Literatura científica selecionada sobre o tema "Women – history – early works to 1800"

Marriage and the English Reformation. By Eric Josef Carlson. Oxford: Blackwell, 1994. Pp. ix+276. ISBN 0-631-16864-8. £45.00Gender, sex and subordination in England, 1550–1800. By Anthony Fletcher. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1995. Pp. xxii+442. ISBN 0-300-06531-0. £19.95.Domestic dangers: women, words, and sex in early modern London. By Laura Gowing. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996. Pp. 301. ISBN 0-19-820517-1. £35.00.The prospect before her: a history of women in western Europe, Volume one, 1500–1800. By Olwen Hufton. London: HarperCollins, 1995. Pp. xiv+654. ISBN 0-00255120-9. £25.00.Sex and subjection: attitudes to women in early modern society. By Margaret R. Sommerville. London: Edward Arnold, 1995. Pp. 287. ISBN 0-340-64574-1. £14.99.

Ann Radcliffe’s novels were extremely popular in early nineteenth-century Russia. Publication of her work in Russian translation propelled the so-called gothic wave of 1800-10. Yet, many of the works Radcliffe was known for in Russia were not written by her; rather, they were works by others that were attributed to Radcliffe. This article traces the publication and translation histories of Radcliffiana on the Russian book market of 1800-20. Building on JoEllen DeLucia’s concept of a “corporate Radcliffe” in the anglophone world, this article proposes a Russian corporate Radcliffe. Identifying, classifying, and analysing the provenance of Russian corporate Radcliffe works reveals insight into the transnational circulation of texts and the role of copyright law within it, the nature of the early nineteenth-century Russian book market, the rise of popular reading and advertising in Russia, and the gendered nature of critical discourse at this time. The Russian corporate Radcliffe assures the legacy and influence of Radcliffe in later Russian literature and culture, although a Radcliffe that represents much more than just the English author. Exploring the Russian corporate Radcliffe expands our understanding of early nineteenth-century Russian literary history through specific case studies that demonstrate the significant role played by both women writers and translation, an aspect of this history that is often overlooked.

Abstract At the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, along with myriad other foundational changes taking place in China, attitudes to the role and significance of women and animals were also changing. This evolution is apparent in the artistic realm where both had featured in imperial-era Chinese art for centuries and continued to appear in the new Republic after 1911. This article examines animals and their paired depiction with women within one genre of art – the Baimei tu (One hundred beauties) – as it evolved from the late 1800s until the end of the 1910s. An examination of the works of leading commercial artists of this form reveals the importance of animals in the creation of a gendered modernity for China’s Republic – one that established a clear hierarchy of men over women. This article argues that the species-ist othering of animals was integral to the othering of women in the early Republican world of commercial art. It contributes to the literature on human-animal studies that shows the links between species-ism and sexism through the identical processes of variously othering animals and women. Identifying animals and women as special and different, reinforces a species hierarchy that places humans above other animals and a sex hierarchy that places men above women.

RÉSUMÉLe principal objectif de cet article est d’encourager une approche plus large, supraconfessionnelle, du mariage et de la famille à l’époque moderne. La conjugalité a été “désacralisée” par les réformateurs protestants du 16e siècle. Martin Luther, parmi d’autres, a refusé le statut de sacrement au mariage, tout en valorisant celui-ci comme une arme contre le péché. En réaction, le concile de Trente a réaffirmé avec force que le mariage est bien un des sept sacrements chrétiens. Mais, promouvant la supériorité du célibat, l’Église catholique n’a jamais beaucoup insisté sur les vertus de la vie et de la piété familiales avant le 19e siècle. En parallèle, les historiens décèlent des signes de “sacralisation” de la famille protestante à partir du 16e siècle. Leurs conclusions doivent être relativisées à la lumière de recherches plus récentes et plus critiques, centrées sur les rapports et les représentations de genre. Elles peuvent néanmoins inspirer une étude élargie et comparative, inexistante dans l’historiographie traditionnelle, des réalités et des perceptions de la famille chrétienne au-delà des frontières confessionnelles.MOTS-CLÉ: Époque Moderne, mariage, famille, protestantisme, Concile de TrenteABSTRACTThe main purpose of this paper is to encourage a broader supra-confessional approach to the history of marriage and the family in the Early Modern era. Wedlock was “desacralized” by the Protestant reformers of the 16th century. Martin Luther, among others, denied the sacramental status of marriage but valued it as a weapon against sin. In reaction, the Council of Trent reinforced marriage as one of the seven sacraments. But the Catholic Church, which promoted the superiority of celibacy, did little to defend the virtues of family life and piety before the 19th century. In parallel, historians have identified signs of a “sacralization” of the Protestant family since the 16th century. These findings must be relativized in the light of newer and more critical studies on gender relations and representations. But they can still inspire a broader comparative study, non-existent in traditional confessional historiography, of the realities and perceptions of the Christian family beyond denominational borders.KEY WORDS: Early Modern Christianity, marriage, family, Protestantism, Council of Trent BIBLIOGRAPHIEAdair, R., Courtship, Illegitimacy and Marriage in Early Modern England, Manchester, Manchester University Press, 1996.Beaulande-Barraud, V., “Sexualité, mariage et procréation. Discours et pratiques dans l’Église médiévale (XIIIe-XVe siècles)”, dans Vanderpelen-Diagre, C., & Sägesser, C., (coords.), La Sainte Famille. Sexualité, filiation et parentalité dans l’Église catholique, Problèmes d’Histoire des Religions, 24, Bruxelles, Éditions de l’Université de Bruxelles, 2017, pp. 19-29.Bels, P., Le mariage des protestants français jusqu’en 1685. Fondements doctrinaux et pratique juridique, Paris, Librairie générale de droit et de jurisprudence, 1968.Benedict, P., Christ’s Churches Purely Reformed. A Social History of Calvinism, New Haven/London, Yale University Press, 2002.Bernos, M., “Le concile de Trente et la sexualité. La doctrine et sa postérité”, dansBernos, M., (coord.), Sexualité et religions, Paris, Cerf, 1988, pp. 217-239.Bernos, M., Femmes et gens d’Église dans la France classique (XVIIe-XVIIIe siècle), Paris, Éditions du Cerf, Histoire religieuse de la France, 2003.Bernos, M., “L’Église et l’amour humain à l’époque moderne”, dans Bernos, M., Les sacrements dans la France des XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles. Pastorale et vécu des fidèles, Aix-en-Provence, Publications de l’Université de Provence, 2007, pp. 245-264.Bologne, J.-C., Histoire du mariage en Occident, Paris, Lattès/Hachette Littératures, 1995.Burghartz, S., Zeiten der Reinheit – Orte der Unzucht. Ehe und Sexualität in Basel während der Frühen Neuzeit, Paderborn, Schöningh, 1999.Calvin, J., Institution de la Religion chrétienne (1541), édition critique en deux vols., Millet, O., (ed.), Genève, Librairie Droz, 2008, vol. 2, pp. 1471-1479.Carillo, F., “Famille”, dans Gisel, P., (coord.), Encyclopédie du protestantisme, Paris, PUF/Quadrige, 2006, p. 489.Christin, O., & Krumenacker, Y., (coords.), Les protestants à l’époque moderne. Une approche anthropologique, Rennes, Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2017.Corbin, A., Courtine, J.-J., et Vigarello, G., (coords.), Histoire du corps, vol. 1: De la Renaissance aux Lumières, Paris, Éditions du Seuil, 2005.Corbin, A., Courtine, J.-J., et Vigarello, G., (coords.), Histoire des émotions, vol. 1: De l’Antiquité aux Lumières, Paris, Éditions du Seuil, 2016.Cristellon, C., “Mixed Marriages in Early Modern Europe“, in Seidel Menchi, S., (coord.), Marriage in Europe 1400-1800, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 2016, chapter 10.Demos, J., A Little Commonwealth: Family Life in Plymouth Colony, New York, 1970.Flandrin, J.-L., Familles. Parenté, maison, sexualité dans l’ancienne société, Paris, Seuil, 1976/1984.Forclaz, B., “Le foyer de la discorde? Les mariages mixtes à Utrecht au XVIIe siècle”, Annales. Histoire, Sciences sociales (2008/5), pp. 1101-1123.Forster, M. R., Kaplan, B. J., (coords.), Piety and Family in Early Modern Europe. Essays in Honour of Steven Ozment, St. Andrews Studies in Reformation History, Aldershot, Ashgate, 2005.Forster, M. R., “Domestic Devotions and Family Piety in German Catholicism”, inForster, M. R., Kaplan, B. J., (coords.), Piety and Family in Early Modern Europe. Essays in Honour of Steven Ozment, St. Andrews Studies in Reformation History, Aldershot, Ashgate, 2005, pp. 97-114.François W., & Soen, V. (coords.), The Council of Trent: Reform and Controversy in Europe and Beyond, 1545-1700, Göttingen, Vandenhoek & Ruprecht, 2018.Gautier, S., “Mariages de pasteurs dans le Saint-Empire luthérien: de la question de l’union des corps à la formation d’un corps pastoral ‘exemplaire et plaisant à Dieu’”, dans Christin, O., & Krumenacker, Y., (coords.), Les protestants à l’époque moderne. Une approche anthropologique, Rennes, Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2017, pp. 505-517.Gautier, S., “Identité, éloge et image de soi dans les sermons funéraires des foyers pastoraux luthériens aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles”, Europa moderna. Revue d’histoire et d’iconologie, n. 3 (2012), pp. 54-71.Goody, J., The Development of the Family and Marriage in Europe, Cambridge, 1983; L’évolution de la famille et du mariage en Europe, Paris, Armand Colin, 1985/2012.Hacker, P., Faith in Luther. Martin Luther and the Origin of Anthropocentric Religion, Emmaus Academic, 2017.Harrington, J. F., Reordering Marriage and Society in Reformation Germany, Cambridge, 1995.Hendrix, S. H., & Karant-Nunn, S. C., (coords.), Masculinity in the Reformation Era, Kirksville, Truman State University Press, 2008.Hendrix, S. H., “Christianizing Domestic Relations: Women and Marriage in Johann Freder’s Dialogus dem Ehestand zu ehren”, Sixteenth Century Journal, 23 (1992), pp. 251-266.Ingram, M., Church Courts. Sex and Marriage in England 1570-1640, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1987.Jacobsen, G., “Women, Marriage and magisterial Reformation: the case of Malmø”, in Sessions, K. C., & Bebb, P. N., (coords.), Pietas et Societas: New Trends in Reformation Social History, Kirksville, Sixteenth Century Journal Press, 1985, pp. 57-78.Jedin, H., Crise et dénouement du concile de Trente, Paris, Desclée, 1965.Jelsma, A., “‘What Men and Women are meant for’: on marriage and family at the time of the Reformation”, in Jelsma, A., Frontiers of the Reformation. Dissidence and Orthodoxy in Sixteenth Century Europe, Ashgate, 1998, Routledge, 2016, EPUB, chapter 8.Karant-Nunn, S. C., “Une oeuvre de chair: l’acte sexuel en tant que liberté chrétienne dans la vie et la pensée de Martin Luther”, dans Christin, O., &Krumenacker, Y., (coords.), Les protestants à l’époque moderne. Une approche anthropologique, Rennes, Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2017, pp. 467-485.Karant-Nunn, S. C., The Reformation of Feeling: Shaping the Religious Emotions in Early Modern Germany, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2010.Karant-Nunn, S. C., “The emergence of the pastoral family in the German Reformation: the parsonage as a site of socio-religious change”, in Dixon, C. S., & Schorn-Schütte, L., (coords.), The Protestant Clergy of Early Modern Europe, Basingstoke, Palgrave/Macmillan, 2003, pp. 79-99.Karant-Nunn, S. C., “Reformation Society, Women and the Family”, in Pettegree, A., (coord.), The Reformation World, London/New York, Routledge, 2000, pp. 433-460.Karant-Nunn, S. C., “Marriage, Defenses of”, in Hillerbrand, H. J., (coord.), The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Reformation, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1996, vol. 2, p. 24.Kingdon, R., Adultery and Divorce in Calvin’s Geneva, Harvard University Press, 1995.Krumenacker, Y., “Protestantisme: le mariage n’est plus un sacrement”, dans Mariages, catalogue d’exposition, Archives municipales de Lyon, Lyon, Olivétan, 2017.Le concile de Trente, 2e partie (1551-1563), vol. XI de l’Histoire des conciles oecuméniques, Paris, (Éditions de l’Orante, 1981), Fayard, 2005, pp. 441-455.Les Decrets et Canons touchant le mariage, publiez en la huictiesme session du Concile de Trente, souz nostre sainct pere le Pape Pie quatriesme de ce nom, l’unziesme iour de novembre, 1563, Paris, 1564.Luther, M., “Sermon sur l’état conjugal”, dans OEuvres, I, Paris, Gallimard/La Pléiade, 1999, pp. 231-240.Luther, M., “Du mariage”, dans Prélude sur la captivité babylonienne de l’Église (1520), dans OEuvres, vol. I, édition publiée sous la direction de M. Lienhard et M. Arnold, Paris, Gallimard/La Pléiade, 1999, pp. 791-805.Luther, M., De la vie conjugale, dans OEuvres, I, Paris, Gallimard/La Pléiade, 1999, pp. 1147-1179.Mentzer, R., “La place et le rôle des femmes dans les Églises réformées”, Archives de sciences sociales des religions, 113 (2001), pp. 119-132.Morgan, E. S., The Puritan Family. Religion and Domestic Relations in Seventeenth-Century New England, (1944), New York, Harper, 1966.O’Reggio, T., “Martin Luther on Marriage and Family”, 2012, Faculty Publications, Paper 20, Andrews University, http://digitalcommons.andrews.edu/church-history-pubs/20. (consulté le 15 décembre 2018).Ozment, S., When Fathers Ruled. Family Life in Reformation Europe, Studies in Cultural History, Harvard University Press, 1983.Reynolds, P. L., How Marriage became One of the Sacrements. The Sacramental Theology of Marriage from the Medieval Origins to the Council of Trent, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2016/2018.Roper, L., Martin Luther. 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A Comparative Study, 1550-1600, Kirksville, Sixteenth Century Journal Press, 1984.Seidel Menchi, S., (coord.), Marriage in Europe 1400-1800, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 2016.Stone, L., The Family, Sex and Marriage in England, 1500-1800, New York, Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1977.Strauss, G., Luther’s House of Learning, Baltimore/London, 1978.Thomas, R., “Éduquer au mariage par l’image dans les Provinces-Unies du XVIIe siècle: les livres illustrés de Jacob Cats”, Les Cahiers du Larhra, dossier sur Images et Histoire, 2012, pp. 113-144.Vanderpelen-Diagre, C., & Sägesser, C., (coords.), La Sainte Famille. Sexualité, filiation et parentalité dans l’Église catholique, Problèmes d’Histoire des Religions, 24,Bruxelles, Éditions de l’Université de Bruxelles, 2017.Walch, A., La spiritualité conjugale dans le catholicisme français, XVIe-XXe siècle, Paris, Le Cerf, 2002.Watt, J. R., The Making of Modern Marriage: Matrimonial Control and the Rise of Sentiment in Neuchâtel, Ithaca, 1992.Weis, M., “La ‘Sainte Famille’ inexistante? Le mariage selon le concile de Trente (1563) et à l’époque des Réformes”, dans Vanderpelen-Diagre, C., & Sägesser, C., (coords.), La Sainte Famille. Sexualité, filiation et parentalité dans l’Église catholique, Problèmes d’Histoire des Religions, 24, Bruxelles, Éditions de l’Université deBruxelles, 2017, pp. 31-40.Westphal, S., Schmidt-Voges, I., & Baumann, A., (coords.), Venus und Vulcanus. Ehe und ihre Konflikte in der Frühen Neuzeit, München, Oldenbourg Verlag, 2011.Wiesner, M. E., Women and Gender in Early Modern Europe, Cambridge, 1993.Wiesner, M. E., “Studies of Women, the Family and Gender”, in Maltby, W. S., (coord.), Reformation Europe: A Guide to Research, Saint Louis, 1992, pp. 181-196.Wiesner-Hanks, M. E., “Women”, in Hillerbrand, H. J., (coord.), The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Reformation, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1996, vol. 4, pp. 290-298.Williams, G. H., The Radical Reformation, (1962), 3e ed., Truman State University Press, 2000, pp. 755-798Wunder, H., “He is the Sun. She is the Moon”: Women in Early Modern Germany, Harvard University Press, 1998.Yates, W., “The Protestant View of Marriage”, Journal of Ecumenical Studies, 22 (1985), pp. 41-54.

This article discusses the reception of Kepler’s work in the earliest interpretations of the history of astronomy, which appeared in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The focus is not on the reception of Kepler’s work among astronomers themselves but instead on its significance for the history of science as seen by early historians of mathematics and astronomy. The first section discusses the evaluation of Kepler in the so-called “Prefatory Histories” of astronomy that appeared in various astronomical works during the seventeenth century. In these, Kepler was considered mainly to be the person who brought the work of Tycho Brahe to completion, rather than an original astronomer. The second section is devoted to the evaluation of Kepler in interpretations of the history of astronomy that appeared in the eighteenth century (often as part of the history of mathematics). In these works, Kepler is regarded as a genius who deserves tremendous credit for the advancement of the human spirit. Both sections also devote attention to Copernicus and Tycho Brahe because this facilitates the explanation of how Kepler’s contribution was judged. By studying the reception of Johannes Kepler’s work, we may gain greater insight into the transition from a cyclical perception of the history of science to the progressive model.

Swedish Literature as World Literature in the Nineteenth Century. Top Selling Novels by Women Writers So far, Swedish literary history has been the construction of a nation’s cultural heritage based on certain authorships. This most certainly was the case when the history of the Swedish nineteenth-century novel was written. In textbooks, the important writers before Strindberg and Lagerlöf are Carl Jonas Love Almqvist and Viktor Rydberg. Sometimes a couple of female novelists are included, such as Fredrika Bremer and Emilie Flygare-Carlén. The actual circulation of Swedish novels in translation shows another picture. While Bremer and Flygare-Carlén, together with Marie Sophie Schwartz, were very popular novelists in both Europe and the United States, Almqvist’s and Rydberg’s novels reached very few readers outside of Scandinavia. This article aims to examine the export of Swedish novels in the nineteenth century. Statistics based on the SWED database, constructed in connection to the research project Swedish Women Writers on Export in the Nineteenth Century, is used to describe the distribution of Swedish novels across borders and their translation into different target languages. Similarities and dissimilarities in distribution and reception will be discussed, as well as some of the reasons behind these differences. The number of translated titles, as well as the transcultural circulation of the three most translated and top-selling novelists, Bremer, Flygare-Carlén and Schwartz, are compared to the circulation of Almqvist’s and Rydberg’s translated works. Based on these comparisons, it becomes obvious that if the history of Swedish literature were written from a transcultural perspective based on the contemporary audience’s choice of literary works and writers, it would look very different from the nation-based literary history of today. For example, Almqvist and Rydberg would be edged out by female novelists such as Bremer,Flygare-Carlén, and Schwartz.

In essence, this article will focus on the subject classical Malay fiqh works 1600-1800. Classical Malay fiqh works are Malay intellectual works produced by Malay Muslim scholars in various topics of Islamic law including worship (ibadah), commercial transaction law (muamalah), family law (munakahat) and others. This fiqh Malay work played an important role in Malay society at the beginning of Islamic development in the Malay world. It is a means of communication, scientific knowledge or developmental science. The premise of this article analyzes the writing of fiqh works that developed in the early days of the great intellectual nature of the Malay world. There are features of fiqh writing in the year 1600 and it is different from the features of fiqh writing in 1700 and 1800. The discussion of this writing includes the difference between the writing text and the style of writing fiqh and being reviewed from various scopes, items and writing features. The method of analysis used is the method of historiography or historicalism which examines the development of an idea. Facts obtained will be thoroughly screened using the Malay induction history approach. Research shows that the earliest classic Malay fiqh writing has its own identity and superiority and is a Malay intellectual work.

Contemporary bereaved parents who usually lack prior experience with the death of an infant or young child also lack understanding of how parents reacted in previous centuries when a child died. This article reviews social science writing on parental bereavement in Anglo-American history, concluding that parents as early as the early seventeenth century have left records of their grief. Cultural understanding and customs surrounding death have changed, and around 1800 women began to leave records of their grief in letters and diaries. Emotional expressiveness following infant death was greatest during the nineteenth century, but decreased toward the end of the century and became taboo in the twentieth. Compared to men's, expressions of grief by women and writings directed toward women have been more expressive of emotion. Relatively little has been written about parental bereavement in the early and mid-twentieth century.

Social historians have demonstrated that although men comprised the majority of teachers in North Carolina schools and academies during the early national period, women predominated by the end of the nineteenth century. This study concludes that among the music teachers who taught in academies and venture schools, women gained a majority decades earlier. In an effort to understand some of the underlying social processes that contributed to this shift, the following discussion analyzes the changing proportion of men and women in a sample of 65 music teachers, tracks the tuition they charged in a free market, and compares this to the tuition charged by teachers of Latin and Greek. The shift to women among music teachers in North Carolina presents an intriguing case, because it does not fit well with some earlier theoretical models of feminization among nineteenth-century teachers. The data suggest that women came to predominate among music teachers because a changing market for music instruction in venture schools and academies triggered a process of occupational abandonment and succession.

AbstractThis paper investigates comparison as a fundamental practice within the early life sciences. Four episodes are selected that show how comparing species works in the early 19th century and how it builds bridges between scientific and literary culture: comparing living organisms in pre-Darwinian natural history (Lacépède, Treviranus), comparing species distribution in actualistic geology (Lyell), comparing organs in comparative anatomy (Müller), and – last but not least – comparing social classes in new literary genres such as sketch, ‘Paris physiology’, or travel feuilleton.

My dissertation is an investigation of how early Renaissance paintings from Venice and Florence were discussed and appraised by authors and collectors writing in these cities between 1550 and 1800. The variety of source material I have consulted has enabled me to assess and to compare the different paths pursued by Venetian and Florentine writers, the type of question they addressed in their analyses of early works of art and, most importantly, their approaches to the re-evaluation of the art of the past. Among the types of writing on art I explore are guidebooks, biographies of artists, didactic poems, artistic dialogues, dictionaries and letters, paying particular attention in these different genres to passages about artists from Guariento to Giorgione in Venice and from Cimabue to Raphael in Florence. By focusing, within this framework, on primary sources and documents, as well as on the influence of art historical literature on the activity of collecting illustrated by the cases of the Venetian Giovanni Maria Sasso and the Florentine Francesco Maria Niccolò Gabburri, I show that two principal approaches to writing about the past emerged during this period: the first, adopted by many Venetian authors, involved the aesthetic evaluation of early Renaissance works of art, often in comparison to later developments; the second, more frequent among Florentine writers, tended to document these works and place them in their historical context, without necessarily making artistic judgements about them. A parallel analysis of these two approaches offers a twofold perspective on how writers and collectors engaged with early Renaissance art from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century.

Among the vast assembly of Biblical mythology, the tower of Babel stands as an exclusive representation of the limits of human endeavor. As a paradigmatic extremity, it circumscribes the field of civic artifice. Babel is the absolute limit, and in that regard, its presence is enduring and timeless. The legacy of exegetic readings are textual shades, emanating from the point source of the paradigm. Athanasius Kircher's Turris Babel is an appropriate and intentional unfolding of this condition.
Firstly, that in the awakening of the Baroque scholar to history, origin materializes as the sole legitimate chronological reference.
Secondly, that the paradigmatic extremities collapse into the empirical standard of the theoretical discourse.
This thesis is a speculative study of architecture, drawn through Turris Babel, in the shadow of the paradigmatic limits of Babel. Written in three parts, each dealing with the implications of artifice in confrontation with the post-Babel adversaries of dispersion, tyranny, and decay.

In the period 1342-70 there were many points of contact between the Papacy and northern Britain. Papal taxes were numerous. Annates came to be the main source of revenue collected locally, but were hard to levy on account of difficulties in establishing liability; other taxes were paid with greater despatch. Examination of the careers of the papal collectors indicates both their power and the awkwardness of their position. Papal provisions were also numerous and affected a wide range of benefices. Expectative graces are examined, and success for a considerable number can be inferred. Some provisions led to bitter disputes, but many passed off smoothly, despite the existence in England of anti-papal statutes. These laws were all different in scope, but were enforced only where this suited leading laymen. Parliament was much more anti-papal than the government, even though in the 1340s diplomatic relations between England and the Holy See were poor on account of the king's actions against aliens beneficed in England. Although the powers of the royal courts were protected by this legislation, many benefice cases were heard at Avignon, and other disputes were settled by judges-delegate appointed by the pope. Analysis of papal contacts with the bishops shows how closely they were connected to the Holy See: most were appointed by the pope; they petitioned the pope for favours and were given many tasks to do in return. Even the regular clergy did not escape papal attention, although often the initiative came from monasteries who wanted confirmation of agreements or grants, or from individual religious who needed papal favour. Licences and dispensations were sought also by laymen, but more especially by clerks who were illegitimate, under-age or wanted to hold benefices in plurality. There is, however, little evidence of wantonness in the exercise of the papal dispensing power.

This thesis reflects on the Lettres sur l'Architechure of Viel de Saint-Maux, published in Paris in 1787. This period represents a crisis point at which classical architechure and a traditional means of relating-to-the-world had exhausted themselves. In the Lettres, St.-Maux privileges original agrarian societies who worship the natural force of fecundity and the agricultural bounty that results from it. He claims that this worship supplied the radical base for their iconographic and symbolic forms as applied to architecture. Viel de St.-Maux's privileging of the generative forces of nature as a site for sacred imagining and ritual constructions of the agricultural environment belie a relation to the methodology and epistemology of Natural History as formulated by the Comte de Buffon.
Viel de Saint-Maux sought to resist the threat of an overweening rationality by valuing the wonderment cast by the discoveries of Science. He put his faith in natural science and applied this same compulsion to the ancient primitives who, he believed, knew divinely how to propitiate Nature and its fecundity. Fecundity and Agriculture become metaphors for cultural harmony, enlightenment and a re-fusion of the mystery of vitality into everyday life.

The present dissertation is a translation and analysis of the chapter on anumāna in Vallabha’s Nyāyalīlāvatī, based on certain theoretical considerations on cross-cultural translation and the understanding of tradition. Adopting a non-essentialized and non-historicist conceptualization of the Nyāya-Vaiśeṣika/Navya-nyāya tradition, the work focuses on a reading of the anumāna chapter that is particularized and individualized. It further argues for a plurality of interpretative stances within the academic field of Nyāya-Vaiśeṣika/Navya-nyāya studies, on the grounds that the dominant stance has narrowed the scope of research. With reference to post-colonial theory, this dominant stance is understood in terms of a certain strategy called “mimetic translation”.

The study of the anumāna chapter consists of three main interpretational sections: translation, comments, and analysis. The translation and comments focus on understanding issues internal to the Nyāyalīlāvatī. The analysis focuses on a contextual interpretation insofar as the text is understood through reading other texts within the Nyāya-Vaiśeṣika/Navya-nyāya discourse. The analysis is further grounded in a concept of intertextuality in that it identifies themes, examples, and arguments appearing in other texts within the discourse. The analysis also identifies and discusses Cārvāka and Mīmāṁsaka arguments within the anumāna chapter.

Two important themes are discerned in the interpretation of the anumāna chapter: first, a differentiation between the apprehension of vyāpti and the warranting of this relation so as to make the apprehension suitable for a process of knowledge; second, that the sequential arrangement of the subject matter of the sections within the chapter, vyāptigraha, upādhi, tarka, and parāmarśa, reflects the process of coming to inferential knowledge.

The present work is a contribution to the understanding of the post-Udayana and pre-Gaṅgeśa Nyāya-Vaiśeṣika/Navya-nyāya discourse on inferential knowledge and it is written in the hope of provoking more research on that particular period and discourse in the history of Indian philosophies.

AbstractAround 1800, merchants, scientists and adventurers travelled to Latin America with different purposes. Their multifaceted interests in a world region, experiencing a threshold of independence from Spanish colonial rule, inspired new historical and political works about the continent’s recent past. The Enlightenment provided not only the philosophical armamentarium against corruption, but it also paved the way to a new expression of sentiments and to the loss of fear when addressing injustice. Some examples of these are Hipólito Villaroel’s list of grievances and Humboldt’s Political essay. These two authors provide some thoughts on the political landscape of New Spain (now Mexico), while the two Swiss physicians Rengger and Longchamp describe the ruthless and odd dictator Francia of independent Paraguay as a champion of anti-corruption. Finally, Argentine dictator Rosas—and his robberies as described by Rivera Indarte, Sarmiento and other anonymous authors—represent the embodiment of corruption through pure larceny, for whose crimes the Spanish colonial past apparently no longer served as a comparison.

The present paper is dedicated to 16th-century Croatian author Petar Zoranić’s (Zadar / Zara, 1508 – 1569?) direct and mediated echoing of Dante’s oeuvre. Zoranić’s pastoral novel Planine (Mountains) belongs to the consistent tradition of reuse, quotation and translation that the Italian poet’s legacy has enjoyed in Croatia from the 14th century to the present day. Building on the work of the humanist writer Marko Marulić (Marcus Marulus Spalatensis, Split / Spalato, 1450-1524), who aspired to do for the Croatian vernacular what Dante did for the Italian volgare, Zoranić adapted Dante’s example to his own purposes not only in the promotion of the Croatian language and literature, but also in the celebration of the beauty, history and cultural heritage of his homeland. A true connoisseur of Dante’s original, the author from Zadar was also competent in the art of appropriation and creative reemployment of the Commedia’s various aspects, an exercise inaugurated by Boccaccio, and practiced by 15th and 16th-century men and women of letters. My contribution will focus on the modalities through which the text of Planine transforms the materials derived from Dante by mixing them with elements from other prestigious literary sources, in their turn heirs or precursors of Dante, such as works by Virgil, Ovid, the Church doctors, the Roman de la rose, Petrarch’s Trionfi, the Decameron and the early narrative production by Boccaccio, Arcadia by Sannazaro and, according to my hypothesis, the Hypnerotomachia Poliphili (Polifilo’s Dream) by Francesco Colonna.

Abstract Women’s Work, a careers handbook for girls published in 1894, referred to the existence of a few teaching posts at the Oxford and Cambridge women’s colleges in the following way: ‘These are not well paid, and are chiefly attractive for the pleasant university life they afford’. Less than twenty years later, however, another handbook described university work as ‘a fascinating career for the keenly intellectual woman with a love of teaching. ‘ The change in emphasis between these two contemporary observations indicates that during the early twentieth century university teaching was gradually coming to be seen as a profession for the intellectually gifted woman.

Abstract By the late nineteenth century there was nearly universal agreement on two scores. Women’s expanding labor force participation was an unfortunate necessity that threatened to interfere with their more desirable work at home. And nothing that happened at work could be allowed to hinder the capacity of wage-earning women to resume or assume home roles at some future time. We have seen how such ideas channeled women’s entrance into the work force, and how, instead of providing them with safe, clean, unpressured jobs, notions of women’s place in fact reduced them to the poorest levels. Unskilled, largely unorganized, and crowded into few occupations, women found themselves subject to some of the worst conditions of any wage workers. The pattern, once established, encouraged employers to hire women because they were said to have characteristics such as docility, attachment to family, little expectation of advancement, and no trade union consciousness. It led employers to assign women to jobs that matched their expectations of women’s possibilities and performance. But in the late 1800s and early 1900s, new technology and new forms of industrial organization altered the structure of work, promising new opportunities to women.

This chapter examines seventeenth- till early nineteenth-century embroidery to present a thus far unknown material and gendered history of vernacular cosmopolitanism and in-between hybridity shaped by the women of early modern Algiers. Based on the analysis of textiles surviving in Algerian and French collections, as well as on ethnographic inquiries with female embroiderers in Algeria, this essay provides an anthropological recontextualisation of a multivalent gendered form of vernacular art in early modern North Africa.

An underlying assumption about women and Christianity in early modern England is that Protestants were more feminist than Catholics. This chapter interrogates the truth of such an assumption via two early modern British women writers: Anne Dowriche, a Protestant, and Elizabeth Cary, a Catholic convert. It investigates how the authors’ faith and feminism are negotiated in the prefaces, female characters, and narrative voices of Dowriche’s The French Historie and Cary’s History of Edward II. It concludes that these features of the works reveal that faith and female identity can simultaneously liberate and constrain women, whether they are Protestant or Catholic.

In this chapter, I explore the early poetic careers of George Eliot and the Brontë sisters, situating their work within the market for popular poetry in the periodical and newspaper press. I begin by analyzing George Eliot’s school notebook from 1834, which includes twenty-four poems she copied from periodicals, newspapers, and books. I trace the probable source publications of some of these poems in order to illuminate Eliot’s teenage reading practices. I then explore how her early experiences as a reader and writer carried over into one of her first prose publications, ‘Poetry and Prose from the Notebook of an Eccentric.’ In the second part of this chapter, I focus on the parallel history of the Brontë sisters’ entry into the world of print, 1846–50. I first analyze Charlotte’s understanding of the periodical field and then examine her advertising strategies for Poems by Currer, Ellis, and Acton Bell, highlighting her keen awareness of the literary marketplace. Today, this volume is seen as something of a failure—a prelude to the Brontës’ more successful careers as novelists. Yet due to the practice of reprinting among popular periodicals and newspapers, the Brontës’ poetry reached broader audiences than has hitherto been understood.