of concentration camps in suppressing the uprising in Serbia in 1941". Vojno-istorijski glasnik, spec br (2022): 118–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vig2200118k.
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The internment of tens of thousands of people in the newly created network of permanent and temporary camps was an important integral part of actions of the occupation forces in Serbia during the suppression of mass insurgent movement in the summer and autumn of 1941. The main purpose of these camps was to be a reservoir of people to be shot for the German losses in the battles with the insurgents in the proportion of 100 for one killed, or 50 for a wounded German soldier or Volksdeutsche. The network of permanent camps consisted of camps at Banjica in Belgrade, Šabac and Niš. For the territory of Banat, a camp was formed in Veliki Bečkerek (today Zrenjanin), ending the formation of a network of permanent camps. They also served as a place of internment of hostages, real or potential opponents of the occupation, but also some other categories of men and women. Starting from April 1942, permanent camps in Serbia were given the function of a source for forced labor in concentration and labor camps in Germany or in occupied countries, including Serbia itself. The main role was played by the camp at the Belgrade Fair and the camp at Banjica, where detainees from other camps were sent for forced labor. This was also the result of a change in policy towards captured insurgents and their sympathizers, which was a reflection of the growing need of the German war economy for labor. In May 1942, the role of the central German camp in Serbia was taken over by the camp at the Belgrade Fair, now under the name Anhaltelager Semlin (Prihvatni logor Zemun). Temporary camps served almost exclusively for the internment of captured members of the insurgent movement, their sympathizers, civilian population and as a source of people for mass shootings. Among temporary camps, the most important were the Transit Camp in the barracks on Senjak, in Šabac and the Jewish Transit Camp Topovske Šupe (Cannon Sheds) in Belgrade. The second camp served exclusively as a source of Jews and Roma for mass shootings and was the main and largest reservoir of these categories of prisoners. The camp ceased to exist at the time of the formation of the Jewish Camp Zemun, which, after the killing of the Jewish prisoners, became the central German camp in occupied Serbia.
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Leesland, Aslak. "The Norwegian Workers’ Education Association: A Midwife of Labor's Breakthrough in Norway". International Labor and Working-Class History 90 (2016): 176–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547916000181.
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Norway in the year 1900 would be more easily recognizable to a person from the global South than to a citizen of present-day Norway. One of Europe's smallest countries, with a population of 2.2 million, it was also one of the poorest. Still a predominantly agrarian country, it suffered from the side effects of early industrialization that other European countries had known for decades. Under pressure from a growing labor movement and an increasingly restive citizenry, the Liberal Party was spearheading reformist social policies and further democratization in Norway, whereas the Conservative Party resisted such reforms. A third party—the Norwegian Labour party—was founded by some local trade unions in 1887, but remained a marginal influence at the turn of the century even if the party won sixteen percent of the votes cast in the election of 1900. However, it was about to begin its meteoric rise from obscurity to political dominance. In 1899 a number of trade unions came together to found a national superstructure—the LO—with 1,500 registered members. This prompted employers to do the same. The Employers’ Association dates back to the year 1900. Next, the right to vote was extended to new groups of voters. Before 1898 only men with an income above a certain minimum could participate in elections, but universal suffrage for men was introduced in 1898. Women were then given the right to vote in local elections in 1910 and in parliamentary elections in 1913. These reforms were introduced by the Liberal Party.
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Tiwari, Liladhar, e Govind Nepal. "Financial Sustainability of Small Farmer Cooperative (SFC) in Mid-Western Region of Nepal". Journal of Advanced Academic Research 4, n.º 2 (1 de abril de 2018): 18–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jaar.v4i2.19531.
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This article is based on Financial Sustainability of Small Farmers Cooperative (SFC) in Mid-Western of Nepal. It attempts to provide the practices and their impacts of financial sustainability of SFC. As the cooperative movement originated from the philosophy of cooperation and later developed as a powerful tool to support to improve socio-economic position of resource poor, vulnerable, members of the lower caste people, women, labors and peasants, the SFC functions with the guiding philosophy of group principle, self-help development and institutionalization of networks at the grassroots level to reduce the scarcity. This study applied a descriptive and analytical research design using both primary (observation; questionnaires, focused group discussion) and secondary (Department of Cooperative (DoC), Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS), and National Cooperative Federation of Nepal (NCF/N and annual report of sampled cooperatives) sources of data. After the analysis and interpretation of data, a number of contributions were found such as saving collection, credit investment, socio-economic development etc. The SFCs were found to be guided by self-governing norms and shares were issued to the members who are empowered with one member one vote for the general assembly purpose. The institutions function for socio-economic development with the strong policy of being apolitical and unbiased with no discrimination of any kind on religion and gender basis. The socio-economic position of cooperative members has changed through income generating programs. This study is concentrated on perception study of the financial sustainability of Small Farmer Cooperative (SFC) for the economic as well as financial development.
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Troeller, Jordan. "Lucia Moholy's Idle Hands". October 172 (maio de 2020): 68–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/octo_a_00393.
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At the time that she was affiliated with the Bauhaus, Lucia Moholy took a series of photographs at the nearby feminist commune of Schwarze Erde (also known as Schwarzerden), which was founded in 1923 by the poet Marie Buchhold and the pedagogue Elisabeth Vogler (and counted among its members Tilla Winz and Ilse Hoeborn). These photographs focus our attention on androgynous hands engaged in prosaic domestic tasks, as well as on the bodies of women and children involved in the commune's radical pedagogy of renewed bodily movement. The centrality of these images in Schwarzerden's publicity materials, along with their subsequent service as models for future photographs (most notably by Ruth Hallensleben), stands in contrast to the lack of appreciation Moholy received for performing similarly domestic labor for her male peers at the Bauhaus, including, above all, her husband, László Moholy-Nagy. By tracing the various ways in which idleness unfolds as a pictorial equivalent of housework, I argue that these images amount to a critique of an avant-garde photographic discourse that privileged “originality” and “production” over “documentation” and “reproduction.” Reading the photographs against the intention of their maker, who herself dismissed their “artistic value,” I propose that in mounting a challenge to artistic authorship, such images render visible the gendered contradictions of New Vision photography.
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Jelušić, Iva, Anna Sidorevich e Justina Smalkyte. "Cartography of Resistance: Zagreb 1941-1945: An interview". Connexe : les espaces postcommunistes en question(s) 9, n.º 1 (28 de dezembro de 2023): 143–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5077/journals/connexe.2023.e1401.
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On the occasion of the seventieth anniversary of the liberation of Zagreb, a few interested researchers and activists, supported by Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung Southeast Europe (RLS SEE) in partnership with Zagreb-based curatorial collective [BLOK], started to work on a project entitled Cartography of Resistance [Kartografija otpora]. The starting point is the underground networks established for the purpose of resistance to the fascist Ustasha [Ustaša] authorities during the Second World War on the territory of the Yugoslav countries (1941-1945), which were rooted in the interwar left-oriented labor movement and activism of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia [Komunistička partija Jugoslavije, KPJ]. The research has been carried out in two phases; during 2015 and 2016, and from 2020 until 2022. Both focused on spatial, organizational, political, gender and social aspects of the resistance movement. During the first phase emerged the website “kartografija-otpora.org” that mapped the resistance on the territory of the city of Zagreb. On the basis of research carried out in the second phase, the book entitled Kartografija otpora: Zagreb 1941.-1945. (ed. Josip Jagić, Marko Kostanić) was written and published. The book consists of nine chapters total, where the first three, written by Karlo Držaić, Saša Vejzagić and Josip Jagić, deal with the general institutional and social history of the resistance movement. Krešimir Zovak in his contribution tackles the Peoples’ Justice [Narodna Pravda], exploring controversial topic of Partisan courts. Barbara Blasin wrote about Antifascist Women’s Front in Zagreb, while Ana Lovreković dealt with women working for the Party’s Local Committee. Petra Šarin wrote about Agitprop and the underground printing services. Stefan Treskanica and Goran Korov, members of the team from 2015, investigated the phenomenon of Peoples’ Aid [Narodna pomoć] and explored the activities of the KPJ in the prewar period, between 1931 and 1941. The website was also updated on the basis of these findings with more than 200 locations of terror and resistance. We asked the contributors about the content and specific importance of this book.
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Tiwari, Liladhar. "Financial Status of Small Farmer Cooperative Limited (SFCL) in Surkhet District of Nepal". Journal of Advanced Academic Research 3, n.º 1 (11 de fevereiro de 2017): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jaar.v3i1.16616.
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The present study has studied the status of Small Farmers Cooperative Limited (SFCL) in Surkhet District of Nepal. The cooperative movement originated from the philosophy of cooperation and later developed as a powerful tool to support to improve socio-economic status of resource poor, vulnerable, members of the lower cast people, women, labors and peasants. The Small Farmers Cooperative Limited functions with the guiding philosophy of group principle, self-help development and institutionalization of networks at the grassroots level to reduce the poverty. SFCL has three tier structures - village level groups, inter-groups and the main committee. This study applied a descriptive and analytical research design in the specific area. Study is based on both primary and secondary sources of data. The primary data are collected through observation and questionnaires and secondary data are collected from District Cooperative Office Surkhet (DCOS), Department of Cooperative (DoC), Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS), National Planning Commission (NPC), National Cooperative Federation of Nepal (NCF/N and so on. Some of the most remarkable contributions of these institutions are: saving collection, credit investment and socio-economic improvement. The SFCLs are guided by democratic norms and shares are issued to the members who are empowered with one member one vote for the general assembly purpose. The institutions function for socio-economic development with the strong policy of being apolitical and unbiased with no discrimination of any kind on religion and gender basis. The socio-economic status of cooperative members is changed through income generation. Similarly, in the comparison of expenditure increment before and after membership, an average expense is increased, result is highly significant.
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Yarova, Yelyzaveta. "Russian-Ukrainian War 2014–2024: a Woman in the Rear". Ethnic History of European Nations, n.º 73 (2024): 139–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2518-1270.2024.73.18.
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The relevance of this work is expressed in the coverage of the problems faced by women during the Russian-Ukrainian war. This issue is quite acute now, because since 2014, the war with Russia has been going on in Ukrainian lands, namely, on February 24, 2022, active hostilities began throughout the territory of Ukraine. In my research, I would like to draw attention to the specific and special role played by women in the home front during the war, as well as to the problems they face. After all, women are one of the most vulnerable population groups during war. In addition, women are active members of the volunteer movement. After all, as of the beginning of 2014, the army was looted and practically did not exist. And for years, almost without any support from the state, the fighters were provided by volunteers. And now, without exaggeration, almost every Ukrainian has become a volunteer. Whether it is the dissemination of information on social networks, or material assistance with things, or financial assistance to fighters. In recent decades, the idea of gender equality has been increasingly affirmed in Ukrainian society. We see that certain transformative changes are being observed in the gender policy of Ukraine. The successful implementation and regulation of gender relations in society involves the affirmation of the value of gender equality both in society in general and in its various institutions in particular. This is, first of all, the prevention of gender discrimination, ensuring the equal participation of women and men in making socially important decisions (first of all, in the sphere of politics and in general in the labor market), ensuring equal opportunities for women and men to combine professional and family responsibilities, preventing manifestations of gender-based violence, etc. But the problem of sexism is still acute for Ukrainian women. Even public figures and politicians allow themselves sexist expressions. It is not surprising that women also face sexism during protest activity, volunteering and military operations. Undoubtedly, the war between Russia and Ukraine is a war between two cultures, two different civilizations. In a country whose leader says «like it, don’t like it, bear with me, my beauty», which causes an association with the process of rape, both men and women demonstrate a high level of aggression and cruelty. The aggravation of gender stereotypes regarding the role of women in society provokes the aggravation of sexualization and objectification. Even in Aristophanes comedy «Lysistrata» of the 5th century BC, although women are depicted as peacemakers – but according to the plot of the comedy, women refused to have sex with men until they stopped the war.
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Stewart, Mary Lynn. "2011 Presidential Address of the Canadian Historical Association". Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 22, n.º 1 (27 de abril de 2012): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1008956ar.
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Using her own experience as a window into the experiences of many historians, and especially women historians, who entered the profession in the 1960s, Mary Lynn spotlighted four barriers this generation crossed. First, many who came from working-class families benefitted from the expansion of university studies and financial support to take degrees, especially in the liberal arts as opposed to more practical diplomas that our parents and families preferred. They brought with them an interest in those who had been left out of conventional histories, thereby developing the fields of labour, social, and women’s history. Second, many participated in the political and social protests of the 1960s and learned from this much about the operations of power and memory that would apply in historical research and analyses. Third, women and men who were involved in the women’s movement in the 1960s and 1970s opened up the field of women’s history and subsequently gender history. Fourth, they did more local, regional and, more recently, transnational historical studies and within history departments, pressed for more inclusive and representative faculty members to teach the more expansive kind of history that has emerged.
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Kasparian, Denise, Agustina Súnico, Julieta Grasas e Julia Cófreces. "Socio-Labour Inclusion of Low-Income Women in the Digital Economy: A Comparison between Corporate and Cooperative Domestic Work Platforms". Social Sciences 12, n.º 10 (19 de outubro de 2023): 579. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci12100579.
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It is often argued that digital labour platforms entail an expansion of opportunities for women for several reasons. They facilitate the balance between paid work and household chores as a result of time flexibility, they eliminate entry and permanence barriers for typically male work sectors, they enable economic independence, and they favour the creation of professional networks. Several studies, however, have shown that the wage gap, the sexual division of labour, occupational segregation, and gender stereotypes still persist. Hence, to what extent do the new forms of labour mediated by digital platforms lead to an expansion of opportunities for women? This article analyses the socio-labour inclusion of low-income women in digital labour platforms by contrasting the model of corporate platforms against the emerging alternative of platform cooperatives. The movement of platform cooperativism advocates for the creation of platform companies based on democratic ownership and governance models that reduce inequalities in a broad sense. The methodological approach is based on the comparison of two platforms: Zolvers, which was founded in 2013 with headquarters in Argentina and which operates as an intermediary or marketplace between those who offer and those who require home cleaning services, and Up & Go, which was founded in 2017 in New York and is owned by six worker cooperatives that use the platform to offer various services on demand, particularly home cleaning services. Whereas Zolvers offers job opportunities with possibilities of formalisation but no guarantee of stability, Up & Go is owned and managed by worker cooperatives that seek to guarantee living wages for their worker-members. Concerning working conditions, Zolvers reproduces power asymmetries of domestic work, subordinating workers to the platform and the hirers. On the contrary, Up & Go empowers women workers to decide on their schedules and hirers, among other issues. Finally, whereas Zolvers does not enable the participation of workers either in governance or in technology design, the cooperative nature of Up & Go promotes their involvement.
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Yeoh, Brenda S. A., e Shirlena Huang. "Singapore's Changing Demography, the Eldercare Predicament and Transnational ‘Care’ Migration". TRaNS: Trans -Regional and -National Studies of Southeast Asia 2, n.º 2 (26 de junho de 2014): 247–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/trn.2014.6.
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AbstractScholars have recently argued that globalisation processes have significantly altered not just the productive but reproductive sphere. ‘Reproduction’ is formulated to include both biological and social reproduction, and which at the individual level requires ‘care’ throughout the life-cycle – that is, from cradle to grave – in sustaining the body in its corporeal and affective aspects. Concepts that have emerged in the literature in recent decades such as the ‘transnational family’, ‘global householding’ and ‘global care chain’ draw attention to the observation that the formation and sustenance of households is increasingly reliant on the international movement of people and transactions among household members residing in more than one national territory. Applying these notions to the context of the city-state of Singapore where the predicament around eldercare (resulting essentially from rapid fertility decline, shortages of Singapore women's reproductive labour and rigidities in the gender household division of labour) accompanies rapid globalisation, this paper examines strategies of care substitution which draw on the lowly paid labour of two groups of transnational subjects (mainly women) – transnational domestic workers working in the privatised sphere of the home, and transnational healthcare workers in institutionalised settings. The paper reflects upon the interdependencies between flows of transnational care migration and delves into the gender and class implications of these flows for an understanding of the links between transnational migration and social change.
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Thompson, Lynne. "The Promotion of Agricultural Education for Adults: The Lancashire Federation of Women's Institutes, 1919–45". Rural History 10, n.º 2 (outubro de 1999): 217–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793300001795.
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A recent article in Rural History illustrated how the Women's Institutes between the wars Were influenced by contemporary feminism. The argument of the article was that in seeking to change the material condition and status of countrywomen, and in effect, emulating craft trades union strategies, the WI movement sought to alter perceptions of women's labour in the home by enhancing their skills, encouraging co-operative endeavour and promoting an ‘active domesticity’. Furthermore, the domestic arena was extended to cover all aspects of rural life related to the home, garden, farm or allotment.However, as time passed between the wars, less interest was shown in agricultural work outside the home, and, as Morgan states elsewhere, the agricultural ‘side’ of the movement became ‘severely diminished’. Whilst one might not seriously quarrel with this statement with reference to some periods of WI history, it is, nevertheless, a somewhat reductive approach to have taken when considering the interwar period. During that time, there is evidence to suggest that in some regions at least, WI members maintained more than a passing interest in agriculture per se. This was not simply in relation to the production and preservation of food, but rather as a means of maintaining the influence of women in rural policy making. This interest can be best detected in the educational sphere, from the promotion of classes in a wide range of agricultural activities and demonstrations at agricultural and horticultural shows, to WI membership of local agricultural education committees. Furthermore, the National Federation of Women's Institutes (NFWI) fought in many ways to maintain the agricultural ‘side’ of the movement because it was an integral part of its wider mission to educate countrywomen, particularly those who were destined to live and work in the Empire
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Loza, Jorgelina. "Global Care Crisis and COVID-19: The Actions of States and the Initiatives of Female Domestic Paid Workers in Latin America". Genealogy 7, n.º 1 (3 de janeiro de 2023): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy7010004.
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Since 2020, social movements, organizations, and nation-states in Latin America have taken concrete actions in response to the COVID-19 crisis. Although contingency policies were promoted, it did not take long for inequities to become visible. The paid domestic work sector, historically feminized, was strongly affected by the COVID-19 crisis. While Latin American governments launched various assistance policies for the domestic work sector, a contemporary regional initiative of Latin American women, CONLACTRAHO, was also working with its members to help them retain their jobs while risking contracting the disease. Here, we will explore the initiatives developed by some Latin American governments and strategies from CONLACTRAHO in the context of the care crisis and the COVID-19 crisis. These examples will allow us to reflect, from a qualitative, intersectional, and decolonial approach, on commonalities and differences between the civil society agenda and the gender agenda of nation-states in the region. We understand that the unequal labor conditions of domestic workers are strongly related to the societal gender regime that historically distributes roles, opportunities, and resources among gender categories. This work is part of a broader reflection regarding the process of Latin American regional construction and its interrelation with contemporary ideas of nation.
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Dushimimana, D., H. Vasanthakalaam e A. Karangwa. "Assessment of maize production system during the Covid-19 pandemic in Rwanda: Case study of Kigali City Region". African Journal of Food, Agriculture, Nutrition and Development 23, n.º 121 (6 de julho de 2023): 23737–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.18697/ajfand.121.23160.
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The SARS-CoV-2 virus caused a major transformation in the food system globally including in Rwanda. This research identified and assessed the status and structure of the maize production system in the Kigali city region before and during the COVID-19 pandemic. The methods adopted for this study include both quantitative and qualitative methods using primary data obtained from the participants’ interview and focus group discussions, the secondary data were obtained from national institute of statistics of Rwanda (NISR). While production, processing, distribution and consumption are the four parts of the maize production system, the study only focused on the production system. The sample size for the study was 256 respondents who were maize production system actors from the Kigali city region. The study showed that before the COVID-19 pandemic, the prize of dried maize was significantly influenced by the cost of diammonium phosphate (DAP) (p=0.000), the source of the irrigating scheme (p=0.008), being a cooperative member (p=0.000) and marital status (p=0.002). During the pandemic, DAP (p=0.109) was absent at market due to lockdowns, and farmers did not access it. Maize farmers-built responses of resilience, persistence, adaptation, transformation, and persistence to encounter the consequences of the lockdowns. Innovative responses to shortage of maize- input stocks, and poor imports were presented, which represented 26.66% of resilient responses adopted by farmers. The innovative responses to labor shortage with farm workers` migration to their home provinces before and during the implementation of containment measures were 20%. Resilience built against the absence of extension services due to restricted movements was 13.33%. Reactions to restricted movement to and from fields, and adaptation to COVID-19 pandemic containing measures were 26.66 %, while reaction to the shortage of dried -maize at the market, which shortened the maize production cycle was 13.33%. Apart from maize production, more than half of the maize selling system were women 51.61%. Women in raw maize processing were 67.67% with a 100% level of university. Key words: COVID-19, food systems, city region, resilience, aflatoxin, maize production system, Kigali
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Asmi, Rehenuma. "Everyday Conversions: Islam, Domestic Work, and South Asian Migrant Women in Kuwait". American Journal of Islam and Society 35, n.º 3 (1 de julho de 2018): 83–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v35i3.485.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
There is a tendency in academic literature to compare and contrast reli- gions to try to understand the motivations of the convert. What are the costs and benefits of conversion? What is gained and what is lost? Thinking in these utilitarian terms can lead to a focus on causality and materiality, rather than the metaphysical and ephemeral aspects of religious thought and practice. Furthermore, religious conversion to Islam is often mired in the same prejudices and stereotypes of the orient found in western and predominantly Judeo-Christian depictions of the Middle East, the region that Islam is most often associated with. In Everyday Conversions: Islam, Domestic Work, and South Asian Migrant Women in Kuwait, Attiya Ahmad moves away from the emphasis on what distinguishes religious traditions and discursive communities to focus on what religious conversion means to the individual convert. Ahmad seeks to counter the notion that conver- sion must have some material benefit to the convert and instead looks at the quotidian character of religious transformation. Ahmad argues in her eth- nographic work that conversion can be understood through the minutiae of daily interactions, conversations, and affections that develop over time. She follows the lives of migrant domestic workers in the Gulf and their relationships with their employers as well as their own families over the course of their conversions and argues that it is neither the strength of the da'wa movement in Kuwait, nor the benefits gained by conversion to the employee/employer relationship that effectively describes the reason the women convert (although Ahmad is admittedly not looking for causality). Instead, Ahmad writes: “I have sought to tell a more modest and mundane set of stories that convey moments of slippage, tension and traces of feel- ings, thoughts and impressions of everyday conversion” (194). The strengths of Ahmad’s ethnography lie in its attention to detail and equanimity in representing the challenges of migration and domestic labor. Ahmad is careful not to create victims, nor inflate the value of the women’s migration and conversion to their economic or personal well-being. In this approach, there are hints of Lila Abu-Lughod’s and Saba Mahmood’s work with women who appear to be in marginal or precarious positions. Like these feminist ethnographers, Ahmad is attuned to the ethics and politics of representation, but with an eye towards transnational and cultural stud- ies. In its theoretical framing, the ethnography calls to mind the work of Michel DeCerteau in The Practice of Everyday Life, which rejects theories of production to focus on the consumer. Furthermore, by placing conversion in light of transnational migration, Ahmad also shows how the individu- al convert navigates her conversion through the complex nexus of Kuwait City as well as her own home town. Thus, the individual convert as artist of her own conversion is the primary subject of Ahmad’s book. My one cri- tique of the book would be in the area of theory, where Ahmad is hesitant to challenge others who have written on the subject of Islamic religious faith and practice, despite the theoretical weight evident in her ethnography. In the introduction, Ahmad begins with Talal Asad and Saba Mah- mood’s seminal arguments in the field of anthropology of Islam, which she argues “relativize and provincialize secular modern understandings of sub- jectivity, agency and embodied practice” (9). She distinguishes her work from Asad and Mahmood’s by utilizing a transnational feminist framework that highlights the process of “mutual constitution and self-constituting othering, as well as sociohistorical circumstances” (10). Ahmad wants to go beyond discursive narratives of secular liberalism and the Islamic piety movement. Specifically, Ahmad follows the approach of Eve Sedgewick, who eschews Judith Butler’s “strong theory” in exchange for an approach that looks at factors that “lie alongside” gender performativity (23). Ahmad does this by showing “how religious conversion also constitutes a complex site of interrelation through which religious traditions are configured and reconfigured together” (24). Instead of showing conflict or contrasting discursive traditions, Ahmad contends that the best way to understand the lives and stories of her interlocutors are in the quotidian affairs of the households they work and live in. She divides the chapters into the affec- tive experiences the women have as a result of their migration experiences, which in turn spur their conversions. Chapters one and two cover the political and geographic terrain that the women must cut across, which produces an overwhelming feeling of being neither here nor there, but temporarily suspended between states, households, and religions. Chapter one paints a somewhat grim picture of the politically precarious position of migrant women within the kefala sys- tem, labor laws, and bans on migrations often creating impossible condi- tions for migrant woman. Chapter two sets out to “discern, document and describe” (66) the migratory experience and why it produces uncertainty about one’s place in the world. It follows the women back and forth between Kuwait and their home countries, emphasizing the socio-historical context that requires a transnational feminist framework. The four women that Ah- mad follows throughout the book share their migratory journeys and their sense of “suspension” between two households. This chapter segues neatly into chapter three, where the women share how being a female migrant and domestic laborer requires knowledge of cross-cultural norms regarding gender, all of which require the women to be naram, “a gendered, learned capability of being malleable that indexes proper womanhood” (122). In their own eyes, a successful domestic worker from South Asia bends to the norms of the society they are in, and they attribute male and female migrant failure to being too sakht, or hard and unyielding. Here, I would have liked a stronger connection between how she describes naram and how Mahmood describes malaka. Does being naram lay the groundwork for women’s conversion to Islam, a religion which requires the ability to engage in rituals entailing patience, modesty, and steadfastness? Ahmed hints at this connection in the conclusion to the chapter—“Being naram resonates with the fluid, flexible student-centered pedagogies of Kuwait’s Islamic dawa movement, thus facilitating domestic worker’s deepening learning of Islamic precepts and practices” (123)—but she could have spent more time discussing the overlap in the concepts in either chapter three or five, where she discusses the da'wah movement. Chapters four and five deal directly with questions of religious thought and practice and illustrate how the women grapple with Islamic practices in the household as their relationships with their employers deepen. Chapter five is about the household and the everyday conversations or “house talk” that Ahmad argues are the touchstones for the women’s conversion. The daily relations in the household make blending and layering practices of Is- lam onto older traditions and rituals seem easy and natural. Ahmad argues that “the work undertaken by domestic workers—such as tending to family members during trips and caring for the elderly or the infirm—necessari- ly involves the disciplining and training of their comportment, affect and sense of self ” (129) and makes Islamic practices easier to absorb as well. Chapter 6 is a foray into the da'wah movement classroom. Like Mahmood’s Politics of Piety, Ahmad shows how the teachers and students use the space to create “intertwining stories” of patience in the face of hardship and the eventual rewards that come from this ethical re-fashioning, which mirror their own hardships as converts and help them deal with the dilemmas of being female migrant and domestic workers. The chapter ends with a sense of uncertainty, returning to the themes of temporality and suspension that began the book. Ahmad can’t say whether the conversions will remain fixed pieces or will bend and move with the women as their circumstances change. In the epilogue, Ahmad follows the “ongoing conversions” of her inter- locutors as some of them return home as Muslims and encounter new chal- lenges. As a book that focuses on the everyday, it is fitting to end on a new day and possibly, a new conversion. The strength of Ahmad’s ethnography is in giving center-stage to the considerable creativity and diligence mi- grant women show in piecing together their own conversions. This piecing together is perfectly captured by the book’s cover, which features Azra Ak- samija’s “Flocking Mosque”. The structure of a flower illustrates how believ- ers form a circular and geometric shape when gathered in devotion to God. Like Aksamija’s patterns, which build into a circular design, Ahmad’s chap- ters each represent a key piece of the story of migrant domestic workers’ conversion to Islam as a gradual process that blends nations, households, and individuals together to create a narrative about the women’s newfound faith. Scholars should read this book for its textured and detailed observa- tions about migrant women’s daily lives and for its treatment of religious conversion as a gradual process that unfolds in the everyday experiences of individuals. It would also be a great book for students as theory takes a back seat to the ethnography. The book is a refreshing, graceful approach to the subject of religious conversion and Islamic faith. Ahmad stays focused on telling her interlocutors’ stories while navigating often conflicting posi- tions.
Rehenuma AsmiAssistant Professor of Education and International StudiesAllegheny College
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Asmi, Rehenuma. "Everyday Conversions: Islam, Domestic Work, and South Asian Migrant Women in Kuwait". American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 35, n.º 3 (1 de julho de 2018): 83–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v35i3.485.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
There is a tendency in academic literature to compare and contrast reli- gions to try to understand the motivations of the convert. What are the costs and benefits of conversion? What is gained and what is lost? Thinking in these utilitarian terms can lead to a focus on causality and materiality, rather than the metaphysical and ephemeral aspects of religious thought and practice. Furthermore, religious conversion to Islam is often mired in the same prejudices and stereotypes of the orient found in western and predominantly Judeo-Christian depictions of the Middle East, the region that Islam is most often associated with. In Everyday Conversions: Islam, Domestic Work, and South Asian Migrant Women in Kuwait, Attiya Ahmad moves away from the emphasis on what distinguishes religious traditions and discursive communities to focus on what religious conversion means to the individual convert. Ahmad seeks to counter the notion that conver- sion must have some material benefit to the convert and instead looks at the quotidian character of religious transformation. Ahmad argues in her eth- nographic work that conversion can be understood through the minutiae of daily interactions, conversations, and affections that develop over time. She follows the lives of migrant domestic workers in the Gulf and their relationships with their employers as well as their own families over the course of their conversions and argues that it is neither the strength of the da'wa movement in Kuwait, nor the benefits gained by conversion to the employee/employer relationship that effectively describes the reason the women convert (although Ahmad is admittedly not looking for causality). Instead, Ahmad writes: “I have sought to tell a more modest and mundane set of stories that convey moments of slippage, tension and traces of feel- ings, thoughts and impressions of everyday conversion” (194). The strengths of Ahmad’s ethnography lie in its attention to detail and equanimity in representing the challenges of migration and domestic labor. Ahmad is careful not to create victims, nor inflate the value of the women’s migration and conversion to their economic or personal well-being. In this approach, there are hints of Lila Abu-Lughod’s and Saba Mahmood’s work with women who appear to be in marginal or precarious positions. Like these feminist ethnographers, Ahmad is attuned to the ethics and politics of representation, but with an eye towards transnational and cultural stud- ies. In its theoretical framing, the ethnography calls to mind the work of Michel DeCerteau in The Practice of Everyday Life, which rejects theories of production to focus on the consumer. Furthermore, by placing conversion in light of transnational migration, Ahmad also shows how the individu- al convert navigates her conversion through the complex nexus of Kuwait City as well as her own home town. Thus, the individual convert as artist of her own conversion is the primary subject of Ahmad’s book. My one cri- tique of the book would be in the area of theory, where Ahmad is hesitant to challenge others who have written on the subject of Islamic religious faith and practice, despite the theoretical weight evident in her ethnography. In the introduction, Ahmad begins with Talal Asad and Saba Mah- mood’s seminal arguments in the field of anthropology of Islam, which she argues “relativize and provincialize secular modern understandings of sub- jectivity, agency and embodied practice” (9). She distinguishes her work from Asad and Mahmood’s by utilizing a transnational feminist framework that highlights the process of “mutual constitution and self-constituting othering, as well as sociohistorical circumstances” (10). Ahmad wants to go beyond discursive narratives of secular liberalism and the Islamic piety movement. Specifically, Ahmad follows the approach of Eve Sedgewick, who eschews Judith Butler’s “strong theory” in exchange for an approach that looks at factors that “lie alongside” gender performativity (23). Ahmad does this by showing “how religious conversion also constitutes a complex site of interrelation through which religious traditions are configured and reconfigured together” (24). Instead of showing conflict or contrasting discursive traditions, Ahmad contends that the best way to understand the lives and stories of her interlocutors are in the quotidian affairs of the households they work and live in. She divides the chapters into the affec- tive experiences the women have as a result of their migration experiences, which in turn spur their conversions. Chapters one and two cover the political and geographic terrain that the women must cut across, which produces an overwhelming feeling of being neither here nor there, but temporarily suspended between states, households, and religions. Chapter one paints a somewhat grim picture of the politically precarious position of migrant women within the kefala sys- tem, labor laws, and bans on migrations often creating impossible condi- tions for migrant woman. Chapter two sets out to “discern, document and describe” (66) the migratory experience and why it produces uncertainty about one’s place in the world. It follows the women back and forth between Kuwait and their home countries, emphasizing the socio-historical context that requires a transnational feminist framework. The four women that Ah- mad follows throughout the book share their migratory journeys and their sense of “suspension” between two households. This chapter segues neatly into chapter three, where the women share how being a female migrant and domestic laborer requires knowledge of cross-cultural norms regarding gender, all of which require the women to be naram, “a gendered, learned capability of being malleable that indexes proper womanhood” (122). In their own eyes, a successful domestic worker from South Asia bends to the norms of the society they are in, and they attribute male and female migrant failure to being too sakht, or hard and unyielding. Here, I would have liked a stronger connection between how she describes naram and how Mahmood describes malaka. Does being naram lay the groundwork for women’s conversion to Islam, a religion which requires the ability to engage in rituals entailing patience, modesty, and steadfastness? Ahmed hints at this connection in the conclusion to the chapter—“Being naram resonates with the fluid, flexible student-centered pedagogies of Kuwait’s Islamic dawa movement, thus facilitating domestic worker’s deepening learning of Islamic precepts and practices” (123)—but she could have spent more time discussing the overlap in the concepts in either chapter three or five, where she discusses the da'wah movement. Chapters four and five deal directly with questions of religious thought and practice and illustrate how the women grapple with Islamic practices in the household as their relationships with their employers deepen. Chapter five is about the household and the everyday conversations or “house talk” that Ahmad argues are the touchstones for the women’s conversion. The daily relations in the household make blending and layering practices of Is- lam onto older traditions and rituals seem easy and natural. Ahmad argues that “the work undertaken by domestic workers—such as tending to family members during trips and caring for the elderly or the infirm—necessari- ly involves the disciplining and training of their comportment, affect and sense of self ” (129) and makes Islamic practices easier to absorb as well. Chapter 6 is a foray into the da'wah movement classroom. Like Mahmood’s Politics of Piety, Ahmad shows how the teachers and students use the space to create “intertwining stories” of patience in the face of hardship and the eventual rewards that come from this ethical re-fashioning, which mirror their own hardships as converts and help them deal with the dilemmas of being female migrant and domestic workers. The chapter ends with a sense of uncertainty, returning to the themes of temporality and suspension that began the book. Ahmad can’t say whether the conversions will remain fixed pieces or will bend and move with the women as their circumstances change. In the epilogue, Ahmad follows the “ongoing conversions” of her inter- locutors as some of them return home as Muslims and encounter new chal- lenges. As a book that focuses on the everyday, it is fitting to end on a new day and possibly, a new conversion. The strength of Ahmad’s ethnography is in giving center-stage to the considerable creativity and diligence mi- grant women show in piecing together their own conversions. This piecing together is perfectly captured by the book’s cover, which features Azra Ak- samija’s “Flocking Mosque”. The structure of a flower illustrates how believ- ers form a circular and geometric shape when gathered in devotion to God. Like Aksamija’s patterns, which build into a circular design, Ahmad’s chap- ters each represent a key piece of the story of migrant domestic workers’ conversion to Islam as a gradual process that blends nations, households, and individuals together to create a narrative about the women’s newfound faith. Scholars should read this book for its textured and detailed observa- tions about migrant women’s daily lives and for its treatment of religious conversion as a gradual process that unfolds in the everyday experiences of individuals. It would also be a great book for students as theory takes a back seat to the ethnography. The book is a refreshing, graceful approach to the subject of religious conversion and Islamic faith. Ahmad stays focused on telling her interlocutors’ stories while navigating often conflicting posi- tions.
Rehenuma AsmiAssistant Professor of Education and International StudiesAllegheny College
30
Shapovalov, KA, e PK Shapovalova. "Disabled industrial traumatic brain injury of members of vessel`s crew in water transport of the Northern Water`s Basin". Annals of Marine Science 7, n.º 1 (19 de janeiro de 2023): 001–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.17352/ams.000030.
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Introduction: Epidemiological study of Traumatic Brain Injury (TBI) and the improvement of the organizational capabilities of medical care at all stages of its provision plays an important role in forecasting and social and labor rehabilitation of the sailing crew. Planning the development of the neurosurgical service of port hospitals is impossible without knowing the structure of TBI, both in severity and sectoral, occupational and territorial prevalence. Materials and methods: The analysis of the treatment of 92 patients from members of the vessel`s crew who received industrial TBI with a disability while performing voyage tasks in the northern water basin was carried out. When working on the material, analytical and statistical methods were used. The significance of differences was calculated using a t-test for independent samples. Results: In the general structure of traumatism of the studied contingent of the members of the vessel`s crew, TBI accounted for 4.1% of cases, while in the territorial population, they reach 30.0% - 40.0%. Most of the victims worked in the transport fleet of the northern water basin - 68.7% (9.4), while in the fishing fleet - 17.2% (3.3) and the river fleet - 14.1% (4.6). Command staff: navigators (10.5), captains (10.1), chiefs of radio stations (7.4), skippers (6.8), as well as boatswains (27.8), who are responsible for organizing and conducting deck operations, receive TBI 4.0 - 2.5 times more often than rank-and-file personnel. This distribution becomes easy to understand if we take into account that 43.4% of the damage was sustained during the performance of ship operations related to movement on ladders and decks, in the engine room, and their hasty execution by the supervisors in the absence of safety precautions leads to severe TBI. The members of the vessel`s crew receive them several times less often when performing loading and unloading operations (0.9), closing holds (0.4), mooring, and servicing deck mechanisms (0.2 each). The probability of getting TBI is especially high during the first three years of work in the specialty (34.8% of all injuries). With an increase in work experience, injuries decrease by more than 1.4 times among workers with 15 years of work experience. Every third TBI (36.5%) on ships is associated with a fall of the victim from a height, that is, it is a catatrauma. All injuries arise from collisions with blunt objects. Discussion: Every twenty-fifth work-related injury with loss of ability to work, sustained by the members of the vessel`s crew of the northern water basin, while performing ship operations, is a TBI. The minimum knowledge required for shipboard crew members, and ship managers to suspect this life-threatening condition, is given during an injury first aid session that is required by the ship’s medical officer. Conclusion: 1. In the general structure of industrial injuries of the studied contingent of the members of the vessel`s crew, TBI accounted for 4.1% of cases, while in the territorial population, they reach 30.0% - 40.0%. The incidence of TBI in men from among the members of ve+-ssel`s crew is only 1.5 times higher than in women and is the highest in people under 20 years of age (4.8%; 11.0). 2. Most of the victims worked in the transport fleet of the northern water basin - 68.7% (9.4), while in the fishing fleet - 17.2% (3.3) and river - 14.1% (4.6). The members of the vessel`s crew receive them several times less often when performing loading and unloading operations (0.9), closing holds (0.4), mooring, and servicing deck mechanisms (0.2 each). Every third TBI (36.5%) on ships is associated with a fall of the victim from a height, that is, it is a catatrauma. 3. TBI, accompanied by a concussion, in the northern basin accounts for up to two-thirds of all head injuries, of which 69.5% fall on the most able-bodied and productive age of workers (20-39 years). Concussions occur 4 times more often in the transport fleet than in the fishing and river fleet. Sailors and minders make up 44.3% of the victims. Falls from a height onto decks, mooring lines, into the hold, or overboard were the cause of 78.5% of concussions. 4. Mild brain contusions are a rarer pathology and occur mainly in transport and fishing fleets with rank-and-file personnel during falls from a height. 5. Brain contusions of moderate and severe degrees occur only in the transport fleet in the youngest men: in every second case, the patients were 20-29 years old. Every third victim is a sailor, every sixth is a minder. A severe degree of brain injury was more often observed in persons who received TBI while servicing deck mechanisms, moving along ladders, and mooring operations. More than half of them are associated with falls from a height.
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Imideeva, Irina V. "EMPLOYMENT OF MONGOLIAN CITIZENS IN OUTSIDE COUNTRIES: STATUS AND REASONS". Today and Tomorrow of Russian Economy, n.º 105-106 (2021): 38–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.26653/1993-4947-2021-105-106-04.
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This article examines the processes of emigration of Mongolian citizens and their problems, including during a pandemic. Research and analysis were carried out in relation to the choice of the country of permanent or temporary residence, gender and age ratio, reasons for emigration, and living conditions. Today the trend is as follows, including during a pandemic, thousands of people move from one country to another and from one region to another, changing cities and places of residence for the sake of well-being, decent wages, in search of better living conditions. However, personal safety, the safety of families and children began to be felt more during the pandemic, this became the reason for the majority of citizens to return home. It has been 20 years since Mongolian citizens began to freely move around the world, for example, according to official data, at the end of 2020, more than 101 thousand Mongolians live and work abroad, one third of which are in South Korea. In the years before the pandemic, the number of Mongols living and working in other countries grew steadily, but due to a number of reasons, including the pandemic, some citizens began to return to their homeland. For example, on the part of employers, there are violations of labor contracts, living conditions, etc. The government of Mongolia has taken a number of measures to return its citizens to their homeland. So, to date, this figure is more than 40 thousand people, leaving work, study, treatment, residence abroad. In this regard, the subject of this research is the study of the emigration process of Mongolian citizens in the context of past periods. The purpose of studying this direction is to study and identify the main difficulties and problems of the emigration process over a twenty-year period and present a comprehensive analysis. Thus, the relevance of this study is to study and clarify the nature of the reasons for the departure of Mongolian citizens from the country. The study and analysis of the emigration of the population has been facilitated to this day by various reasons, such as environmental, political, economic, social, cultural and others. The methodological part of the study included the use of sampling methods, the use of methods for collecting and analyzing data, as well as empirical research. The study of the number of emigrating citizens was carried out in the period from 2010 to 2020, the data of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Mongolia, the official population census and the property fund of the country were compared. Depending on the country of residence, the largest number of people study in India, China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Japan, Germany and Ireland, and leave for permanent residence in Poland, Great Britain and the USA. In countries such as South Korea, the Czech Republic and Hungary, they work more under contracts. Turkey, South Korea, Sweden, Czech Republic, Switzerland and Poland are chosen as self-employment. The studied population group was studied in relation to travel purposes, including: training, permanent residence, contract work, work on a business trip, self-employment, living with family members, etc. The largest number of respondents leave for study, in 2020 their number was 35.8 percent, in second place is self-employment. In terms of the ratio of men and women living abroad, 80 percent are women. Due to the lack of a complete information field, a system for the movement of Mongolian citizens, it is difficult to determine the complete provision on international migration and their employment. There is no assessment of international migration and its situation in general. There is a very general number of different sources on labor migration, where only the total number of Mongols living and working abroad is indicated. Thus, a more transparent system is needed for the formal collection of information on external labor migration, and these are the tasks of emigration, including information on working and living conditions, problems, difficulties and consequences of migration, using them to analyze and develop further political regulation. Thus, we will determine the economic, social, environmental, political and social goals of the emigration outflow of the population. It is worth paying attention to the official and complete collection of data in this area. As suggestions and recommendations, it is necessary to establish an official information base for the governing bodies regarding the international migration of Mongolian citizens.
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Kamyshnykova, Evelina. "UKRAINIAN FORCED MIGRANTS’ INTEGRATION IN EUROPEAN LABOUR MARKET: GERMAN VS POLISH CASE". Three Seas Economic Journal 5, n.º 1 (30 de abril de 2024): 74–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2661-5150/2024-5-11.
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The tsunami of forced migration caused by Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 poses a significant challenge to the socio-economic systems of host European countries, in particular Germany and Poland, which are the two main destination countries for displaced Ukrainians. Despite relatively similar statistics on the number and demographic structure of Ukrainian forced immigrants, the two countries differ significantly in terms of the level of labour market integration of refugees, which is a key factor determining their social integration and economic outcomes. The purpose of this paper is to study the peculiarities and common features of the integration of Ukrainian forced migrants in the labour markets of Germany and Poland, taking into account the pre-war experience of these countries in attracting Ukrainian economic migrants. Methodology. The study is a comparative analysis of the pre-war and forced migration trajectories of the two countries based on data from the German and Polish statistical services and Eurostat in 2010-2022. Results. The article discusses the redistribution of the main demographic characteristics in the profile of Ukrainian migrants in the post-war period, which led to an increase in the share of women with higher education in the demographic structure of migrants. These demographic differences, coupled with the peculiarities of European labour markets, have affected the employment prospects of Ukrainian refugees in European countries of destination. The pre-war experience of temporary labour migration from Ukraine and social ties between refugees and members of the diaspora were recognised as factors that facilitated the integration of Ukrainian refugees. The analysis showed that in addition to the geographical and cultural proximity between Ukraine and Poland, the circular labour migration model that dominated relations between Ukraine and Poland contributed to the rapid integration of Ukrainian refugees into the labour market after the outbreak of full-scale war. The lack of German language skills is the most common reason for the lower participation of Ukrainians in the German labour market compared to the Polish one. In Germany, favourable labour market conditions combined with integration policies facilitate access to the labour market for Ukrainian refugees in the long term. Practical implications. By examining the previous circular seasonal migration of Ukrainians over the past decade and their labour market integration in specific destination countries after the outbreak of war, this paper provides a broader perspective for the study of the transition from forced to permanent migration. Value/Originality. Given the global growth of both seasonal labour migrants and forms of movement, the key findings of the study provide a better understanding of these changing categories of mobility and their implications.
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KAVAKLI BİRDAL, Banu. "Ulusötesi Ailelere Kavramsal Bir Açılım: Sıradışı Uzak Mesafe Aileler". Aurum Journal of Social Sciences 8, n.º 2 (31 de dezembro de 2023): 213–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.62393/aurum.1393174.
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Transnational families are among the by-products of global capitalism, the feminization of migration and the globalization of care work. Transnational families owe their existence to the rise of communication and transportation technologies, economic transformations, and cultural features in their countries of origin and destination. A transnational family is different from an ordinary immigrant family. The defining factor is not the act of cross-border movement of the family, but the dispersion of the family, nuclear or extended, across international borders, where different family members spend time in one or another country depending on various factors. The emergence of transnational family experience relates to economic, political, social, and cultural factors, and has far-reaching causes and consequences. This study offers a new conceptual approach to the discussion of transnational families departing from Judith Stacey’s (1996) “postmodern family condition”. As a family arrangement made possible in the postmodern family condition, transnational families better describe situations in which families are not visible yet not absent, not necessarily broken but separated. Transnational families require a whole new understanding and definition of familial relationships, which should focus on the fluid nature of those in the absence of a concrete family setting. The role of immigrant women in such a family structure stands as a challenge to the stereotypical “modern family” as defined by Stacey; hence, enabling the conceptualization of transnational families as part of the postmodern condition. The impact transnational family experience has on various actors involved is examined by asking some fundamental questions such as: How are the decisions concerning who migrate under what conditions taken? How does the transnational family experience affect gender relations? What are the global and local conditions that make this experience possible? This study employs a three-layered approach to analyze the issue. First, the structural backdrop to transnational families is analysed; namely, the expansion of global capitalism that feeds female labour migration and the demand for the service sector, especially domestic care services. Second, the changes in the concept of family due to societal structural transformations and the emergence of new family forms are discussed. Third, the consequences of the first two aspects of the experience of transnational family life and its impact on parties involved at various levels are analysed: providers of care work and their families (parents, children, and extended family members), receivers of care work (employers and their families), and mediators of global care work (agencies and states).
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Prieto, Leon C., Simone T. A. Phipps, Lemaro R. Thompson e Xavier A. Smith. "Schneiderman, Perkins, and the early labor movement". Journal of Management History 22, n.º 1 (11 de janeiro de 2016): 50–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jmh-01-2015-0003.
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Purpose – This paper aims to depict the pivotal role played by Rose Schneiderman and Frances Perkins in early twentieth-century labor and safety reform in the USA. The paper also examines the contributions made by these notable women through the lens of stakeholder theory and the feminist ethic of care. Design/methodology/approach – The review process commenced with a comprehensive search for women in history who advocated labor and safety reform and campaigned for safer organizational practices in the workplace. History books, academic journals and newspaper articles, including writings from Schneiderman and Perkins, were the main sources used for this research endeavor. Findings – Schneiderman and Perkins were both instrumental in playing a major role in fighting for labor and safety reform in the early twentieth century, albeit in different ways. Through their work, there was a heightened understanding of organizations’ duties and obligations to their stakeholders and, in particular, to their employees. They also embodied the feminist ethic of care by being attentive to the needs of others, accepting responsibility and demonstrating competence, while being responsive to their needs. Originality/value – The influential women in management history are often given scant recognition or not recognized at all. This article highlights the contributions of two women who greatly impacted labor and safety through their struggle for the improvement of working conditions in the USA. The originality of this manuscript also lies in the ethical perspective in which it is grounded.
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Sibanda, Nkosana, e Brian Kwazi Majola. "Barriers and Challenges Related to Cultural Diversity Management Within Schools in South Africa". International Journal of Social Science Research and Review 6, n.º 9 (4 de setembro de 2023): 157–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v6i9.1489.
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Globalization, internationalization and technology have increased the movement of people from different cultural backgrounds around the world. The coexistence has created rapid cultural diversity challenges, forcing many democratic countries to review their labour laws, compelling organisations to adopt sound diversity management policies. Pre 1994 in South Africa, the workforce did not represent the diversity of the country. The end of apartheid created opportunities for culturally diverse workforces in most sectors of the economy. Schools are no exception to this change due to the diverse teacher and learner population as women and people from previously disadvantaged backgrounds are sharing the workspace. The School Management Team (SMT) led by the Principal, need to be properly equipped in terms of knowledge, skills and capacity to deal with increased cultural diversity for the achievement of organizational goals. This paper aims to identify barriers and challenges related to cultural diversity management within the schools in uMzinyathi District, KwaZulu-Natal (KZN) Province, South Africa. The research seeks to determine if schools in uMzinyathi district are utilizing cultural diversity management for the achievement of organisational goals. The paper was exploratory and descriptive in nature and adopted a qualitative approach. The focus was on the SMT of ten schools in the uMzinyathi District comprising the principal, vice-principal(s), and heads of departments, and senior teachers. Using purposive sampling, in-depth semi-structured interviews were conducted face-to-face involving 36 SMT members. Content analysis was used to analyse the data. Data were presented in tabular form. The study revealed that there are no work-related barriers due to the availability of teachers from diverse backgrounds under the uMzinyathi District in KZN. However, having no barriers and challenges does not mean that there is no conflict. Hence, the study recommends that the Department of Basic Education (DBE) introduces cultural exchange programmes and partnerships with other schools to share educational resources, sports development and leadership development.
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Martens, Allison M. "Working Women or Women Workers? The Women's Trade Union League and the Transformation of the American Constitutional Order". Studies in American Political Development 23, n.º 2 (25 de setembro de 2009): 143–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x09990034.
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Labor, gender and, class have each been identified as important reconstructive forces of the American constitutional order, but rarely has a single organization provided an opportunity to directly study the interrelationship of all these forces during a critical period of constitutional change. This article examines one such organization during the years leading up to the New Deal: The Women's Trade Union League. The WTUL, which uniquely mixed middle-class and working-class membership, was founded in 1903 to facilitate trade union organizing by women. Its labor approach, however, would ultimately fail, pushing the league to more fully embrace its connections to the middle-class leadership of the women's movement, thereby transforming its strategic approach and constitutional outlook away from the anti-statist voluntarism of the labor movement to the pragmatic and statist maternalism of the women's movement. The WTUL would subsequently become an important contributor to the legislative program of progressive reformers flourishing during this period under the gendered exception to free contract liberty won inMuller v. Oregonin 1908. This strategic organizational transformation would create tensions within the league and between the league and women workers, as well as invite constitutional consequences for women workers that would resonate for years, long past the constitutional revolution of 1937 and the apparent constitutional reintegration of male and female labor. This case study, therefore, provides a unique lens through which to view not only the constitutional tradeoffs of the adoption of the gendered Constitution as an alternative to the labor Constitution, but also the impact of the resource-conscious decision making of social-movement actors that is often overlooked by constitutional scholars preoccupied with judicial decision making.
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Alvarez, Sally M., e Silke Roth. "Building Movement Bridges: The Coalition of Labor Union Women". Industrial and Labor Relations Review 57, n.º 4 (julho de 2004): 634. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4126698.
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McDonald, Kathlene. "Organizing at the Margins: Women Shape the Labor Movement". WorkingUSA 11, n.º 4 (dezembro de 2008): 409–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1743-4580.2008.00216.x.
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Roberts, Danny, e Lauren Marsh. "Labor Education in the Caribbean: A Critical Evaluation of Barbados, Jamaica and Trinidad". International Labor and Working-Class History 90 (2016): 186–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547916000132.
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The achievements of the labor movement in the Caribbean are generally historicized without highlighting the contribution of labor colleges to the function and survivability of trade unions. For more than fifty years, labor colleges have played a critical role in developing the knowledge and skill sets of union members who had an interest in labor studies. Many will attribute the heydays of the Caribbean labor movement in the mid-1900s to the intellectual thrust given to the trade union movement by labor colleges. During this period, trade unions relied heavily on labor colleges for intellectual support and advice primarily on matters that required in-depth academic investigation. Support from the labor colleges enhanced the reputation of the labor movement by shifting popular notions that the trade union movement consisted only of the poor and illiterate working class. The effects of these parallel training activities have been positive for both the leadership of the trade union movement and the overall impact they have had on labor-management relationships. There has been a noted change in the pattern of trade union leadership where “the first generation leaders, considered by many as demagogic and messianic, have given way increasingly to a younger and more formally educated second and third generation leadership”.
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Massie, Alicia, e Yi Chien Jade Ho. "“Working Women Unite”: Exploring a Socialist Feminist, Nonhierarchical Teachers Union". Labor Studies Journal 45, n.º 1 (março de 2020): 32–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x20909935.
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In this paper, we present and explore the case of the Teaching Support Staff Union (TSSU), an independent, directly democratic, and feminist labor union at Simon Fraser University in British Columbia, Canada. Operating continuously since the 1970s, we argue that TSSU is an important example of the ways in which gender and class have intersected within the history of the Canadian labor movement, and a fascinating case of a longstanding socialist feminist union. We also argue that alongside the historical relevance, exploring the constraints and possibilities of a feminist nonhierarchical organizational structure can offer important lessons for organizing in the twenty-first century. Adopting a socialist feminist framework, we speak from our experiences serving as TSSU executives, as graduate students, and as teachers within the larger academic machine. Marking its fortieth year in 2018, this active, young, and angry labor union can provide the labor movement and academics with a case study to reflect on how we can conceptualize social movement unionism; organize around and toward equity, diversity, and justice; and maintain a deep commitment to both feminist and class struggle.
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Heidenreich, L. "Saintly Protest: Women Religious, Religious Women, and the Early United Farm Worker Movement". U.S. Catholic Historian 42, n.º 2 (março de 2024): 39–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cht.2024.a926025.
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Abstract: While the image of César Chávez graces the face of U.S. postal stamps, less recognized are the women of the United Farm Worker Movement. Yet Catholic women, from the better-known Dolores Huerta to regional organizers like Lupe Anguiano, were critical to the union’s early victories. This article begins the work of excavating the lives and labor of the women religious and religious women of the union, with an emphasis on the activism of Catholic Latinas. When structural changes within the Catholic Church of the mid-to-late twentieth century prompted women to reexamine their faith, they responded by supporting movements, such as the grape strike of 1965–1970, on picket lines, with fasts, and for some, with full-time labor. “Saintly Protest” turns to the grape strike and explores how Catholic women, including women religious, came to support the union, and the dynamic relationship between la cotidiana , their activism, and their faith.
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Dixon, Marc, William Danaher e Ben Kail. "Allies, Targets, and the Effectiveness of Coalition Protest: A Comparative Analysis of Labor Unrest In the U. S. South". Mobilization: An International Quarterly 18, n.º 3 (1 de setembro de 2013): 331–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.18.3.a95k861nr14j5810.
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Social movement scholars suggest that coalitions comprise a significant and growing portion of all protest mobilizations. Such organizational collaboration is of great practical importance to the labor movement in particular, as unions struggle to succeed on their own in a difficult economic and political environment. Yet surprisingly little is known about the factors underlying the development and success of coalitions. In this article we advance literature on labor and social movement coalitions, bringing a comparative historical approach to bear on the problem and examining two influential and far-reaching labor campaigns that occurred in the U. S. South. Our argument and findings demonstrate the importance of the relative fit among coalition members, the vulnerabilities of collective action targets, and their interplay for coalition outcomes. We conclude by discussing the implications of the findings for labor and social movement challenges more generally.
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Hernández, Sonia. "Rooted in Place, Constructed in Movement". Labor 18, n.º 1 (1 de março de 2021): 38–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-8767326.
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Since the turn of the twentieth century, men and women from the greater Mexican borderlands have shared labor concerns, engaged in labor solidarities, and employed activist strategies to improve their livelihoods. Based on findings from archival research in Mexico City, Washington, DC; Texas; Tamaulipas; and Nuevo León and by engaging in transnational methodological and historiographical approaches, this article takes two distinct but related cases of labor solidarities from the early twentieth century to reveal the class and gendered complexities of transnational labor solidarities. The cases of Gregorio Cortez, a Mexican farmer and immigrant from Tamaulipas living and working in Texas in 1901, and Caritina Piña, a Tamaulipas-born woman engaged in anarcho-syndicalism in the 1920s, reveal the potential of cross-class and gendered solidarities and underscore how a variety of social contexts informed and shaped labor movements. Excavating solidarities from a transnational perspective while exposing important limitations of the labor movement sheds light on the gendered, racial, and class complexities of such forms of shared struggle; but, equally important, reminds us of how much one can learn about the power of larger, global labor movements by closely examining the experiences of those residing on nations’ edges.
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Tjandraningsih, Indrasari. "Working, Housekeeping and Organizing: The Patriarchal System in Three Women’s Living Spaces". Jurnal Perempuan 23, n.º 4 (30 de novembro de 2018): 227. http://dx.doi.org/10.34309/jp.v23i4.273.
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<p>This paper discusses women's labor activities in trade union and the obstacles they encounter. The discussion focuses on the three roles caried out by women factory workers in domestic space as mothers and wives and in public space as laborers as well as activists of labor organizations. The information in this paper derived from observations of women factory workers’ activities in union organization and two ethnographic books on factory workers’ resistance. The subject was chosen because for more than two decades there was no significant changes in the position of women in the labor movement. The research questions of this paper are what are the obstacles for women workers to work and organize like male workers? Why are male workers so dominant, even in industries where the workforce is mostly women? How can women play the role as mothers, as workers and as leaders of labor organizations? The results of the analysis show the role and stereotype of gender in patriarchal societies within labor organizations is a barrier for women to become a significant player in the labor movement. However, strong determination for women to fight injustice supported by personal qualities proves that women are able to perform in the triple activities all at once.</p><p> </p>
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Bobic, Mirjana. "Modern rural family and household in Yugoslavia". Stanovnistvo 37, n.º 1-4 (1999): 93–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/stnv9904093b.
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The paper analyzes modern rural household in Yugoslavia, both by region and at the level of the country as a whole. The author begins by providing a statistical and sociological definition of basic terms, and proceeds with a combination of social and demographic analysis. The basic criterion used is the residential status of the population (permanent residence) based on the administrative distribution of settlements with the non-city ("other") population treated as part of rural population. The descriptive basis was formed on the basis of two types of sources: population census data and relevant studies, on the one hand, and comprehensive researches of rural family in the 1990s, on the other. The modernization theory has provided the basic framework for the analysis of the state and movement in rural households in Yugoslavia since the beginning of the 20th century, but the paper deals mainly with social and economic developments following the Second World War. The following components of the rural households are analyzed: dynamics and average size, as well as composition of households. With reference to the level of the social change they had undergone and some demographic special features, rural households are classified into four main types: 1) purely agricultural; 2) mixed (with income earned from agricultural and non-agricultural activities); 3) non-agricultural; and 4) households of elderly people. The appearance and growth of mixed households during the pest-war period, following adoption of the socialistic command economy, came as a result of objective contradictions in transformation of an individual agricultural household into a modern market-oriented holding, and its cooperation with the state-owned cooperative sector. Since early 1980s, however, with deterioration in its position, agricultural production is gradually given up or maintained at the subsistence level, while most family members earn their living from the non-agricultural sector. These tendencies were most rapidly observed in Vojvodina, which is the most fertile region of the country, and most slowly in central Serbia. As a result of the above social and economic transformation the village was also exposed to a strong demographic transformation, which was most readily observed in ageing and feminization of population and its labor force and narrowing down of family structure to conjugal family united through marriage, which is made up of aged parents without an heir. The rural household and/or family have undergone crucial changes in respect of three main segments: 1) size; 2) structure; and 3) position and role of family members. This last aspect has been the subject of numerous comprehensive studies into the way of life in villages. The analysis of family relations in a village was conducted in two segments: intra-generation (between spouses and between children, especially of different gender) and inter-generation (parent - children relations). Segregation of roles by gender is still characterized by male domination, husband - head of the family, and son - the heir. Housework, parenthood, and the homestead itself (due to the increased engagement of the husband in non-agricultural activities) are the main sources of self-realization of women. Marriage and bearing children (especially male children) represent the main social promotion channel for young girls in a village environment, while education and earning income from work outside the village do not ensure a significant role in making decisions on family life in general, children's future or even personal destiny. Incidence of conflict in marriage is rare. Satisfaction with a twofold role of the mother and housekeeper is very high as well as understanding for tl1e difficulties of the social position of a man - the "bread winner" in the current social crisis and disintegration. The author points to the lack of data on rural households in Kosovo and Metohia caused by the boycott of the latest census by the majority, ethnic Albanian population. An attempt was hence made to compensate for the lack of quantitative information by presenting results of representative investigation of Albanian zadrugas in Kosovo and Metohia.
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Hardy, Kate. "Incorporating Sex Workers into the Argentine Labor Movement". International Labor and Working-Class History 77, n.º 1 (2010): 89–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547909990263.
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AbstractSex workers in Argentina and beyond are making their histories visible through political action, often in the face of extreme and violent repression. Alongside two first waves of sex worker organizing, a third appears to be emerging from countries in the Global South, which has largely been neglected in academic commentaries. One such organization is Asociación de Mujeres Meretrices de la Argentina (AMMAR), the female sex workers' association of Argentina. This essay draws on questionnaire data, participant observation, and in-depth interviews with union and nonunion sex workers and members of the Central de Trabajadores Argentinos (CTA), the umbrella federation of which they are a part, across ten cities in Argentina. It traces the relationship between AMMAR and the CTA to examine how the two organizations have worked together to organize workers in an infamously exploitative, precarious, and vulnerable labor sector to achieve social and political change. The essay contributes to debates about the regeneration of the trade union movement and challenges the reigning wisdom that sex workers and trade unions are unlikely partners.
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Trasciatti, Mary Anne. "Sisters on the Soapbox: Elizabeth Gurley Flynn and Her Female Free Speech Allies’ Lessons for Contemporary Women Labor Activists". Humanities 7, n.º 3 (12 de julho de 2018): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h7030069.
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At a moment when U.S. labor seems its most weak and vulnerable, a wave of teacher strikes and demonstrations led and carried out primarily by women shows promise of revitalizing the movement. Critics allege the strikes and demonstrations are “unseemly,” but popular support for them appears to be growing. Historically, militant strikes and demonstrations have met with significant and sometimes violent resistance from corporate and political entities hostile to labor, and contemporary women in the movement should prepare for pushback. In the past, anti-labor forces have used the law and physical aggression to squeeze labor activists out of public space. Labor has a history of fighting back, beginning with the free speech fights of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) in the early twentieth century. These campaigns were the first in U.S. history to claim a First Amendment right to use public space. IWW organizer Elizabeth Gurley Flynn led several of these free speech fights. She and other women free speech fighters played an essential if often overlooked role in popularizing the idea that ordinary people have right to public space. Their tactics and experiences can inform and inspire women at the forefront of a contemporary labor militancy.
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Ababneh, Sara. "TROUBLING THE POLITICAL: WOMEN IN THE JORDANIAN DAY-WAGED LABOR MOVEMENT". International Journal of Middle East Studies 48, n.º 1 (14 de janeiro de 2016): 87–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743815001488.
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AbstractThe Jordanian Day-Waged Labor Movement (DWLM) played a central role in the Jordanian Popular Movement (al-Hirak al-Shaʿbi al-Urduni), commonly referred to as Hirak, from 2011 to the end of 2012. The large number of women who were active and took on leading roles in the DWLM contrasts with the absence of women's rights organizations in the Hirak. I argue that the DWLM was able to attract so many women because it developed a discourse and flexible structure that understood women to be embedded within communities and prioritized their economic needs. By studying this discourse and structure, it is possible to learn important lessons about gender-inclusive political and institutional reform.
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Ahmad, Iqbal Faza, e Syaefuddin Ahrom Al Ayubbi. "Kronik Gerakan Serikat Buruh di Indonesia: Peta dan Sejarah". Journal of Social Movements 1, n.º 1 (31 de janeiro de 2024): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.62491/jsm.v1i1.2024.1.
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This research focuses on studying the dynamics of the trade union movement in Indonesia in a historical review and current map of the Trade Union Confederation/Labor Unions registered with the Ministry of Manpower. This study is a qualitative combination of literature and empirical research, combining literature and field data to explore the dynamics of trade unions in Indonesia, especially confederations. Since the 19th century, the birth of the Dutch East Indies Teachers' Workers' Union in 1879 began the emergence of the Workers' Union Movement (SP) or Labor Unions (SB) in Indonesia. These labor organizations, especially in the transportation and plantation sectors, played a central role in Indonesia's struggle for independence. Over time, various labor organizations emerged that played a key role in national political dynamics, such as VSTP, PPKB, and the Indian Vakbonden Association (PVH). Despite experiencing challenges during the Japanese occupation and the failure of the PKI's political action in 1926, the labor movement continued to develop until post-independence, with a major role played by organizations such as SOBSI in the Old Order era, SPSI in the New Order era, and various organizations that emerged during the Reformation era. Since the Reformation era, new trade unions have emerged and old unions have emerged, driven by political reform and the rapid growth of trade and labor unions. The latest mapping shows that more than 4 million workers/laborers are members of more than 20 organizations under various federations and confederations. Organizations such as KSPSI AGN, KSPSI JUMHUR, KSPI, and KSPSI YRS have the most members.
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Dixon, Marc. "Limiting Labor: Business Political Mobilization and Union Setback in the States". Journal of Policy History 19, n.º 3 (julho de 2007): 313–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2007.0015.
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The 1940s were heady times for the American labor movement. The tight wartime labor market and the backing of the federal government in defense industries facilitated impressive membership gains for both AFL and CIO unions. By 1945, labor unions represented almost 35 percent of the workforce—a more than fivefold increase from the early 1930s. What is more, union membership gains penetrated previously unorganized and resistant regions like the South. Unions indeed appeared on the verge of recruiting millions of new members and establishing a truly national social movement. Critics and supporters alike viewed unions as the most powerful institutions of the day. Following the war,Fortune Magazineforesaw little resistance to unionism and to the postwar southern labor organizing drives, while sympathetic scholars like C. Wright Mills viewed labor leaders as the “new men of power.”