Artigos de revistas sobre o tema "Western Reserve College (1972- )"

Once upon a time, in the euphoric 1960s, a new generation of historians of Africa undertook to write the history of Africa and Africans through the ages, overturning previous Western suppositions that Africa had no precolonial history worth investigating. As J.D. Hargreaves has written, they were “excited by the challenge to apply their craft to the continent which Hegel had judged ‘no historical part of the world’.” Among the explorers of the largely unmapped territories of prccoloniai history were members of the Makerere Department of History and their students, many of whom were to become professional historians. This essay sketches the construction of a modern Department of History at Makerere, a task requiring a new curriculum and a new staff.Makerere began in 1922 as a government technical school for Africans. Courses in medicine and teacher training soon replaced the original more “vocational” instruction in carpentry, surveying, mechanics, and the like. The next several decades saw an evolution into a “higher college,” preparing students from all over East Africa for examinations leading to university degrees. By the late 1930s, a top-level commission recommended fulfilment of an early forecast that Makerere would one day become a university college. In the meantime, as World War II put off any substantial changes, it loomed ever greater as the legendary “mountain” that only the best could ascend. In 1950, finally fulfilling the forecast, Makerere joined in a Special Relationship with the University of London to become the University College of East Africa.

O ensino da documentação começou, de maneira forma!, com MelvilDewey , na biblioteca do Amhrest College de Massachussets, em 1873. Por largos anos o ensino da Biblioteconomia foi ministrado por métodos puramente tecnológicos em quase todas as bibliotecas importantes dos Estados Unidos, inclusive pela New York Public Library; constituía essa aprendizagem apenas de rotinas de serviços técnicos. No fim do século houve um movimento que eliminou este tipo de treinamento e novos métodos foram adotados nas Universidade de Colúmbia, Illinois e Western Reserve.

Between 1978 and 1979 I taught in a number of small newly established schools in some of the communities of what was then referred to as the Central Reserve (now called the Ngaanyatjarra Lands) in Western Australia. I had recently graduated from college and was very uncertain about the content and methodology required to be an effective teacher of Aboriginal students. This general lack of confidence was compounded by my lack of experience in interacting with Aboriginal people, especially those who spoke little English. Moreover, there was no support service from the regional education office in Kalgoorlie (about 1000 kms to the south) and I generally taught in one-teacher situations with little opportunity to share with other colleagues. In general, I found my professional life in the Central Reserve to be quite dissatisfying and disillusioning.

International Journal of Contemporary Education (IJCE) would like to acknowledge the following reviewers for their assistance with peer review of manuscripts for this issue. Many authors, regardless of whether IJCE publishes their work, appreciate the helpful feedback provided by the reviewers. Their comments and suggestions were of great help to the authors in improving the quality of their papers. Each of the reviewers listed below returned at least one review for this issue.Reviewers for Volume 7, Number 1 Aurora Q. Pestano, University of San Jose Recoletos, PhilippinesBožić-Lenard Dragana, University of Osijek Croatia, CroatiaClaire Goode, Otago Polytechnic at Te Pūkenga, New ZealandDina Radeljas, Mohawk Valley Community College, USAEdward Bolden, Case Western Reserve University, USAFederica Cornali, University of Turin, ItalyGiuseppe Maugeri, University of Urbino, ItalyInaad M Sayer, University of Human Development, IraqIvan Lenard, Elementary School Ladimirevci, CroatiaMatthew Schatt, University of Florida, USAVassiliki Pliogou, University of Western Macedonia, Greece William OscarEditorial AssistantInternational Journal of Contemporary Education------------------------------------------------------------Redfame Publishing9450 SW Gemini Dr. #99416Beaverton, OR 97008, USATel: 1-503-828-0536 ext. 509Fax: 1-503-828-0537E-mail 1: ijce@redfame.comE-mail 2: ijce@redfame.orgURL: http://ijce.redfame.com

The Cleveland Clinic Lerner College of Medicine of Case Western Reserve University (CCLCM) was created in 2004 as a 5-year undergraduate medical education program with a mission to produce future physician-investigators. CCLCM’s assessment system aligns with the principles of programmatic assessment. The curriculum is organized around nine competencies, where each competency has milestones that students use to self-assess their progress and performance. Throughout the program, students receive low-stakes feedback from a myriad of assessors across courses and contexts. With support of advisors, students construct portfolios to document their progress and performance. A separate promotion committee makes high-stakes promotion decisions after reviewing students’ portfolios. This case study describes a systematic approach to provide both student and faculty professional development essential for programmatic assessment. Facilitators, barriers, lessons learned, and future directions are discussed.

Abstract This study examined the extent of resource use and the level of degradation consequent upon land use. Three distinctive trends were observed in terms of forest and land cover dynamics. These are forest degradation, deforestation and regeneration. The paper integrated both, topographical map of 1969 and satellite imageries from Landsat MSS 1972, and Landsat TM 1991 and 2000 with ground truthing and socio-economic surveys to assess changes in forest resource use and land cover in South-western Nigeria. The satellite images were analysed using ILWIS software version 3.4. Based on ground truth data and remotely sensed data, the study area was classified into five categories using the supervised maximum likelihood classification technique. The accuracy assessment was carried out on the remotely sensed data. A total of 30 points for each dataset were selected for this operation and the overall accuracy of 90%, 86.7% and 85% respectively was obtained from the three image datasets. Results showed three dominant ecological communities in Oluwa Forest Reserve while two effects of changes on species were identified. The first was the replacement of what could be considered as the original species by other species tolerant to the ‘new’ ecosystem. The other was the reduction in the range of the original species that could be found. This was an indication that the area had been fragmented comparing to its original status. Results suggest that resource utilization and land cover change dynamically over time. The study also revealed that the creation of forest reserve to restrict local access and resource use would have been an effective tool for regulating encroachment and logging activities if there was an effective enforcement of regulation. It is therefore obvious that the main aim of environmental management should be the protection of the natural living space of humankind and integration of environmental scarcity in making decision on all economic issues and activities.

International Journal of Contemporary Education (IJCE) would like to acknowledge the following reviewers for their assistance with peer review of manuscripts for this issue. Many authors, regardless of whether IJCE publishes their work, appreciate the helpful feedback provided by the reviewers. Their comments and suggestions were of great help to the authors in improving the quality of their papers. Each of the reviewers listed below returned at least one review for this issue.Reviewers for Volume 6, Number 2 Ahmad Suradi, State Islamic Institute of Bengkulu, IndonesiaAurora Q. Pestano, University of San Jose Recoletos, PhilippinesBlessing Dwumah Manu, Jiangsu University, GhanaCarme Pinya, University of Balearic Islands, SpainClaire Goode, Otago Polytechnic at Te Pūkenga, New ZealandDina Radeljas, Mohawk Valley Community College, USAEdward Bolden, Case Western Reserve University, USAFederica Cornali, University of Turin, ItalyIvan Lenard, Elementary School Ladimirevci, CroatiaMatthew Schatt, University of Florida, USANesrin Ozturk, Izmir Democracy University, TurkeyVassiliki Pliogou, Metropolitan College of Thessaloniki, Greece William OscarEditorial AssistantInternational Journal of Contemporary Education------------------------------------------------------------Redfame Publishing9450 SW Gemini Dr. #99416Beaverton, OR 97008, USATel: 1-503-828-0536 ext. 509Fax: 1-503-828-0537E-mail 1: ijce@redfame.comE-mail 2: ijce@redfame.orgURL: http://ijce.redfame.com

The Eastern Bristlebird Dasyornis brachypterus is a threatened passerine, endemic to southeastern Australia. It is a cryptic, ground dwelling, semi-flightless inhabitant of dense, fire-prone vegetation and is usually only detected by its calls. The disjunct distribution suggests that they were once more numerous and their population continuous from southern Queensland to western Victoria. Their decline has been documented in historic and recent times. Habitat loss, nest desertion and fire have been implicated in the decline and extinction of local populations. Strongholds for the species are Barren Grounds Nature Reserve and Bherwerre Peninsula, 100 and 150 km south of Sydney respectively. At Barren Grounds, in the absence of recent fire, there were significant increases in the population between 1992 and 1996. There was a trend of increasing Eastern Bristlebird density with increasing fire-age of habitat and average density plateauing at two birds per 5 ha, 10 years after fire. At Nadgee, a coastal Nature Reserve on the New South Wales/Victorian border, the population appears to be recovering very slowly from severe wildfires in 1972 and 1980. At the beginning of 1996 there were less than 2 000 individual Eastern Bristlebirds occupying an area of approximately 100 km2. For the management of Eastern Bristlebirds, habitat manipulation using prescribed fire should not be undertaken unless site-specific population monitoring data demonstrate that it would be beneficial. Concentrations of Eastern Bristlebirds and potential fire refuges should be protected from unplanned fire. For prescription burns, potential escape routes need to be planned for Eastern Bristlebirds. The threatened status should be changed from Vulnerable to Endangered.

Purpose The following paper is a “Q&A interview” conducted by Joanne Pransky of Industrial Robot Journal as a method to impart the combined technological, business and personal experience of a prominent, robotic industry PhD and innovator regarding his pioneering efforts and his personal journey of bringing a technological invention to market. This paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach The interviewee is Dr Howard Chizeck, Professor of Electrical and Computer Engineering and Adjunct Professor of Bioengineering at the University of Washington (UW). Professor Chizeck is a research testbed leader for the Center for Neurotechnology (a National Science Foundation Engineering Research Center) and also co-director of the UW BioRobotics Laboratory. In this interview, Chizeck shares the details on his latest startup, Olis Robotics. Findings Howard Jay Chizeck received his BS and MS degrees from Case Western Reserve University and the ScD degree in Electrical Engineering and Computer Science from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. He served as Chair of the Department of Systems, Control and Industrial Engineering at Case Western Reserve University and was also the Chair of the Electrical and Computer Engineering Department at the University of Washington. His telerobotic research includes haptic navigation and control for telerobotic devices, including robotic surgery and underwater systems. His neural engineering work involves the design and security of brain-machine interfaces and the development of devices to control symptoms of essential tremor and Parkinson’s disease. Originality/value Professor Chizeck was elected as a Fellow of the IEEE in 1999 “for contributions to the use of control system theory in biomedical engineering” and he was elected to the American Institute for Medical and Biological Engineering (AIMBE) College of Fellows in 2011 for “contributions to the use of control system theory in functional electrical stimulation assisted walking.” From 2008 to 2012, he was a member of the Science Technology Advisory Panel of the Johns Hopkins Applied Physics Laboratory. Professor Chizeck currently serves on the Visiting Committee of the Case School of Engineering (Case Western Reserve University). He is a founder and advisor of Controlsoft Inc (Ohio) and also is a founder and Chair of the Board of Directors of Olis Robotics, Inc., which was established in 2013 (under the name of BluHaptics) to commercialize haptic rendering, haptic navigation and other UW telerobotic technologies. He holds approximately 20 patents, and he has published more than 250 scholarly papers.

International Journal of Contemporary Education (IJCE) would like to acknowledge the following reviewers for their assistance with peer review of manuscripts for this issue. Many authors, regardless of whether IJCE publishes their work, appreciate the helpful feedback provided by the reviewers. Their comments and suggestions were of great help to the authors in improving the quality of their papers. Each of the reviewers listed below returned at least one review for this issue.Reviewers for Volume 5, Number 1 Ahmad Suradi, State Islamic Institute of Bengkulu, IndonesiaAurora Q. Pestano, University of San Jose Recoletos, PhilippinesBožić-Lenard Dragana, University of Osijek Croatia, CroatiaDina Radeljas, Mohawk Valley Community College, USAEdward Bolden, Case Western Reserve University, USAFederica Cornali, University of Turin, ItalyGiuseppe Maugeri, University of Urbino, ItalyInaad M Sayer, University of Human Development, IraqIvan Lenard, Elementary School Ladimirevci, CroatiaMatthew Schatt, University of Florida, USANesrin Ozturk, Ege University, TurkeyQiu Yuan, Gannan Normal University, ChinaSaid K. Juma, State University of Zanzibar, TanzaniaVassiliki Pliogou, Metropolitan College of Thessaloniki, GreeceVassilios Papadimitriou, University of Thessaly, Greece William OscarEditorial AssistantInternational Journal of Contemporary Education------------------------------------------------------------Redfame Publishing9450 SW Gemini Dr. #99416Beaverton, OR 97008, USATel: 1-503-828-0536 ext. 509Fax: 1-503-828-0537E-mail 1: ijce@redfame.comE-mail 2: ijce@redfame.orgURL: http://ijce.redfame.com

International Journal of Contemporary Education (IJCE) would like to acknowledge the following reviewers for their assistance with peer review of manuscripts for this issue. Many authors, regardless of whether IJCE publishes their work, appreciate the helpful feedback provided by the reviewers. Their comments and suggestions were of great help to the authors in improving the quality of their papers. Each of the reviewers listed below returned at least one review for this issue.Reviewers for Volume 4, Number 1 Aurora Q. Pestano, University of San Jose Recoletos, PhilippinesAziz Moummou, Ministry of Education, MoroccoBlessing Dwumah Manu, Jiangsu University, GhanaBožić-Lenard Dragana, University of Osijek Croatia, CroatiaBruna Gabriela Augusto Marçal Vieira, CEFET-MG, BrazilDina Radeljas, Mohawk Valley Community College, USAEdward Bolden, Case Western Reserve University, USAFederica Cornali, University of Turin, ItalyGiuseppe Maugeri, Ca' Foscari University, ItalyGraziano Serragiotto, Ca' Foscari University of Venice, ItalyInaad M Sayer, University of Human Development, IraqLi Li, Bath Spa University, UKMakrina Nina Zafiri, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, GreeceMatthew Schatt, University of Florida, USANilgün Tosun, Trakya University, TurkeyRaymond Aaron Younis, ACU Australia, AustraliaTeresa Pozo-Rico, University of Alicante, SpainVassiliki Pliogou, Metropolitan College of Thessaloniki, GreeceVassilios Papadimitriou, University of Thessaly, Greece William OscarEditorial AssistantInternational Journal of Contemporary Education------------------------------------------------------------Redfame Publishing9450 SW Gemini Dr. #99416Beaverton, OR 97008, USATel: 1-503-828-0536 ext. 509Fax: 1-503-828-0537E-mail 1: ijce@redfame.comE-mail 2: ijce@redfame.orgURL: http://ijce.redfame.com

Objective.To determine the risk of cancer in a large Norwegian cohort of patients with giant cell arteritis (GCA).Methods.This is a hospital-based, retrospective, observational cohort study including patients diagnosed with GCA in the Bergen Health Area during 1972–2012. Patients were identified through computerized hospital records using the International Classification of Diseases coding system. Medical records were reviewed. Each patient was randomly assigned population controls matched on age, sex, and geography from the Central Population Registry of Norway. Data on the occurrence of cancer were obtained from the Cancer Registry of Norway. The cumulative risk of malignancy was estimated using Kaplan-Meier methods and potential differences were analyzed using the Gehan-Breslow and log-rank tests.Results.We identified 881 cases with a clinical diagnosis of GCA, of which 792 fulfilled the American College of Rheumatology (ACR) 1990 classification criteria and 528 were biopsy-verified. Cases with no registered cancer prior to GCA diagnosis were included in a time-to-event analysis, with first cancer as the event (n = 767 with clinical GCA diagnosis, 686 fulfilling ACR criteria for GCA, 463 biopsy-verified). These cases were matched with previously cancer-free population controls (n = 1437, 1284, 895, respectively). We found no significant difference in the risk of malignancy after time of diagnosis/matching for GCA patients compared to population controls (p > 0.05).Conclusion.In this study of a large and well-characterized cohort of patients with GCA, there was no difference in the risk of malignancy in patients with GCA compared to matched population controls.

International Journal of Contemporary Education (IJCE) would like to acknowledge the following reviewers for their assistance with peer review of manuscripts for this issue. Many authors, regardless of whether IJCE publishes their work, appreciate the helpful feedback provided by the reviewers. Their comments and suggestions were of great help to the authors in improving the quality of their papers. Each of the reviewers listed below returned at least one review for this issue.Reviewers for Volume 5, Number 2 Ahmad Suradi, State Islamic Institute of Bengkulu, IndonesiaAurora Q. Pestano, University of San Jose Recoletos, PhilippinesBožić-Lenard Dragana, University of Osijek Croatia, CroatiaDina Radeljas, Mohawk Valley Community College, USAEdward Bolden, Case Western Reserve University, USAFederica Cornali, University of Turin, ItalyFroilan Delute Mobo, Philippine Merchant Marine Academy, PhilippinesInaad M Sayer, University of Human Development, IraqIvan Lenard, Elementary School Ladimirevci, CroatiaLi Li, Bath Spa University, UKNesrin Ozturk, Izmir Democracy University, TurkeyNoelia Navarro Gómez, Universidad de Almería, SpainSuriadi Samsuri, Institute of Islamic Religion Sultan Muhammad Syafiuddin Sambas, Indonesia William OscarEditorial AssistantInternational Journal of Contemporary Education------------------------------------------------------------Redfame Publishing9450 SW Gemini Dr. #99416Beaverton, OR 97008, USATel: 1-503-828-0536 ext. 509Fax: 1-503-828-0537E-mail 1: ijce@redfame.comE-mail 2: ijce@redfame.orgURL: http://ijce.redfame.com

International Journal of Contemporary Education (IJCE) would like to acknowledge the following reviewers for their assistance with peer review of manuscripts for this issue. Many authors, regardless of whether IJCE publishes their work, appreciate the helpful feedback provided by the reviewers. Their comments and suggestions were of great help to the authors in improving the quality of their papers. Each of the reviewers listed below returned at least one review for this issue.Reviewers for Volume 3, Number 2 Aurora Q. Pestano, University of San Jose Recoletos, PhilippinesAziz Moummou, Ministry of Education, MoroccoBlessing Dwumah Manu, Jiangsu University, GhanaBožić-Lenard Dragana, University of Osijek Croatia, CroatiaBruna Gabriela Augusto Marçal Vieira, CEFET-MG, BrazilDina Radeljas, Mohawk Valley Community College, USAEdward Bolden, Case Western Reserve University, USAFederica Cornali, University of Turin, ItalyFroilan Delute Mobo, Philippine Merchant Marine Academy, PhilippinesGiuseppe Maugeri, Ca' Foscari University, ItalyGraziano Serragiotto, Ca' Foscari University of Venice, ItalyInaad M Sayer, University of Human Development, IraqIosif Fragkoulis, Hellenic Open University, GreeceJavier Fombona, Univ. Oviedo, SpainLi Li, Bath Spa University, UKMatthew Schatt, University of Florida, USAMurat Tezer, Near East University, CyprusNesrin Ozturk, Ege University, TurkeyRaymond Aaron Younis, ACU Australia, AustraliaSaid K. Juma, State University of Zanzibar, TanzaniaSandro Sehic, Oneida BOCES, USASuriadi Samsuri, Institute of Islamic Religion Sultan Muhammad Syafiuddin Sambas, IndonesiaTeresa Pozo-Rico, University of Alicante, SpainVassiliki Pliogou, Metropolitan College of Thessaloniki, Greece William OscarEditorial AssistantInternational Journal of Contemporary Education------------------------------------------------------------Redfame Publishing9450 SW Gemini Dr. #99416Beaverton, OR 97008, USATel: 1-503-828-0536 ext. 509Fax: 1-503-828-0537E-mail 1: ijce@redfame.comE-mail 2: ijce@redfame.orgURL: http://ijce.redfame.com

Background and Objectives: Medical residents continue to experience high rates of burnout during residency training even after implementation of the 2003 Accreditation Council for Graduate Medical Education duty-hour restrictions. The purpose of this study is to determine medical student interest in flexible residency training options. Methods: Researchers developed an 11-question survey for second through fourth-year medical students. The populations surveyed included medical students who were: (1) attending the 2015 American Academy of Family Physicians National Conference, the 2015 Family Medicine Midwest Conference, and (2) enrolled at University of Chicago Pritzker School of Medicine, University of Illinois College of Medicine at Chicago, Drexel University College of Medicine, and Case Western Reserve University School of Medicine. Results: The survey was completed by 789 medical students. Over half of medical students surveyed indicated that they would be interested in working part-time during some portion of their residency training (51%), and that access to part-time training options would increase their likelihood of applying to a particular residency program (52%). When given the option of three residency training schedules of varying lengths, 41% of male students and 60% of female students chose a 60-hour workweek, even when that meant extending the residency length by 33% and reducing their yearly salary to $39,000. Conclusions: There is considerable interest among medical students in access to part-time residency training options and reduced-hour residency programs. This level of interest indicates that offering flexible training options could be an effective recruitment tool for residency programs and could improve students’ perception of their work-life balance during residency.

Reviewer AcknowledgementsInternational Journal of Contemporary Education (IJCE) would like to acknowledge the following reviewers for their assistance with peer review of manuscripts for this issue. Many authors, regardless of whether IJCE publishes their work, appreciate the helpful feedback provided by the reviewers. Their comments and suggestions were of great help to the authors in improving the quality of their papers. Each of the reviewers listed below returned at least one review for this issue.Reviewers for Volume 4, Number 2 Ahmad Suradi, State Islamic Institute of Bengkulu, IndonesiaAurora Q. Pestano, University of San Jose Recoletos, PhilippinesAziz Moummou, Ministry of Education, MoroccoBožić-Lenard Dragana, University of Osijek Croatia, CroatiaBruna Gabriela Augusto Marçal Vieira, CEFET-MG, BrazilCarme Pinya, University of Balearic Islands, SpainEdward Bolden, Case Western Reserve University, USAFederica Cornali, University of Turin, ItalyGiuseppe Maugeri, University of Urbino, ItalyGraziano Serragiotto, Ca' Foscari University of Venice, ItalyIvan Lenard, Elementary School Ladimirevci, CroatiaSuriadi Samsuri, Institute of Islamic Religion Sultan Muhammad Syafiuddin Sambas, IndonesiaTeresa Pozo-Rico, University of Alicante, SpainVassiliki Pliogou, Metropolitan College of Thessaloniki, Greece William OscarEditorial AssistantInternational Journal of Contemporary Education------------------------------------------------------------Redfame Publishing9450 SW Gemini Dr. #99416Beaverton, OR 97008, USATel: 1-503-828-0536 ext. 509Fax: 1-503-828-0537E-mail 1: ijce@redfame.comE-mail 2: ijce@redfame.orgURL: http://ijce.redfame.com

International Journal of Contemporary Education (IJCE) would like to acknowledge the following reviewers for their assistance with peer review of manuscripts for this issue. Many authors, regardless of whether IJCE publishes their work, appreciate the helpful feedback provided by the reviewers. Their comments and suggestions were of great help to the authors in improving the quality of their papers. Each of the reviewers listed below returned at least one review for this issue.Reviewers for Volume 6, Number 1 Ahmad Suradi, State Islamic Institute of Bengkulu, IndonesiaÁlvaro Manzano Redondo, UCJC University, SpainAurora Q. Pestano, University of San Jose Recoletos, PhilippinesBožić-Lenard Dragana, University of Osijek Croatia, CroatiaBruna Gabriela Augusto Marçal Vieira, CEFET-MG, BrazilCarme Pinya, University of Balearic Islands, SpainDina Radeljas, Mohawk Valley Community College, USAEdward Bolden, Case Western Reserve University, USAFroilan Delute Mobo, Philippine Merchant Marine Academy, PhilippinesGiuseppe Maugeri, University of Urbino, ItalyGraziano Serragiotto, Ca' Foscari University of Venice, ItalyIvan Lenard, Elementary School Ladimirevci, CroatiaLi Li, Bath Spa University, UKMatthew Schatt, University of Florida, USA William OscarEditorial AssistantInternational Journal of Contemporary Education------------------------------------------------------------Redfame Publishing9450 SW Gemini Dr. #99416Beaverton, OR 97008, USATel: 1-503-828-0536 ext. 509Fax: 1-503-828-0537E-mail 1: ijce@redfame.comE-mail 2: ijce@redfame.orgURL: http://ijce.redfame.com

Black Sigatoka, caused by Mycosphaerella fijiensis, is the most important disease of banana worldwide (1). It affects cultivars of the Cavendish subgroup that are used for export and important, locally consumed cooking and dessert bananas and plantains, reducing yields by 50% or more. Black Sigatoka first appeared in the Western Hemisphere in 1972 in Honduras, and has spread to all other countries in Central America (1980), Mexico (1980), and the following islands in the Caribbean: Cuba (1992), Hispanola (Dominican Republic) (1996), and Jamaica (1994). In South America, the disease has spread to Colombia (1981), Ecuador (1986), Venezuela (1992), and Peru (1994) (1). In June 1996, symptoms of the disease were observed in the San Carlos area in the western Chapare region of Bolivia. During surveys conducted in March and June 1997, several Cavendish clones, Dulce Cajita (Pisang mas), Guineo (Silk), Morado (Red), and Platano (French and Horn plantain) were affected. In each of eight major banana-producing areas in the region, disease incidence and severity were recorded at several representative sites on Cavendish cultivars, which were the most widely spread and susceptible clones in the region. Disease incidence was 100% in all areas from San Carlos to Ingavi B, 30 km to the east, and disease severity, rated as the youngest leaf spotted (YLS), ranged from means of 4.5 to 8 in the same areas. The disease was less common or rare in the Valle Sajta area, 60 km east of San Carlos, the reserve of the Yuqui indigenous group at the confluence of the Rio Chimore and Rio Useuta, 15 km northeast of San Carlos, and the southernmost settlements of the Yuracare indigenous group on the Rio Chapare, 20 km north of Ingavi B (incidences = 0 to 50%). Symptoms began as brown streaks on the abaxial leaf surface, 1 to 3 mm in length, and became visible on the adaxial surface and enlarged to wet, dark brown streaks, 1 to 2 × 10 to 20 mm, with chlorotic haloes. Ultimately, large portions of the leaf became blackened and watersoaked. The presence of the disease in the San Carlos, Ingavi B, and Senda B areas and the Yuqui reserve was confirmed after microscopic examination of the anamorph, Paracercospora fijiensis, on affected leaf tissue: scars were present on the base of conidia, and only simple conidiophores were found (2). This is the first report of black Sigatoka in Bolivia, and represents the southernmost extent of the disease on the South American continent. High rainfall in western portions of the Chapare (4 to 7 meters per year) makes it unlikely that the disease could be controlled effectively or economically in the region with fungicides. We believe this is the closest approach of the disease to Brazil (ca. 700 km), the last major banana-producing country in which black Sigatoka has not been reported. Moreover, the outbreaks in the northern Chapare are thought to be the first across the colonist frontier to indigenous Amazonian populations that rely on plantains and bananas as staple foods. References: (1) X. Mourichon and R. A. Fullerton. Fruits 45:213, 1990; (2) N. Pons. Trans. Br. Mycol. Soc. 89:120, 1987.

International Journal of Contemporary Education (IJCE) would like to acknowledge the following reviewers for their assistance with peer review of manuscripts for this issue. Many authors, regardless of whether IJCE publishes their work, appreciate the helpful feedback provided by the reviewers. Their comments and suggestions were of great help to the authors in improving the quality of their papers. Each of the reviewers listed below returned at least one review for this issue.Reviewers for Volume 3, Number 1Alexandra Ingram, University of Tennessee, USAÁlvaro Manzano Redondo, UCJC University, SpainAurora Q. Pestano, University of San Jose Recoletos, PhilippinesBlessing Dwumah Manu, Jiangsu University, GhanaBožić-Lenard Dragana, University of Osijek Croatia, CroatiaBruna Gabriela Augusto Marçal Vieira, CEFET-MG, BrazilDina Radeljas, Mohawk Valley Community College, USAEdward Bolden, Case Western Reserve University, USAFroilan Delute Mobo, Philippine Merchant Marine Academy, PhilippinesGraziano Serragiotto, Ca' Foscari University of Venice, ItalyIosif Fragkoulis, Hellenic Open University, GreeceLi Li, Bath Spa University, UKMatthew Schatt, University of Florida, USAMurat Tezer, Near East University, CyprusNesrin Ozturk, Ege University, TurkeyRaymond Aaron Younis, ACU Australia, AustraliaSuriadi Samsuri, Institute of Islamic Religion Sultan Muhammad Syafiuddin Sambas, IndonesiaTeresa Pozo-Rico, University of Alicante, SpainVassilios Papadimitriou, University of Thessaly, Greece William OscarEditorial AssistantInternational Journal of Contemporary Education---------------------------------------------------------Redfame Publishing9450 SW Gemini Dr. #99416Beaverton, OR 97008, USATel: 1-503-828-0536 ext. 509Fax: 1-503-828-0537E-mail 1: ijce@redfame.comE-mail 2: ijce@redfame.orgURL: http://ijce.redfame.com

This essay tests what we might call the racialization-as-secularization thesis through an examination of a year in the intellectual and literary life of Frederick Douglass—from the summer of 1854, when he delivered his commencement address at Western Reserve College, “The Claims of the Negro Ethnologically Considered” (his direct response to the American School of Ethnology), to the summer of 1855, when his second autobiography, My Bondage and My Freedom, was published. “Claims” reveals that Douglass apprehended in the American School of Ethnology a distillation of the problem of race past internecine contentions about the interpretation of this or that biblical verse or curse to a bottom-line Christian-theistic question: What does the enslaved black body signify within a creationist framework? This confrontation of racial slavery as a theodical problem can help us account for the most salient difference of his second autobiography—its recourse to mythic drama of the sort associated with Romantic titanism. Douglass’s bravura performance of Romantic titanism in My Bondage and My Freedom underscores the extent to which Douglass abandoned the Christian millenarianism of the Garrisonian camp not for a tacitly secularist political abolitionism but rather for what we might call a heretical political-theological abolitionism that provides fruitful fodder for current historical and philosophical debates about secularity, secularism, and immanence.

BackgroundPatients with rheumatoid arthritis (RA) have an excess risk of cardiovascular disease (CVD), including stroke [1]. After the introduction of biological DMARDs in 1999 and the treat to target strategy, more patients reach low disease activity and remission, which is associated with lower CVD risk [2]. Few previous studies have examined stroke occurrence in RA patients before and after these improvements in RA management.ObjectivesTo investigate stroke events in RA patients diagnosed before and after 1999 compared with the total population.MethodsWe included 771 RA patients diagnosed during 1972-1998 and 1050 during 1999-2013 at the main rheumatological department of Hordaland county, Norway. The total population of the same county and time period were used as a comparison cohort. Data on stroke events were obtained from regional cardiovascular registries or hospital patient administrative systems during 1972-2014. Aggregated counts of stroke events and population counts from the comparison cohort were used to estimate expected counts of stroke hospitalisation in the RA cohort per 5-year age group, sex and calendar year. We then estimated standardised event ratios (SERs) by Poisson regression as a measure of excess stroke events in RA patients compared with the total population.ResultsIn total, 152 stroke events occurred in 112 RA patients diagnosed during 1972-1998 over 15137 person-years of follow-up and 86 stroke events in 70 RA patients diagnosed during 1999-2013 over 8672 person-years of follow-up. RA patients diagnosed in the later period were on average 2.1 years older (56 years) at RA diagnosis, but the proportion of women was similar in both groups.Both RA patients diagnosed before and after 1998 had an excess of stroke events compared with the total population (SER 1.20, 95% CI 1.00-1.44 and SER 1.22, 95% CI 1.05-1.42 respectively). RA patients younger than 60 years of age did not appear to have significant excess stroke events in either group.ConclusionThese results indicate a similar excess of stroke events in RA patients diagnosed before and after 1999. This warrants continued awareness regarding stroke prevention in RA patients, even after the recent improvements in RA treatment.References[1]Wiseman SJ, Ralston SH, Wardlaw JM. Cerebrovascular Disease in Rheumatic Diseases: A Systematic Review and Meta-Analysis. Stroke 2016;47:943–50.[2]Myasoedova E, Chandran A, Ilhan B, et al. The role of rheumatoid arthritis (RA) flare and cumulative burden of RA severity in the risk of cardiovascular disease. Ann Rheum Dis 2016;75:560–5.Figure 1.Standardised event ratios (SER) comparing stroke events in RA patients with the total population of Hordaland, Norway, given with 95% robust confidence intervals. Seperate estimates were calculated for the entire RA cohort and 6 RA subcohorts defined by age, sex, positive rheumatoid factor or ACPA and arthritis on x-ray during follow-up. ACPA, anti-citrullinated protein antibodies; ACR, American College of Rheumatology; EULAR, European League against Rheumatism; RA, rheumatoid arthritis; RF, rheumatoid factor.AcknowledgementsThis work was funded by the Western Norway Regional Health Authority, Marit Hansen’s Memorial fund and Aslaug Andersen’s Memorial fund.Disclosure of InterestsChristian Lillebø Alsing: None declared, Jannicke Igland: None declared, Grethe S. Tell: None declared, Halvor Næss Speakers bureau: Pfizer, BMS, Tone Wikene Nystad: None declared, Bjørg Tilde Svanes Fevang Speakers bureau: Part of discussion board at UCB conference on spondyloarthritis, Consultant of: Part of advisory board Lilly

Ian Renwick McWhinney nasceu em 1926 em Burnley, no noroeste da Inglaterra, filho de um médico geral. Depois de servir o exército durante a Segunda Guerra Mundial, estudou medicina no Clare College - que pertence à Universidade de Cambridge - com estágios no St. Bartholomew’s Hospital em Londres. Posteriormente, se engajou por 13 anos na clínica do pai em Stratford-upon-Avon, cidade natal de William Shakespeare.Mc Whinney escreveu seu primeiro livro em 1964 sobre queixas vagas, sua grande área de interesse1. Em 1963, Mc Whinney foi contemplado com uma bolsa para um fellowship de oito semanas em medicina de família na Universidade de Harvard. Durante este período, aproveitou para visitar inúmeros departamentos de medicina de família nos Estados Unidos, além do Canadian College of General Practice, fundado em 1954. Dessa experiência, resultaram alguns artigos no The Lancet sobre a medicina de família como uma disciplina acadêmica2,3. Nesses artigos, Mc Whinney sistematizou os quatro critérios para uma disciplina acadêmica:Um campo de ação específico;Um campo de conhecimento definido;Uma área ativa em pesquisa;Um treino intelectual rigoroso.Esta bagagem, a concentração no estudo de questões centrais à medicina de família e seu interesse pela medicina de família como disciplina acadêmica o credenciavam para o próximo passo. Em 1967, foi recrutado pela então diretora do Departamento de Medicina Comunitária da Universidade de Western Ontário, Dra. Carol Buck, uma líder visionária e generosa, primeira mulher a concluir doutorado na Universidade de Western Ontário, que conduziu a divisão do seu próprio departamento em dois: epidemiologia e medicina preventiva (depois rebatizado para epidemiologia e bioestatística) e medicina de família4. Tinha claro que eram campos diferentes e que a especialização acelerada precisava de uma reação à altura. Também foi muito apoiado pelo então reitor, Dr. Bocking.Mc Whinney foi então diretor do recém-criado Departamento de Medicina de Família da Universidade de Western Ontário de 1968 até 1987. Nesse tempo, escreveu seu clássico livro “Textbook of Family Medicine” traduzido no Brasil como “Manual de Medicina de Família e Comunidade”, além de inúmeros artigos. Liderou um grupo de pesquisadores que estruturou, após dezenas de seminários internacionais, o “Método Clínico Centrado na Pessoa” que tem como primeira autora uma de suas pupilas, a epidemiologista Moira Stewart, esposa de outro coautor e também pupilo, o médico de família Tom Freeman. Além disso, em 1972 estruturou o mestrado em Medicina de Família e Comunidade com financiamento da Kellogg Foundation que recentemente foi transformado em doutorado. Finalmente, em 1982, organizou o Centro de Estudos em Medicina de Família, o que fechava um ciclo.Depois de longos anos de produção acadêmica e assistencial (deixou de atender pacientes poucos anos antes de morrer e, após ter deixado a direção do Departamento de Medicina de Família, iniciou carreira assistencial em cuidados paliativos), Mc Whinney foi aclamado pai da medicina de família canadense. Conseguiu colocar em palavras e no papel muito do que sente e pensam generalistas do mundo todo. Em uma das edições do seu Manual5, sistematizou a medicina de família em quatro competências, o que faz lembrar que o poder de síntese é apenas para quem tem muito claro um campo de conhecimento:Solução de problemas não diferenciados;Competências preventivas;Competências terapêuticas;Competências de gestão de recursos.Além disso, Mc Whinney ajudou a provar que a medicina de família é uma disciplina acadêmica com corpo de conhecimento próprio. Ele acreditava que se tratava de um novo paradigma. As principais referências que usava para tentar demonstrar suas ideias eram as seguintes (também são as principais referências do curso “Theoretical Foundations of Family Medicine” que constitui a pós-graduação stricto sensu por ele criada):System Theory: general system theory: foundations, developments, applications – Ludwig Von Bertalanffy;A Natureza das Revoluções Científicas – Thomas S. Kuhn;Em Busca de Espinosa – Antonio Damasio;O Erro de Descartes – Antonio Damasio;The Nature of Suffering – Eric Cassel;A guide for the Perplexed – EF Schumacher;A Ciência e o Mundo Moderno – Alfred North Whitehead;At the Will of the Body – Arthur W. Frank.Em artigo para a revista Family Medicine, Mc Whinney escreveu que, desde o início, seguiu dois princípios: a medicina de família deveria ser ensinada em centros de medicina de família, de preferência fora do hospital, e por médicos de família. Enfim, todos devemos muito a este mestre com quem tive o prazer de trocar algumas palavras em um jantar em sua homenagem em 2006. Perguntei o que achava de dirigentes de países como o Brasil que ainda entendem a graduação como o melhor, se não o único, meio de formar o generalista. Ele apenas olhou com piedade. Mc Whinney nos deixou em 28 de setembro de 2012. Que seu legado seja eterno e que ganhe força a cada dia.

IN THE SHADOW OF THE PALMS: The Selected Works of David Eugene Smith by Tristan Abbey, ed. Alexandria, VA: Science Venerable Press, 2022. xii + 155 pages, including a Glossary of Biosketches. Paperback; $22.69. ISBN: 9781959976004. *David Eugene Smith (1860-1944) may not be a household name for readers of this journal, but he deserves to be better known. An early-twentieth-century world traveler and antiquarian, his collaboration with publisher and bibliophile George Arthur Plimpton led to establishing the large Plimpton and Smith collections of rare books, manuscripts, letters, and artefacts at Columbia University in 1936. He was one of the founders (1924) and an early president (1927) of the History of Science Society, whose main purpose at the time was supporting George Sarton's ongoing management of the journal ISIS, begun a dozen years earlier. Smith also held several offices in the American Mathematical Society over the span of two decades and was a charter member (1915) and President (1920-1921) of the Mathematical Association of America (MAA). *Smith is best known, however, for his pioneering work in mathematics education, both nationally and internationally. In 1905, he proposed setting up an international commission devoted to mathematics education (now the International Commission on Mathematical Instruction) to explore issues of common concern to mathematics teachers on all levels, worldwide. He was actively involved in reviving this organization after its dissolution during the First World War and served as its President from 1928 to 1932. Nationally, Smith was instrumental in inaugurating the field of mathematics education, advancing this discipline professionally both in his role as mathematics professor at the prestigious Teachers College, Columbia University (1901-1926) and as an author of numerous best-selling mathematics textbooks for elementary and secondary schools. These texts were not focused solely on mathematical content; they also dealt substantively with teaching methodology, applications, rationales for studying the material, and significant historical developments. *Throughout his life Smith championed placing mathematics within the wider liberal arts setting of the humanities, highlighting history, art, and literary connections in his many talks, articles, and textbooks. For him there was no two-cultures divide, as it later came to be known. While acknowledging the value of utilitarian arguments for studying mathematics (he himself published a few textbooks with an applied focus), he considered such a rationale neither sufficient nor central. For him, mathematics was to be studied first of all for its own sake, appreciating its beauty, its reservoir of eternal truths, and its training in close logical reasoning. But again, for him this did not mean adopting a narrow mathematical focus. In particular, given his wide-ranging interest in how mathematics developed in other places and at other times, he tended to incorporate historical narratives in whatever he wrote. *This interest led him later in life to write a popular two-volume History of Mathematics. The first volume (1923) was a chronological survey from around 2200 BC to AD 1850 that focused on the work of key mathematicians in Western and non-Western cultures; the second volume (1925) was organized topically around subjects drawn from the main subfields of elementary mathematics. His History of Mathematics was soon supplemented by a companion Source Book in Mathematics (1929), which contained selected excerpts in translation from mathematical works written between roughly 1475 and 1875. Smith wrote at a time when the history of mathematics was beginning to expand beyond the boundaries of Greek-based Western mathematics to include developments from non-Western cultures (Egyptian, Babylonian, Indian, Chinese, Japanese, and Arabic), a trend he approved of and participated in professionally. *Smith's interest in broader issues extended even to exploring possible linkages between religion and mathematics. His unprecedented parting address to members of the MAA as its outgoing President is titled "Religio Mathematici," a reflection on mathematics and religion that was reproduced a month later as a ten-page article in The American Mathematical Monthly (1921) and subsequently reprinted several times. Smith's article "Mathematics and Religion" appearing in the National Council of Teachers of Mathematics' sixth yearbook Mathematics in Modern Life (1931) touched on similar themes. These two essays maintain that mathematics and religion are both concerned with infinity, with eternal truths, with valid reasoning from assumptions, and with the existence of the imaginary and higher dimensions, "the great beyond," enabling one to draw fairly strong parallels between them. Thus, a deep familiarity with these facets of mathematics may help one to appreciate the essentials of religion. Mathematics itself was thought of in quasi-religious terms, as "the Science Venerable." Smith's farewell address partly inspired Francis Su in his own presidential retirement address to the MAA in 2017 and in its 2020 book-length expansion Mathematics for Human Flourishing (see PSCF 72, no. 3 [2020]: 179-81). Su's appreciation of Smith's ideas also led him to contribute a brief Foreword to the booklet under review, to which we now turn. *First a few publication details: In the Shadow of the Palms is an attractive booklet produced as a labor of love by someone obviously enamored with his subject. Tristan Abbey is a podcaster with broad interests that include being a "math history enthusiast," but whose primary professional experience up to now has been focused on the environmental politics of energy and mineral resources. This work is the initial (and so far the only) offering by a publication company Abbey set up. Its name, Science Venerable Press, was chosen in honor of Smith's designation for mathematics. *One might classify this work non-pejoratively as a coffee-table booklet. It contains 50 excerpts (Su terms them "short meditations") from a wide range of Smith's writings, selected, categorized, and annotated by Abbey, along with full-page reproductions of eight postcards mailed back home by Smith on his world travels, and two photos, including Smith's Columbia-University-commissioned portrait. Smith's excerpted writing occupies only 109 of the total 167 pages, nearly two dozen of which are less than half full. The amply spaced text appears on 3.25 inches of the 7 inch-wide pages, the outer margins being reserved for Abbey's own auxiliary notes explaining references and allusions that appear in the excerpt. This gives the book lots of white space; in fact, eighteen pages of the booklet are completely blank. Another nine pages contain 75 short biographical sketches of mathematicians taken from Smith's historical writings; these are unlinked to any of the excerpts, but they do indicate the breadth of his historical interests. Unfortunately, no index of names or subjects is provided for the reader who wants to learn whether a person or a topic is treated anywhere in the booklet; the best one can do in this regard is consult the titles Abbey assigns the excerpts in the Table of Contents. *The booklet gives a gentle introduction to Smith's views on mathematics, mathematics education, and the history of mathematics. The excerpts chosen are more often literary than discursive. Smith was a good writer, able to keep the reader's attention and convey the sentiments intended, but these excerpts do not develop his ideas in any real length. They portray mathematics in radiant--sometimes fanciful--terms that a person disposed toward the humanities might find attractive but nevertheless judge a bit over-the-top: mathematicians are priests lighting candles in the chapel of Pythagoras; mathematics is "the poetry of the mind"; learning geometry is like climbing a tall mountain to admire the grandeur of the panoramic view; progress in mathematics hangs lanterns of light on major thoroughfares of civilization; and retirement is journeying through the desert to a restful oasis "in the shadow of the palms." Some passages are parables presented to help the reader appreciate what mathematicians accomplished as they overcame great obstacles. *While the excerpts occasionally recognize that mathematics touches everyday needs and is a necessary universal language for commerce and science, without which our world would be unrecognizable, their main emphasis--in line with Smith's fundamental outlook--is on mathematics' ability on its own to deliver joy and inspire admiration of its immortal truths. These are emotions many practicing mathematicians and mathematics educators share; Smith's references to music, art, sculpture, poetry, and religion are calculated to convey to those who are not so engaged, some sense of how thoughtful mathematicians value their field--as a grand enterprise of magnificent intrinsic worth. *In the Shadow of the Palms offers snapshots of the many ideas found in Smith's prolific writings about mathematics, mathematics education, and history of mathematics. It may not attract readers, though, who do not already understand and appreciate Smith's significance for these fields. Abbey himself acknowledges that his booklet "only scratches the surface of [Smith's] contributions" (p. 4). A recent conference devoted to David Eugene Smith and the Historiography of Mathematics (Paris, 2019) is a step toward recognizing Smith's importance, but a comprehensive scholarly treatment of Smith's work within his historical time period remains to be written. *Reviewed by Calvin Jongsma, Professor of Mathematics Emeritus, Dordt University, Sioux Center, IA 51250.

Open sands are usual elements of subarid and arid landscapes in Eurasia. The unique psammophytic flora makes an important contribution to the regions’ biological diversity. From the syntaxonomical point of view, psammophytic vegetation of south-east European part of Russia still poorly explored. The Sarykum sand massif is a unique object, due to its location in piedmonts of the Caucasus at a considerable distance from vast sands of Terek-Kum and Caspian lowlands (Fig. 1, 2). Our study presents the results of the analysis of 66 relevés. The data set was stored and processed in IBIS 7.2 software. As a result of performing hierarchical cluster analysis using Ward’s method, dendrogram was constructed reflecting the similarity of the relevés. Sokal/Sneath coefficient No. 1 which considers positive and negative species concurrences was used. Cluster analysis made it possible to reveal general differentiation patterns in psammophytic vegetation (Fig. 3). As a result, the relevés set was divided into two clusters differing in 28 species (Table 1). Cluster A represents poor of species and sparse communities on not fixed sands — in average 9 species per relevé and 18 % of the plants cover. Cluster B includes coenoses of fixed sands, with an average richness of 23 species and cover of 27 %. The studied communities belong to the class Festucetea vaginatae Soó ex Vicherek 1972, which represents the sandy steppes. It is distributed in the forest-steppe and steppe zones of Eastern and South-Eastern Europe, as well as in the south of Western Siberia and Northern Kazakhstan. The class includes the only order Festucetalia vaginatae Soó 1957. Psammophytic vegetation described from various regions of southern Russia belongs to the alliance Festucion beckeri Vicherek 1972, but none of its diagnostic species was noted in relevés. Comparison of our data with the associations described in the class on the territory of Russia and Ukraine allowed us to identify a group of species differentiating the psammophytic vegetation of the Sarykum massif: Artemisia tschernieviana, Astragalus brachylobus, Asperula diminuta, Centaurea arenaria, Syrenia siliculosa, Thesium maritimum, Tragopogon dasyrhynchus ssp. daghestanicus. These species can become the basis for the diagnosis of a new alliance. Its definition will be possible as a result of comparative analysis of psammophytic vegetation of the southeast of European Russia, primarily of the Caspian and Terek-Kum sands. Аss. Senecioni schischkiniani–Artemisietum tschernievianae ass. nov. (Table 2, relevés 1–18). Holotypus — relevé 1 in Table 2. (field no. 21-004), Republic of Dagestan, Kumtorkalinsky region, WSW from Korkmaskala village, Sarykum sands, leveled area in the upper part of the dune, 43.00751°N, 47.23290°E, 12.05.2021, author — A. Yu. Korolyuk. Diagnostic species (D. s.): Artemisia tschernieviana, Senecio schischkinianus, Melilotus polonicus, Tragopogon dasyrhynchus ssp. daghestanicus. Communities are found in the central, most open part of the Sarykum massif. They occupy slopes, as well as plane areas characterized by active sands winding (Fig. 4). Artemisia tschernieviana usually dominates. Аss. Leymo racemosi–Artemisietum tschernievianae ass. nov. (Tabl. 2, relevés 19–26), Holotypus — relevé 19 in Table 2. (field no. 21-026), Republic of Dagestan, Kumtorkalinsky region, WSW from Korkmaskala village, Sarykum sand massif, gentle northern slope of the dune, 43.01028°N, 47.23391°E, 13.05.2021, author — A. Yu. Korolyuk. D. s.: Artemisia tschernieviana (dom.), Leymus racemosus. The association represents pioneer cenoses that are widespread in the central elevated part of the massif. They are formed on slopes that are actively covered with sand (Fig. 5). The communities are sparse, with a cover of 10 to 25 % and the only dominant is Artemisia tschernieviana. Аss. Jurineo ciscaucasicae–Stipetum borysthenicae ass. nov. (Table 3, relevés 1–31). Holotypus — relevé 1 in Table 3. (field no. 21-030), Republic of Dagestan, Kumtorkalinsky region, WSW from Korkmaskala village, Sarykum sand massif, gentle slope of small hill in the northern foot of the dune, 43.0112°N, 47.2333°E, 13.05.2021, author — A. Yu. Korolyuk. D. s.: Agropyron fragile, Artemisia tschernieviana, Cephalaria uralensis, Cerastium semidecandrum, Jurinea ciscaucasica, Medicago caerulea, Pleconax conica, Scorzonera biebersteinii, Stipa borysthenica, Syrenia siliculosa, Teucrium orientale, Thesium maritimum. The communities of the association represent the background type of vegetation of the more fixed sands of the Sarykum massif. They develop on plane areas, gentle slopes of hillocks and ridges, along the bottoms of old blowed hollows (Fig. 6, 7). More than other species Cephalaria uralensis dominates, less are Agropyron fragile, Artemisia tschernieviana, Euphorbia seguieriana, Scorzonera biebersteinii, Secale sylvestre, Stipa borysthenica, Teucrium orientale, Ziziphora serpyllacea. As part of the association, we distinguish three variants: var. typica (Table 3, op. 1–16) is widely distributed to the north and northeast of the Sarykum dune, var. artemisia marschalliana (Table 3, op. 17–24) represents the richest communities of sandy steppes, var. inops (Table 3, op. 25–31) was noted only in the southern part of the massif on the sections adjacent to the railway. Five communities were described at the studied area. Com. Leymus racemosus occupy small patches, usually they form narrow strips between open sand and sagebrush coenoses (Fig. 8). Com. Eremosparton aphyllum was described in the middle part of the massif on the ridge slope (Fig. 9). Com. Calligonum aphyllum was observed on the top of a small sandy hill (Fig. 10). Com. Salix caspica was found on the tops of sand hills and represents large willow clones 2–3 meters high. Com. Imperata cylindrica was registered in the southwestern part of the massif along the slopes and bottom of depression (Fig. 11). Differentiation of classes Festucetea vaginatae and Artemisietea lerchianae Golub 1994 is an interesting syntaxonomical problem. In the European Vegetation Checklist (Mucina et al., 2016), the class Artemisietea tschernievianae Golub 1994, representing psammophytic vegetation, is assigned to the second class as a synonym. We carried out a formalized analysis of Dagestan communities and syntaxa of three classes described in Astrakhan, Saratov, and Rostov Regions (Fig. 12). Cluster analysis divided the syntaxa into two groups corresponding to the classes Artemisietea lerchianae (A) and Festucetea vaginatae (B). Desert associations of the class Artemisietea lerchianae united together with ass. Artemisietum tschernievianae Golub 1994. This association is the holotype of the class Artemisietea tschernievianae, so the latter one should be recognized as synonym of the class Artemisietea lerchianae, representing deserts and desert steppes (Korolyuk, Laktionov, 2021). The ass. Koelerietum sabuletorum Golub 1994 joined together with other syntaxa of the class Festucetea vaginatae representing sandy steppes and vegetation of fixed sands. The vegetation of the Sarykum sand massif is represented by original plant communities and numerous plant species that are typical for Middle Asia. In addition, about 20 plant species listed in the regional and federal Red Books grow on the territory of «Sarykum dune» cluster of Dagestan reserve and its protected zone. Despite the protection regime, the dune ecosystems are under human impact, which negatively affects the dune ecosystems.

Abstract Background: Previous evidence has shown that low mean nocturnal oxyhemoglobin saturation is significantly associated with a higher number of pain days per year Hargrave et al. (Blood. 2003; 101(3)846-8). We tested the primary hypothesis that sleep disordered breathing, described by low mean nocturnal oxygen saturation (SpO2), is associated with increased rates of severe vaso-occlusive pain and acute chest syndrome (ACS). Our secondary hypothesis investigated the association between high obstructive apnea hypopnea index (OAHI; the number of obstructive apneas and hypopneas with >3% SpO2desaturations or arousals per hour of sleep) with increased incidence of severe pain requiring hospitalization and ACS episodes. Study design: A prospective cohort study of children and adolescents from the Sleep and Asthma Cohort (SAC) was assembled. Children with sickle cell anemia (SCA), defined as HgbSS or Hb Sβ°, were enrolled from 4 to 18 years of age at three clinical centers, Washington University School of Medicine in St. Louis, Missouri; Case Western Reserve University in Cleveland, Ohio; and University College London in London, UK (which recruited from three London hospitals). At each site, SAC study-certified technicians performed full 12 channel in-laboratory research polysomnography (PSG) including continuous measurements of nocturnal oxygen saturation using standardized protocols according to American Academy of Sleep Medicine guidelines for data acquisition and scoring. All PSGs were read centrally at Vanderbilt University School of Medicine. Negative binomial regression was used to test the association between nocturnal SpO2 and the incidence rate of severe pain requiring hospitalization and ACS episodes. Covariates in the primary models for pain and ACS included: age at polysomnography, sex, hemoglobin, white blood cell count (WBC), OAHI, and mean nocturnal SpO2. All covariates meeting a significance criteria of p<0.20 were subsequently included in the final model for pain or ACS. Pain rate was defined as number of vaso-occlusive pain events that required hospitalization per year. ACS event was defined as an episode of acute respiratory distress associated with a new radiodensity on chest roentgenogram and at least one of the following: temperature greater than 38° Celsius, increased respiratory effort, decreased oxygen saturation, or increased respiratory rate documented in the medical record. A diagnosis of pneumonia was considered an ACS episode. If a pain event occurred with an ACS episode, the participant was counted as having an ACS event. Results: A total of 252 participants with SCA underwent polysomnography and after quality control, 243 were included; of these 223 had values for pain and ACS after polysomnography; missing data were due to lack of follow-up. Of the 223 participants, 18 on hydroxyurea therapy at the time of PSG and one with missing hydroxyurea status were excluded in primary analyses as hydroxyurea treatment is known to significantly influence pain incidence. The final sample included 204 participants, median age 10.4 years (interquartile range 7.3). Participants were followed for median 5.0 years (interquartile range 1.8 after PSG). After adjusting for age, sex, WBC, and hemoglobin, higher nocturnal SpO2 was associated with increased incidence of pain, which is in the opposite direction of our hypothesis (incidence rate ratio 1.11, 95% CI 1.06-1.17, p<0.001). Mean nocturnal SpO2 was not associated with ACS (incidence rate ratio 1.02, CI 0.96-1.09, p=0.500). In separate models, adjusting for age, sex, WBC, and hemoglobin, OAHI was not associated with future pain using either the log OAHI (IRR 0.99, CI 0.88-1.10, p=0.805) or with OAHI ≥2 (IRR 0.87, CI 0.55-1.41, p=0.569). After adjustment for covariates, OAHI was not associated with ACS using either the log OAHI (IRR 1.06, CI 0.92-1.21, p=0.450) or with OAHI ≥2 (IRR 0.86, CI 0.53-1.39, p=0.541). In an attempt to replicate the Hargrave analysis (Blood. 2003; 101(3)846-8), we investigated whether pain days per year was associated with nocturnal SpO2. Nocturnal SpO2was associated with pain days per year, but in the opposite direction of our hypothesis (IRR 1.12, 95% CI 1.05-1.20, p= 0.001). Conclusion: In an unselected group of children with SCA, low mean nocturnal SpO2 and elevated OAHI are not associated with clinically relevant increased incidence rates of vaso-occlusive pain or ACS. Disclosures No relevant conflicts of interest to declare.

The proponents of this research developed their interests to look into every good points a community-based relapse prevention program being implemented by a particular local community among low-risk drug-users surrenderers. This included appreciating the design of the program and how it impacted the participants and the community of Barangay Salapan, San Juan City. All these being viewed from the underlying principles of restorative justice, in the pursuit of describing how the sanctity and dignity of human life is being restored using the five stages of appreciative inquiry as method of analysis. The rehabilitation program being implemented by the local community and supported by the local government provided a silver lining for the victims of the prohibited drugs. Initially, it helped redeem their lost personal sense of dignity, social respect and acceptance, and become a productive and significant individual members of their particular families and their beloved community. It was emphasized that the restoration of the sanctity and dignity of life demands greater openness, volunteerism, respect sincerity and discipline from each of the persons involved in the rehabilitation program. It was noted also that all the sectors of the local community should be united and unselfishly support the program regardless of political color or affiliation, religious background, economic interests and social biases, so that the sacredness and dignity of life which is very primal as a value will be constructively attained. References Brabant, K. V. (2015). Effective advising in state building and peacebuilding contexts-how: appreciative inquiry. Geneva,International Peacebuilding Advisory Team Byron, W. (1998). The building blocks of catholic social teaching. AmericaCaday, F. (2017). Causes of drug abuse among college students: The Philippine experience. Ifugao State University, Philippines. The International Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities InventionCoghlan, A., Preskill, H. and Catsambas, T.T. An overview of appreciative inquiry in evaluation. Retrieved from http://www.rismes.it/pdf/Preskill.pdf.Cooperrider, D. and Whitney, D. (2005). A positive revolution in change: Appreciative inquiry. Case Western Reserve University, The Taos InstituteDangerous Drugs Board, Office of the President. (2016). Oplan Sagip, Guidelines on voluntarily surrenderer of drug users and dependents and monitoring mechanism of barangay anti-drug abuse campaigns. Board Regulation No. 4. Office of the President. Republic of the Philippines.Gómez, M.P.M., Bracho, C.A. and Hernández, M. (2014). Appreciative inquiry, a constant in social work. Social Sciences, SciencePublihing Group. Spain John Paul II. (1987). Solicitudo Rei Socialis. Libreria Editrice Vaticana Helliwell, J. F. (2011). Institutions as enablers of wellbeing: TheSingapore prison case study. British Columbia. University of British Columbia. International Journal of WellbeingHimes, K. (2001). Responses to 101 questions on social catholic teaching manwah. Paulist Press St. Columban’s Mission Society. Mazo, G. N., (2017). Transformational rehabilitation: Communitybased intervention to end the drug menace. International Journal of Research - Granthaalayah, 5(12), 183-190. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.1133854.Morales, S.,Corpus, R. and Oliver, R. (2013). Appreciative inquiry approach on environmental stewardship on the issues of the West Philippine Sea. Polytechnic University of the Philippines. National Youth Congress 2013 of the PhilippinesMikulich, A. (2012). Catholic social thought and restorative justice. Jesuit Social Research InstitutePloch, A. (2012). Why dignity matters: Dignity and the right (or not) to rehabilitation from international and national perspectives. New York University Journal of International Law and Politics. New York University School of Law.Pope Francis. (2015). Laudato si. Vatican City. Leberia Editrice Vaticana.Sakai, K.(2005). Research on the trends in drug abuse and effective measures for the treatment of the drug abusers in asian countries an analysis of innovative measures for the treatment of drug abusers. Tokyo, Japan. United Nations Asia and Far East Institute (UNAFEI)Sanchez, Z.M. and Nappo, S.A. (2008). Religious intervention and recovery from drug addiction. Rev Saúde Pública. Universidade Federal de São Paulo. São Paulo, SP, BrasilSandu, A. and Damian, S. (2012). Applying appreciative inquiry principles in the restorative justice field. Romania. Lumen Publishing House.Shuayb, M., Sharp, C., Judkins, M. and Hetherington M. (2009). Using appreciative inquiry in educational research: possibilities and limitations. Report. Slough: NFER.Yip, P., Cheung, S.L., Tsang, S.,Tse, S., Ling, W.O., Laidler, K., Wong, P., Law, and F., Wong, L.(2011). A study on drug abuse among youths and family relationship. University of HongKong

Radiometric methods were used to investigate the radioactive properties of rocks in parts of southwestern Nigeria with a view to interpreting the geological structure and abundance of natural radioactive elements in the main type rocks. The airborne radiometric dataset of Ikole Sheet and ground radiometric data recorded from eight traverses in Akoko axis of the study area were processed. Results presented as maps and profiles displayed variations of high and low radioactive concentrations across the area. These maps showed moderate to very high concentrations and very low to low concentrations of the radioelements; uranium (4.5-13.0 ppm); (LLD-low limit of detection -3.0 ppm), Th (25.0-70.0 ppm); (8.5-16.0 ppm) and K (2.0-4.0 %); but the most often observed values are in the range 2.5-7.0 ppm, 22.0-30.0 ppm and 3.0-4.0% for U, Th, and K respectively. High concentrations imply that the rocks are crystalline, undeformed and are rich in feldspar and U-Th bearing minerals. While low radioactivity is attributed to varying geologic framework compositions; weathered materials or fluids formed as a result of intense metamorphism. The radiometric datasets proved valuable in delineating different rock types and serve as a complementary tool in identifying geochemical zoning of rocks in the area.ReferencesAjibade A.C. and Fitches W.R., 1988. The Nigerian Precambrian and the Pan-African Orogeny, Precambrian Geology of Nigeria, 45-53.Ajibade A.C., Woakes M. and Rahaman M.A., 1987.Proterozoic crustal development in Pan-African regime of Nigeria: In A. Croner (ed.) Proterozoic Lithospheric Evolution Geodynamics, 17, 259-231.Appleton J.D., Miles J.C.H., Green B.M.R, Larmour R., 2008. Pilot study of the application of Tellus airborne radiometric and soil geochemical data for radon mapping. Journal of Environmental Radioactivity, 99, 1687-1697.Arisekola T.M. and Ajenipa R.A., 2013. Geophysical data results preliminary application to uranium and thorium exploration. IAEA-CYTED-UNECE Workshop on UNFC-2009 at Santiago, Chile 9-12, July, 12.Bayowa O.G., Olorunfemi O.M., Akinluyi O.F. and Ademilua O.L., 2014.A Preliminary Approach to Groundwater Potential Appraisal of Ekiti State, Southwestern Nigeria. International Journal of Science and Technology (IJST), 4(3), 48-58.Bierwirth P.N., 1997. The use of airborne gamma-emission data for detecting soil properties.Proceedings of the Third International Airborne Remote Sensing Conference and Exhibition.Copenhagen, Denmark.Grasty R.L. and Multala J., 1991. A correlation technique for separating natural and man-made airborne gamma-ray spectra. In: Current Research, Part D, Geological Survey of Canada, 111-116.Grasty R.L., Minty B.R.S., 1995a. A guide to the technical specifications for airborne gamma ray surveys. Australian Geological Survey Organization, Record.Grasty R.L., Minty B.R.S., 1995b. The standardization of airborne gamma-ray surveys in Australia. Exploration Geophysics, 26, 276-283.IAEA, 1991. 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Geological map of Nigeria prepared by Nigeria Geological Survey Agency, 31, ShetimaMangono Crescent Utako District, Garki, Abuja, Nigeria.Omosanya K.O., Ariyo S.O., Kaigama U., Mosuro G.O., and Laniyan T.A., 2015. An outcrop evidence for polycyclic orogenies in the basement complex of Southwestern Nigeria. Journal of Geography and Geology, 7(3), 24-34.Oyawoye, M.O., 1972. The Basement Complex of Nigeria.In African Geology. T.F.J. Dessauvagie and A.J. Whiteman (Eds) Ibadan University Press, 67-99.Oyinloye A.O., 2011. Geology and Geotectonic Setting of the Basement Complex Rocks in Southwestern Nigeria: Implications on Provenance and Evolution. Earth and Environmental Sciences, 98-117. ISBN: 978-953-307-468-9.Rahaman M.A., 1981. Recent Advances in the Study of the Basement Complex of Nigeria.First Symposium on the Precambrian Geology of Nigeria, Summary.Rahaman M.A., Emofureta W.O. and Vachette M., 1983. 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Introduction: Nearly 24% of the world's population carry hemoglobin (Hb) gene variants, with the large majority of affected births occurring in low-income countries. The most prevalent structural Hb variants are the recessive β-globin gene mutations, βS or S, βC or C, and βE or E1. Hb S mutation is prevalent in sub-Saharan Africa and in Central India. Hb C is common in West Africa, and Hb E is common in Southeast Asia and in India. Homozygotes or compound heterozygotes with βS (e.g., Hb SS or SC) have sickle cell disease (SCD), a chronic sickling disorder associated with pain, chronic multi-organ damage, and high mortality. While Hb EE causes only a mild microcytic anemia, Hb E in combination with β-thalassemia can lead to transfusion dependent thalassemia. Though carriers are typically asymptomatic, they may pass the mutations to their offspring. Screening is needed so that these disorders can be diagnosed early and managed in a timely manner2. For example, in low-income countries, due to lack of nationwide screening and comprehensive care programs, up to 80% of babies born with SCD are undiagnosed and less than half of them survive beyond 5 years of age2. The unmet need for affordable, portable, accurate point-of-care tests to facilitate decentralized hemoglobin testing in resource-constrained countries is well-recognized 2,3. Here, we present international multi-site clinical validation results and high diagnostic accuracy of the 'HemeChip' (Fig. 1), an affordable, 10-minute point-of-care microchip electrophoresis test for identifying common Hb variants S, C, and E. Methods: Institutional Review Board approvals were obtained at each study site, and blood samples were collected as part of the standard clinical care. Tests were performed by local users, including healthcare workers and clinical laboratory personnel. 315 children (6 weeks to 5 years of age) were tested in Kano, Nigeria. Study participants were enrolled at three hospitals, Amino Kano Teaching Hospital, Murtala Mohammed Specialist Hospital, and Hasiya Bayero Pediatric Hospital. 124 subjects (7 weeks to 63 years old) were included in the study at Siriraj Thalassemia Center in Bangkok, Thailand. 298 subjects (8 months to 65 years old) were tested at a referral testing facility of ICMR-National Institute of Research in Tribal Health, located at Late Baliram Kashayap Memorial Medical College, Jagdalpur, Chhattisgarh, India. Blood samples were tested with both HemeChip and the standard reference methods, high performance liquid chromatography or cellulose acetate electrophoresis. Reference test results were not available to the HemeChip users. Similarly, HemeChip test results were not available to the users of the standard reference tests. Clinical validation studies presented here were performed with a fully functional, portable HemeChip prototype developed at Case Western Reserve University (Fig. 1A). A commercial product has been developed based on this technology by Hemex Health Inc. under the product name, GazelleTM(Fig. 1B). Results and Discussion: Among the total 768 tests performed with HemeChip in all test sites, 732 were valid tests, as defined by the Standards for Reporting Diagnostic Accuracy (STARD)4. HemeChip correctly identified all subjects with Hb SS, Hb SC, Hb AS, Hb AE, and Hb EE with 100% accuracy (Table 1). Nine subjects with normal Hb (Hb AA) were identified as HbSS in Nigeria. No subjects with disease were identified as normal or trait by HemeChip. Three subjects with compound heterozygous Hb Sβ-thalassemia (2 subjects with Hb Sβ+-thalassemia, 1 subject with Hb Sβ0-thalassemia) were identified as Hb SS. Sensitivity was 100% for all Hb types tested. Specificity was 98.7% for Hb SS versus other Hb types, and 100% for all other Hb types tested. HemeChip displayed an overall diagnostic accuracy of 98.4% in comparison to standard reference methods for the Hb variants tested in all clinical testing sites (Table 1). HemeChip is a versatile point-of-care system that enables affordable, accurate, decentralized hemoglobin testing in resource-limited settings. References: 1. Weatherall DJ, Clegg JB. Bull World Health Organ. 2001;79(8):704-712. 2. Mburu J, Odame I. International Journal of Laboratory Hematology. 2019;41(S1):82-88. 3. Alapan Y, Fraiwan A, Kucukal E, et al. Expert Review of Medical Devices. 2016;13(12):1073-1093. 4. Bossuyt PM, Reitsma JB, Bruns DE, et al. BMJ : British Medical Journal. 2015;351:h5527. Disclosures Fraiwan: Hemex Health, Inc.: Equity Ownership, Patents & Royalties. Hasan:Hemex Health, Inc.: Equity Ownership, Patents & Royalties. An:Hemex Health, Inc.: Patents & Royalties. Thota:Hemex Health, Inc.: Employment. Piccone:Hemex Health, Inc.: Patents & Royalties. Little:Hemex Health, Inc.: Patents & Royalties; GBT: Research Funding. Gurkan:Hemex Health, Inc.: Consultancy, Employment, Equity Ownership, Patents & Royalties, Research Funding.

In many countries, relationship between decentralization of government activities and the extent of rent extraction by private parties is an important element in the recent debate on institutional design. The topic of corruption was actively, openly and debated in Indonesia by government, its development partners, and a broadly based group of political and civil society leaders are engaged in meetings and exchange on a daily basis. In the ongoing debate on corruption a lot of attention is paid to the role of public sector salaries, particularly in the decentralization era. Based on this phenomenon, the authors want to analyze the relationship between corruption and decentralization. Using OSL model, we can find a very strong and consistent positive association between the two variables across a sample of region, thereby providing some support for theories of decentralization that emphasize its benefits. This association is robust to controlling for a wide range of potential sources of omitted variable bias as well as endogeneity bias. Keywords: Corruption, Decentralization, OSL Model Abstrak.Di banyak negara, hubungan antara desentralisasi pemerintah dan tingkat ekstraksi sewa oleh pihak swasta merupakan elemen penting dalam perdebatan baru pada desain institusional. Topik korupsi secara aktif, terbuka dan diperdebatkan di Indonesia oleh Pemerintah, mitra pembangunan, dan kelompok berbasis luas dari para pemimpin politik dan masyarakat sipil yang terlibat dalam pertemuan dan pertukaran setiap hari. Dalam perdebatan tentang korupsi banyak perhatian diarahkan untuk peran gaji sektor publik, terutama di era desentralisasi. Berdasarkan fenomena ini, penulis ingin menganalisis hubungan antara korupsi dan desentralisasi. Menggunakan OSL model, kita dapat menemukan hubungan positif yang sangat kuat dan konsisten antara dua variabel di seluruh sampel dari daerah, sehingga memberikan beberapa dukungan untuk teori desentralisasi yang menekankan manfaat. Asosiasi ini adalah kuat untuk mengendalikan berbagai kemungkinan potensial dari upaya menghilangkan sebagian variabel serta bias endogenitas. Kata Kunci: Korupsi, Desentralisasi, OSL Model REFERENCES,Ades, Alberto and Di Tella, Rafael, 1994, “Competition and corruption” Institute of Economics and Statistics Discussion Papers 169. University of Oxford.____, 1995, “National champions and corruption: some unpleasant competitiveness arithmetic”.University of Oxford. Photocopy.Barro, Robert, 1992, “Human capital and economic growth”. in policies for long run economic growth. Federal Reserve bank of Kansas City: 199-216.____, 1990, “Government spending in a simple model of endogenous growth.” Journal of Economy, 98, no.5, part 2, S103-S125.Bhagwati, Jagdish, 1982, “Directly unproductive, profit-seeking (dup) activities.” Journal of Political Economy, 90, no.5.Clemets, Benedict, Rejane Hugounenq, and Gerd Schwartz, 1995, “Government subsidies: concept, international trends and reform options”, IMF Working Papers 95/91. Washington, DC: International Monetary Fund.Easterly, William, 1990, “Endogenous growth in developing countries with government induced distortions.” In Vittorio Corbo, Stanley Fischer and Steve Webb, Policies to Restore Growth. Washington DC: The World Bank.Fisman, Raymond, and Roberta Gatti, 2002, “Decentralization and corruption: evidence across countries”, Journal of Public Economics 83: 325-345.Hague, Nadeem Ui, and Ratna Sahay, 1996, “Do government wage cuts close budget deficits? IMF Working Papers 96/19. 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Jorge-Vazquez, F. Javier Arze, Jameson Boex, 2004, “Corruption, fiscal policy and fiscal management, USAID Report (October).Mauro, Paolo, 1995, “Corruption and growth.” Quarterly Journal of Economics CX, no.3 (August): 681-712._____, 1997, “The Effect of Corruption on growth, investment and government ex-penditure: a cross country analysis, in Corruption and the global economy, K.A. Elliot, ed., Eashington D.C., Institute for International Economics, pp.83-107._____, 1998, corruption and the composition of government expenditure, Journal of Public Economics, vol.69:263-279.Megantara, Andie and Noor Fuad, 2003, “The impact of institutional environment on public official performance: does institutional environment affect the rate of corruption?”, Jurnal Keuangan Publik vol.1, no.1 (September):1-23.Murphy, Kevin, Andrei Shleifer and Robert Vishny, 1991, “Allocation of talent: implications for growth.” Quarterly Journal of Economics, 106.Raunch, James, 1995, “Bureaucracy, infrastructure and economic growth: evidence from U.S. Cities During the Progressive Era.” American Economic Review 85, no.4 (September): 968-979.Rose-Ackerman, Susan, 1978, Corruption: a study in political economy, New York, NY: Academic Press._____, 1996, Democracy and grand corruption, International Social Science Journal, vol.48. no.3._____, 1997, Corruption and development, Paper presented at the annual Bank Conference on Development Economics, Washington D.C._____, 1999, Corruption and government: causes, consequences and reform, Cambridge University Press.Sachs, Jeffrey, and Warner, Andrew, 1995, “Natural resource abundance and economic growth.” NBER Working Papers 5398. 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Notes on ContributorsBernard Williams Deutsch Professor of Philosophy at the University of California, Berkeley, and a Fellow of All Souls' College, Oxford. He has held chairs in London, Cambridge, and Oxford, and from 1979 to 1987 he was Provost of King's College, Cambridge. His most recent publications are Making Sense of Humanity and Plato.Michael DummettEmeritus Professor of Oxford University, Honorary Fellow of New College, Oxford and Emeritus Fellow of All Souls' College. He was Wykenham Professor of Logic from 1972 to 1992. Earlier he was for 13 years reader in Philosophy of Mathematics.David S. OderbergReader in Philosophy at the University of Reading. His most recent books are Moral Theory: A Non-consequentialist Approach and Applied Ethics: A Non-consequentialist Approach (Blackwell, 2000).Andrea ChristofidouLecturer in Philosophy, Worcester College, Oxford. She is currently working on a book called Descartes: God, Mind and the World.E. J. LoweProfessor of Philosophy, University of Durham. Author of Kinds of Being, Subjects of Experience, and The Possibility of Metaphysics.Roger FellowsSenior Lecturer in Philosophy at the University of Bradford. His publications include: What Philosophy Does, Open Books 1977; Philosophy and Technology, (ed.), Cambridge University Press, 1985.Robert J. DelteteProfessor of Philosophy at Seattle University. He has published on the history and philosophy of science, especially 19th and 20th century physics and cosmology.William F. VallicellaAfter some years of teaching at University of Dayton and Case Western Reserve University, Dr Vallicella abandoned a tenured position, retiring to the Sonoran desert to live the life of the independent philosopher. He is the author of many published articles, mainly in metaphysics and philosophy of religion, in such journals as Analysis, Ratio, and Nous.

Elizabeth Blackwell's younger sister, Emily (1826–1910), was the third woman to graduate from a regular U.S. medical college in 1854. Unlike the experience of the two women who preceded her, the Chicago medical school that accepted Emily refused to allow her to complete her studies and graduate, forcing her to hastily find an alternative. There was no explanation at the time and the Chicago Tribune, which investigated the incident, could only speculate about the source of such a dishonorable act: “It is very evident there is duplicity and double dealing somewhere. Who is guilty?” Generations of historians have attributed it to Illinois Medical Society pressure against Rush Medical College, but there was no contemporary evidence of such pressure. A closer examination of Blackwell's journal and historical records suggests that Rush founder, president, and professor of surgery, Daniel Brainard engineered her dismissal. One possible motive was a misplaced romantic approach by Brainard. Rush's actions had the paradoxical result of temporarily opening the doors of the Cleveland Medical College (now Case Western Reserve) to four more women medical students.

The Western Center Academy (WCA) Charter School and Mt. San Jacinto College (MSJC) are located on the Southwestern Riverside County Multi-Species Reserve (SWRCMSR). Developed in 1992, the reserve is home to at least 8 sensitive bird, animal, and plant species. Although the reserve is protected against direct human influence, within a 100-mile circle of SWRCMSR live more than 21 million people with their indirect impact on the environment. Our goal was to determine if the reserve is protecting the species within by analyzing the genetics of those species to determine if there is a healthy amount of genetic diversity in the populations within. We collected insects at MSJC Menifee campus and in the SWRCMSR to evaluate how human impact affects the genetic diversity of insects. MSJC served as the site that was impacted by human activities and SWRCMSR served as the site that was not impacted by human activities. The School Malaise Trap Project (SMTP) selected 160 of our specimens, sequenced their genetic barcodes, and entered the data into the Barcode of Life Database (BOLD) for analysis. Using the BOLD website and a Clustal Omega tool, we compared the genetic sequences in the insects we collected to measure genetic differences in the two populations of insects. The results from the two collections seem to show that the nature reserve insect population is a younger population with genetic changes possibly acquired by gene flow from immigration. The insect population at MSJC appears to be well developed, but isolated genetically.

Patients with rheumatologic conditions, such as eosinophilic granulomatosis with polyangiitis (EGPA), rheumatoid arthritis (RA), and systemic lupus erythematosus (SLE), often face being immunocompromised due to their disease state, or the immunosuppressive effect of their treatments. Managing immunocompromised rheumatologic patients can be challenging and complex. This article reviews a GSK-sponsored Innovation Theatre session that took place during the American College of Rheumatology (ACR) Convergence 2023 Annual Meeting in San Diego, California, USA, on 14th November 2023. Kevin Winthrop, Professor of Infectious Diseases at the School of Medicine at Oregon Health and Science University (OHSU); and Professor of Public Health at OHSU-Portland State University (PSU) School of Public Health, Portland, Oregon, USA, provided insights into the immunocompromised patient within rheumatology. He considered the challenges of associated comorbidities, diagnosis, and implementing preventative measures. Leonard Calabrese, Professor of Medicine at the Cleveland Clinic Lerner College of Medicine, Case Western Reserve University; Director of Clinical Immunology of the R.J. Fasenmyer Center; and Vice Chairman at the Department of Rheumatic & Immunologic Disease, Cleveland Clinic, Ohio, USA, presented an interactive patient case overview of EGPA. He identified the need for practitioners to take ownership of patients with serious and opportunistic infections. The session provided awareness of the origins of immunocompromised states, including disease pathophysiology and treatments. It also explained the increased risks of opportunistic infections among patients with rheumatological conditions, due to their disease and treatment. Additionally, it identified the need for holistic approaches in the management of those patients living with immunocompromising conditions.

ABSTRACT Jordan Beach received his Bachelor's degree from Mount Union University, Alliance, Ohio, before joining the laboratory of Thomas Egelhoff at Case Western Reserve University and Cleveland Clinic Foundation, Cleveland, Ohio for his PhD. He moved to the National Heart Lung and Blood Institute at the National Institutes of Health in Bethesda, Maryland for his postdoctoral training with John Hammer to use high-resolution imaging to explore myosin II assembly dynamics with the aid of a Lenfant Biomedical Research Fellowship and K22 Career Transition Award. In 2017, Jordan became an Assistant Professor at the Department of Cell and Molecular Physiology at Loyola University Chicago, USA. Patrick Oakes received his Bachelor's degree from Boston College, and his PhD in Physics from Brown University in the laboratory of Jay Tang. He did his postdoctoral work with Margaret Gardel at the Institute for Biophysical Dynamics and the James Franck Institute at the University of Chicago studying how cells sense and generate forces. In 2016 he started his own lab as an Assistant Professor of Physics at the University of Rochester, and in 2019 moved to the Department of Cell and Molecular Physiology at Loyola University Chicago, USA. In 2022 he was promoted to Associate Professor.

The study of biodiversity is crucial to the stability of the planet as it assists scientists with the knowledge and tools necessary to maintain a functional and sustainable environment. Previous research has utilized malaise traps to collect insects in order to study trends in biodiversity. However, malaise traps may have a potential for bias, depending on the type of attractant used, given that flies are attracted to rotting, fermented fruit. This study aims to test whether inadequate sampling occurs during the collection of flying insects. We hypothesized that attractants do bias the results of malaise trap research. The project was designed to test this hypothesis. We placed two identical traps in similar areas of the Southwestern Riverside County Multi-Species Reserve near Western Center Academy. All variables were maintained across these traps, except for the type of attractant used (independent variable). Traps were placed three feet apart, both parallel to the prevailing wind in a homogeneously vegetated field. After one week, we counted and identified the insects down to order manually under a microscope and their genomes were sequenced. This process was repeated the following week. The data from the two traps were compared to each other and to a concurrent Mount San Jacinto Junior College study to test our hypothesis. Based on analysis of our data, we found our hypothesis to be supported by the data and there was indeed a bias when using denatured alcohol.

Vaccinia virus (VACV) is a double‐stranded DNA virus of the poxvirus family. Since the eradication of smallpox, VACV is most commonly used as an experimental infection model, but VACV‐based vaccines (either live or attenuated) have received increased attention in previous years as vehicles for inoculation against other agents. Exercise has previously been shown to impair immune responses to viral infections. Although this has primarily been described in intense exercise, to our knowledge no study has examined voluntary wheel running (VWR) in mice, which impacts immune responses differently compared to forced exercise. Therefore, we examined the impact of VWR on infection and antibody responses to several strains of VACV. Male C57Bl/6J mice ran for 8 weeks on wheels or remained sedentary, then were infected with 10^5 PFU of pathogenic VACV strain Western Reserve (WR) intranasally or inoculated with 10^6 PFU of replication‐deficient VACV strain Modified Vaccinia Ankara (MVA) intraperitoneally. Mice receiving WR were followed for morbidity and mortality for 14 days, while mice receiving MVA had blood collected prior to inoculation and at week 1, 2, and 4 post‐inoculation for examination of antibody responses. VWR in mice did not alter mortality or body weight loss due to WR infection, although food intake was significantly reduced in sedentary mice (p=0.05), indicating a potential protective effect of VWR against morbidity. VWR also did not alter anti‐VACV IgG response, although mice with wheel access had non‐significantly increased IgG (p=0.22). In conclusion, VWR is safe prior to and during VACV infection and does not impair vaccine responses to the attenuated MVA strain. VWR may increase immune responses and reduce morbidity, although the present study was underpowered to determine this.Support or Funding InformationFunded by a grant from the American College of Sports Medicine to BDP.

Chair Elliott Antman, MD, FAHA Brigham and Women's Hospital Boston, MA Vice-Chair Robert A. Harrington, MD, FACC, FAHA Stanford University Stanford, CA Incoming Vice Chair/At Large Ken Bloch, MD, FAHA Massachusetts General Hospital Boston, MA President Donna Arnett, PhD, FAHA University of Alabama at Birmingham Birmingham, AL 3CPR, Council Program Chair Ben Abella, MD, MPhil, FACEP University of Pennsylvania Philadelphia, PA 3CPR Francois Haddad, MD Stanford University Palo Alto, CA 3CPR Fumito Ichinose, MD, PhD, FAHA Massachusetts General Hospital Boston, MA 3CPR Graham Nichol, MD, MPH, FRCP(C) University of Washington Seattle, WA At Large Lisa de las Fuentes, MD, MS, FASE Washington University School of Medicine Saint Louis, MO At Large Angel Leon, MD, FACC Emory University Hospital Midtown Atlanta, Georgia At Large Jorge Saucedo, MD, FACC, MBA University of Oklahoma Health Sciences Center Oklahoma City, OK At Large Kevin Sneed, PharmD USF College of Medicine Tampa, FL ATVB, Council Program Chair William M. Chilian, PhD, FAHA Northeastern Ohio University College of Medicine Rootstown, OH ATVB Yabing Chen, PhD, FAHA University of Alabama Birmingham, AL ATVB Gregory S. Shelness, PhD, FAHA Wake Forest University Winston-Salem, NC BCVS, Council Program Chair Yibin Wang, PhD, FAHA UCLA Los Angeles, CA BCVS Gerald W. Dorn, II, MD, FAHA Washington University School of Medicine St. Louis, MO BCVS Bjorn Knollman, MD, PhD, FAHA Vanderbilt University School of Medicine Nashville, TN BCVS Hong Wang, MD, PhD, EMBA Temple University School of Medicine Philadelphia, PA BCVS Joseph C. Wu, MD, PhD Stanford University School of Medicine Stanford, CA BCVS Jianyi (Jay) Zhang, MD, PhD, FAHA University of Minnesota Medical School Minneapolis, MN Clinical Cardiology, Council Program Chair Eric R Bates, MD, FAHA, FACC University of Michigan Medical Center Ann Arbor, MI Clinical Cardiology Monica Colvin-Adams, MD, MS University of Minnesota Minneapolis, MN Clinical Cardiology Patrick Ellinor, MD, PhD, FAHA Massachusetts General Hospital Boston, MA Clinical Cardiology Navin K. Kapur, MD Tufts Medical Center Hanover, MA Clinical Cardiology Mark S. Link, MD Tufts University School of Medicine Boston, MA Clinical Cardiology J. V. (Ian) Nixon, MD, FACC VCU Health System Richmond, VA Clinical Cardiology Manesh R. Patel, MD Duke University Durham, NC CVDY, Council Program Chair Wolfgang A. Radtke, MD, FAHA AI Dupont Hospital for Children Wilmington, DE CVDY David Dunbar Ivy, MD University of Colorado Denver School of Medicine Children's Hospital Colorado Aurora, CO CVDY Ariane Marelli, MD, MPH McGill University Health Center Montreal, Quebec, Canada CVN, Council Program Chair Nancy T. Artinian, PhD, RN, FAHA, FPCNA, FAAN Wayne State University Detroit, MI CVN Bunny J. Pozehl, RN, PhD, CRNP, FAHA UNMC College of Nursing Lincoln, NE CVN Sue Sendelbach, PhD, RN, CCNS, FAHA Abbott Northwestern Hospital Minneapolis, MN CVN Kathy Wood, RN, PhD Duke University School of Nursing Durham, NC CVRI, Council Program Chair Constantino Peña, MD Baptist Cardiac & Vascular Institute Miami, FL CVRI Sanjay Misra, MD Mayo Clinic Rochester, MN CVSA, Council Program Chair Y. Joseph Woo, MD, FAHA University of Pennsylvania Philadelphia, PA CVSA Marc Ruel, MD, MPH, FRCSC, FAHA University of Ottawa Heart Institute Ottawa, Ontario, Canada EPI, Council Program Chair Donald M. Lloyd-Jones, MD, ScM, FACC Northwestern University Feinberg School of Medicine Chicago, IL EPI Jarett D. Berry, MD UT Southwestern Medical School Dallas, TX FGTB, Council Program Chair Christopher Newton-Cheh, MD, MPH, FAHA Harvard Medical School Massachusetts General Hospital Broad Institute of Harvard and MIT Boston, MA FGTB Roberta A. Gottlieb, MD, FAHA San Diego State University San Diego, CA FGTB Jennifer L. Hall, PhD, FAHA University of Minnesota Minneapolis, MN FGTB Peipei Ping, PhD, FISHR, FAHA UCLA School of Medicine Los Angeles, CA HBPR, Council Program Chair Kenneth Baker, MD, FAHA Texas A Health Science Center, College of Medicine Temple, TX HBPR Patrice Delafontaine, MD, FAHA Tulane University School of Medicine New Orleans, LA HBPR Michael Ryan, MD, PhD, FAHA University of Mississippi Medical Center Jackson, MS KCVD, Council Program Chair Christine Maric, PhD, FAHA University of Mississippi Medical Center Jackson, MS NPAM, Council Program Chair Eliot A. Brinton, MD, FAHA University of Utah Salt Lake City, UT NPAM Caroline Fox, MD, MPH National Heart, Lung and Blood Institute Framingham, MA NPAM Paul Poirier, MD, PhD, FRCPC, FACC, FAHA Institut Universitaire de Cardiologie et de Pneumologie de Québec Québec, Québec, Canada PVD, Council Program Chair Alan T. Hirsch, MD University of Minnesota Medical School Minneapolis, MN PVD James B. Froehlich, MD, MPH University of Michigan Medical School Ann Arbor, MI PVD Christopher Kramer, MD, FAHA University of Virginia Health System Charlottesville, VA QCOR, Council Program Chair Mikhail Kosiborod, MD Saint Luke's Hospital Mid-America Heart Institute Kansas City, MO QCOR Adrian Hernandez, MD, MHS Duke Clinical Research Institute Durham, NC QCOR Henry Ting, MD, MBA, FAHA Mayo Clinic Rochester, MN Stroke, Council Program Chair Cathy A. Sila, MD, FAHA Case Medical Center Cleveland, OH Stroke, Council Michael A. De Georgia, MD, FACP, FAHA, FCCM Case Western Reserve University School of Medicine Cleveland, OH International Congress Subcommittee Eric R. Bates, MD, FAHA, FACC, Chair Robert O. Bonow, MD, Vice Chair Helene Eltchaninoff, MD Kathy E. Magliato, MD, MBA, FACS Audrey Marshall, MD Kathy Hoercher, RN International Subcommittee Robert Harrington, MD, FACC, FAHA, Chair Conville Brown, MD, MBBS, FACC, FESC Anthony J. Dalby, MB, ChB, FCP, FACC, FESC Basil Lewis, MD, FRCP Akira Matsumori, MD, PhD, FAHA, FACC, FAPSC, FESC John McMurray, BSc, MB, ChB, MD, FRCP, FESC, FACC, FAHA, FRSE Eduardo F. Mele, MD, FACC, FESC Ali Oto, MD, MD, FESC, FACC, FHRS Daniel Piniero, MD Dong Zhao, MD, PhD Inteventional Cardiology Subcommittee Manesh R. Patel, MD, Chair Duane S. Pinto, MD, MPH, Vice Chair J. Dawn Abbott, MD Deepak L. Bhatt, MD, MPH, FAHA Mauricio G. Cohen MD, FSCAI Douglas E. Drachman, MD C. Michael Gibson, MS, MD Allen Jeremias, MD, MSc W. Schuyler Jones MD David E. Kandzari, MD, FSCAI Navin K. Kapur, MD, FAHA Raj R. Makkar, MD Laura Mauri, MD, MSc Julie M. Miller, MD Seung-Jung Park, MD, PhD, Sunil V. Rao, MD Horst Sievert, MD Paul Sorajja, MD Thomas T. Tsai, MD, MSc Christopher J. White, MD, FSCAI, FAHA, FESC

This paper examines the manner of reconciling the concepts of Public Administration as a discipline and the contemporary actual realities in the Philippines as carried out by the National College of Public Administration and Governance of the University of the Philippines, Diliman. As a center of academic excellence and bestowed with the mandate of advancing nation-building into which utterance of identity is an implicit element, there is no other academic institution where expectations to advance the development of a ‘grounded’ public policy is so high than the said College. The paper studies the research direction of the NCPAG vis a vis its role in strengthening Philippine Public Administration both as discipline and praxis by developing approaches that are culturally and socially grounded in the Philippine society. The paper however limited its scrutiny to the epistemological element of the researches. Through content analysis, the article analyzed the theoretical frameworks used in the dissertations covered by the study and tries to answer the question of whether or not there is an attempt to develop, let alone to utilize in its analysis of phenomena, an indigenous theory. Initial results of the study had been juxtaposed to the academic orientation, research interests, and history of the College. References Books: Abueva, J. (1995). The Presidency and the Nation-State. In P. Tapales & N. Pilar (Eds.), Public Administration by the Year 2000: Looking Back into the Future (pp. 575-582). Quezon City: College of Public Administration. Abueva, J. (2007). From IPA to NCPAG: Some Reflections. In C. Alfiler (Ed.), Public Administration plus Governance: Assessing the Past, Addressing the Future (pp. 675-684). Quezon City: National College of Public Administration and Governance. Alfiler, M. C. Public Administration plus Governance: Assessing the Past, Addressing the Future. 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An Assessment of the Administrative Capability of Local Governments in the National Capital Region in Implementing the Gender Mainstreaming Policy. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Abdon Jr., N.B. (November 2000). Religiosity, Ethical Practice and Performance: The Case of the Bureau of Internal Revenue. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Abdulrachman, S.M. (June 1991). The Relationship Between Religious Beliefs and Public Responsibility: A Case Study Among Maranao Muslim Public Administrators. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Alcid, R.G. (March 2007). E-Governance Perspective to Strengthen the Policy and Institutional Framework for ICT in the Philippines. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Ati, M.P. (December 1996). Process Assessment of the Implementation of Integrated Approach to Local Development Management in Davao City. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Bajao, A.R. (2009). Philippine Counterinsurgency Programs From Marcos to Arroyo: A Study in National Security Administration. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Bambalan, G.C. (2005). Elements of Sustainability in Philippine Forest Governance: An Analysis of the Community-Based Forest Management and Integrated Forest Management Programs in Isabela, Quirino, Aurora, and Negros Oriental, Philippines. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Bautista-Cruz, C. (April 2007). Strengthening Institutional Capacity for Disaster Reduction: The Cases of the Local Governments of Marikina, Pasig, and Pateros. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Boceta, N.M. (March 2003). The Development and Regulatory Functions of the Philippine Coconut Authority: 1973-2000. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Buendia, E.E. (May 2001). Democratizing Governance in the Philippines: Redefining and measuring the State of People’s Participation in Governance. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Caraan, H.S. (2010). Public-Private Sectors’ Role in the Clean Administration of Labor Justice: Transforming a Problematic Confluence into a Confluent Solution. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Carmona, C.V. (November 2003). Judicial Review of Economic Policies: Implications on Policymaking and Implementation. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Clavejo, L.A. (April 2008). Strategies for Crisis Management: The Responses of China to SARS and Avian Flu Pandemics and Lessons for the Philippines. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Co, E.A. (July 1997). Management Policy Formulation: The Generics Act of 1988. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Cuaresma, J.C. (April 13, 2008). Institutionalization of Geographic Information System for RPTA in Seven Philippine Local Government Units: Enabling and Hindering Factors. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Dimzon, C. (October 2003). An Evaluation of the Pre-Departure Orientation Seminar Program for Women Overseas Household Workers: Implications for Good Governance. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. De Vera III, J.E. (July 1999). A Comparative Study of Policy Decisions on Population Management in Selected Local Legislative Bodies in Pangasinan and Cebu. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Domingo, M.Z. (November 2004). Good Governance of Civil Society Organizations and the Role of Boards. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Domingo-Almase, A.D. (March 2007). A Saga of Administrative Thought in Presidential Rhetoric: An Analysis of the State of the Nation Addresses and Speeches of Philippine Presidents, 1935-2006. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Doncillo, H.V. (June 1995). Beneficiaries and Business Sector Participation, Administrative Capability and Effectiveness of a Solid Waste Management Service: The Case of Metro Cebu. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Dumrichob, S. (June 1990). An Assessment of a Rural Employment Program: The Case of the Program for Rural Employment Creation in Thailand. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Eclar, V.B. (April 1991). Analysis of Policies and Factors Affecting Successful Commercialization of Technologies. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Espinoza-Abadingo, L.M. (April 1990).The Administration of Elections in the Philippines: A Study of the Commission on Elections. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Ferrer, O.P. (May 2006). Community Governance: Understanding Community Processes and Initiatives. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Francisco, R.B. (March 2007). Sound Development Management in Urban Renewal and Slum Upgrading: The Case of National Government Center (West Side) Commonwealth Avenue, Quezon City. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Gaffud, R.B. (March 1995). Strengthening Market Leverage of People’s Enterprise and Promoting Self-Reliance: A Framework for Collaboration Between Cooperatives and Local Governments. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Garcia, J.G. (November 1995). Academe-Based Extension Services for Agricultural Development: A Study of the Administration of a Comprehensive UPLB Project. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Garcia Jr., M.F. (November 1995). Reorganization of the Philippine Fisheries Research System. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Gavino Jr., J.C. (1992). 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(Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Imdad, M.P. (2010). Dynamics and Perspectives of Aid Management in the Philippines: Achievements, Challenges, and the Way Forward. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Jimenez, G.P. (2005). Selected Credit Programs for Farmer-Based Postharvest Enterprise: An Assessment. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Lamarca, F.J. (April 1992). The Tobacco Contract Growing Project of the National Tobacco Administration in the Province of La Union: An Assessment of Administrative Capability, Participation, Trading Practices and Effectiveness. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Legaspi, P.E. (March 1990). The Genesis, Viability, and Effectiveness of Community Organizations: The Case of Pangasinan Credit Cooperatives. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Legayada, B.L. (October 1992). Career Advancement of Women Managers in the Philippine Bureaucracy: A Case Study of Region VI. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Librea, R.C. (January 2010). Mainstreaming Human Rights-Based Approach in Selected Development and Governance Projects. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Macaayong, H.W. (May 1992). Small and Medium Enterprises Development: A Study on Program Administration and Effectiveness in the Province of Lanao Del Sur. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Mallari, N.H. (1994). Political Economy of Philippine Public Enterprises. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Maxino-Yorobe, G.A. (November 1995). Administrative Factors in Agricultural R and D Projects. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Legaspi, P.E. (March 1990). The Genesis, Viability, and Effectiveness of Community Organizations: The Case of Pangasinan Credit Cooperatives. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Morato, E.A. (2004). Policies and Strategies for Promoting Entrepreneurship and Enterprise Development. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Moreno, F. (2004). Good Governance in Microcredit Strategy for Poverty Reduction: Focus on Western Mindanao. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Navarro, R.L. (April 1992). Public-Private Partnership in Development Administration: GO-NGO Collaboration in Agricultural Development. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Noval, M.G. (June 1994). Measuring and Accessing the Quality, Equity, and Efficiency of Public Hospitals in the Philippines. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Ogbinar, E.R. (1990). The Role of Government in the Development of the Philippine Maritime Industry and in the Promotion of Maritime Safety. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Oguejiofor, A.C. (March 2010). Challenges to Microfinance as a Poverty Reduction Strategy: Evidences from the Philippines. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Ortiz, J.I. (March 2002). Participatory Development Planning; The Bondoc Development Program Experience. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines. Paje, R.P. (June 1999). 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IntroductionThis paper explores the different meanings that individuals from diverse ethnic backgrounds associate with being authentic. It builds on previous research (Menendez 11) that found quantitative differences in terms of the meanings individuals from Eastern and Western backgrounds tend to associate with being authentic. Using qualitative analysis, it describes in more detail how individuals from these two backgrounds construct their different meanings of authenticity.Authenticity has become an overriding moral principle in contemporary Western societies and has only recently started to be contested (Feldman). From cultural products to individuals’ discourses, authenticity pervades Western culture (Lindholm; Potter; Vannini and Williams). On an individual level, the ideal of authenticity is reflected in the maxim “be true to yourself.” The social value of authenticity has a relatively recent history in the Western world of approximately 200 years (Trilling). It started to develop alongside the notion of individuality during modernity (Taylor, Sources; Trilling). The Romantic movement consolidated its cultural influence (Taylor, Sources). In the 1960s, the Hippy movement revived authenticity as a countercultural discourse, although it has progressively become mainstream through consumer culture and therapeutic discourses (Binkley).Most of the studies in the literature on authenticity as a cultural phenomenon are theoretical, conducted from a philosophical perspective (Ferrara; Guignon; Taylor, Ethics), but few of them are empirical, mostly from sociology (Erickson; Franzese, Thine; Turner, Quest; Vannini, Authenticity). Part of this dearth of empirical research on authenticity is due to the difficulties that researchers encounter in attempting to define what it means to be authentic (Franzese, Authenticity 87). Sociologists study the phenomenological experience of being true to oneself, but are less attentive to the metaphysical notion of being a “true self” (Vannini, Dead 236–37). Trying to preserve this open approach, without judging individuals on how “authentic” they are, is what makes defining authenticity difficult. For this reason, sociologists have defined being authentic in a broad sense as “an individual’s subjective sense that their behaviour, appearance, self, reflects their sense of core being. One’s sense of core being is composed of their values, beliefs, feelings, identities, self-meanings, etc.” (Franzese, Authenticity 87); this is the definition of authenticity that I use here. Besides being scarce, the sociological empirical studies on authenticity have been conducted with individuals from Western backgrounds and, thus, have privileged authenticity as a Western cultural construct. This paper tries to contribute to this field of research by: (1) contributing more empirical investigation and (2) providing cross-cultural comparison between individuals from Eastern and Western backgrounds.The literature on cross-cultural values associates Eastern societies with collective (Hofstede, Hofstede and Mirkov 95–97; 112–17) and material or survival (Inglehart and Welzel 51–57; 61–65) values, while Western societies tend to be linked to the opposite kind of values: individual, post-material or self-expression (WVS). For example, societies that score high in survival values are likely to be African (e.g., Zimbabwe) Middle Eastern (e.g., Morocco and Jordan) or Asian (e.g., Bangladesh) countries, while societies that score high in self-expression values tend to be European (e.g., Sweden) or English speaking (e.g., Australia) countries. Nevertheless, there are some exceptions, the case of Japan, for example, which tends to score high in self-expression values despite being an “Eastern” society (WVS). These differences also tend to be reflected among Eastern minorities living in Western countries (Chua and Rubenfeld). Collective values emphasise harmony in relations and prioritise the needs of the group over the individual; on the other hand, individual values emphasise self-expression. Material or survival values accentuate the satisfaction of “basic” needs, in Abraham Maslow’s terms (21), such as physiological or security needs, and imply practising thrift and delaying immediate gratification; by contrast, post-material or self-expression values stress the satisfaction of “higher” needs, such as freedom of speech, equality, or aesthetic needs.The sociologist Ralph Turner (Real) created a theoretical framework to organize individuals’ discourses around authenticity: the “impulsive” and “institutional” categories. One of Turner’s assumptions is particularly important in understanding the differences between these two categories: individuals tend to consider the self as an objective entity that, despite only existing in their minds, feels “real” to them. This can have consequences for the meanings they ascribe to certain internal subjective states, such as cognitions or emotions, which can be interpreted as indicators of their authentic selves (990–91).The institutional and impulsive categories are two different ways of understanding authenticity that present several differences (991–95). Two among them are most relevant to understand the differences that I discuss in this paper. The first one has to do with the individual’s locus of the self, whether the self is conceptualized as located “outside” or “inside” the individual. Impulsive interpretations of authenticity have an internal sense of authenticity as “being,” while institutional conceptualizations have an external sense of authenticity as “becoming.” For “impulsives,” the authentic self is something that must be searched for. Impulsives look within to discover their “true self,” which is often in opposition to society’s roles and its expectations of the individual. On the other hand, for “institutionals” authentic is achieved through external effort (Turner, Quest 155); it is something that individuals achieve through regular practice, often aligned with society’s roles and their expectations of the individual (Turner, Real 992).The second difference has to do with the management of emotions. For an institutional understanding of authenticity, individuals are true to their own authentic selves when they are in full control of their capacities and emotions. By contrast, from an impulsive point of view, individuals are true to themselves when they are spontaneous, accepting and freely expressing their emotions, often by breaking the internal or external controls that society imposes on them (Turner, Real 993).Although individuals can experience both types of authenticity, previous research on this topic (Menendez) has shown that institutional experiences tend to happen more frequently among Easterners, and impulsive experiences tend to occur more frequently among Westerners. In this paper, I show how Easterners and Westerners construct institutional and impulsive meanings of authenticity respectively; what kind of authenticity work individuals from these two backgrounds do when they conceptualize their authentic selves; how they interpret internal subjective states as expressions of who they are; and what stories they tell themselves about who they are.I suggest that these stories, although they may look purely individual, can also be social. Individuals from Western backgrounds tend to interpret impulsive experiences of authenticity as expressing their authentic selves, as they are informed by the individual and post-material values of Western societies. In contrast, individuals from Eastern backgrounds tend to interpret institutional experiences of authenticity as expressing their authentic selves, as they have been socialized in the more collective and material values of Eastern societies.Finally, and before I proceed to the analysis, I would like to acknowledge a limitation of this study. The dichotomies that I use to explain my argument, such as the Western and Eastern or the impulsive and institutional categories, can constitute a limitation for this paper because they cannot reflect nuances. They can be easily contested. For example, the division between Eastern and Western societies is often seen as ideological and Turner’s distinction between institutional and impulsive experiences of authenticity can create artificial separations between the notions of self and society or reason and passion (Solomon 173). However, these concepts have not been used for ideological or simplifying purposes, but to help explain distinguishable cultural orientations towards authenticity in the data.MethodologyI completed 20 interviews (from 50 minutes to 2 hours in length) with 20 students at La Trobe University (Australia), between September 2012 and April 2013. The 20 interviewees (9 females and 11 males), ranged from 18 to 58 years old (the median age was 24 years old). The sample was theoretically designed to cover as many diverse cultural backgrounds as possible. I asked the interviewees questions about: moments they had experienced that felt either authentic and inauthentic, what constitutes a life worth-living, and the impact their cultural backgrounds might have had on their conceptions of their true selves.The 20 interviewees were born in 13 different countries. According to the extensive dataset on cultural values, the World Values Survey (WVS), these 13 countries have different percentages of post-materialists—individuals who choose post-material instead of material values (Inglehart and Welzel 54–56). Table 1 shows the percentages of post-materialists in each of the interviewees’ countries of birth. Table 1: Percentages of post-materialists in the interviewees’ countries of birth Country % of post-materialists WVS Wave United Kingdom 22.8 2005 – 2009 Australia 20.5 2010 – 2014 United States 16.7 2010 – 2014 Israel 11.6 2000 – 2004 Finland 11.3 2005 – 2009 Greece (Turkey) 10.7 2010 – 2014 South Africa 7.7 2005 – 2009 Malaysia 5.6 2010 – 2014 Ghana 4.2 2010 – 2014 India 4 2005 – 2009 China 2.5 2010 – 2014 Egypt 1.1 2010 – 2014 Note: These data are based on the 4-item post-materialism index question (Y002) of World Values Survey (WVS). I use three different waves of data (2000–2004, 2005–2009, and 2010–2014). Greece did not have any data in World Values Survey, so its data have been estimated considering the results from Turkey, which is the most similar country in geographical and cultural terms that had data available.In my model, I consider “Western” societies as those that have more than 10% post-materialists, while “Eastern” societies have less than 10% post-materialists. As shown in Table 1 and mentioned earlier, Western countries (English speaking or European) tend to have higher percentages of post-materialists than Eastern societies (African, Asian and Middle Eastern).Thus, as Table 2 shows, the interviewees who were born in a Western society are ascribed to one group, while individuals born in an Eastern society are ascribed to another group. Although many overseas-born interviewees have lived in Australia for periods that range from 6 months to 10 years, they were ascribed to the “East” and “West” groups solely based on their country of birth. Even though these individuals may have had experiences of socialization in Australia, I assume that they have been primarily socialized in the values of their ethnic backgrounds and the countries where they were born, via their parents’ educational values or through direct experience, during the time that they lived in their countries of birth. According to my definition of authenticity, individuals’ values inform their understanding of authenticity, therefore, the values from their ethnic backgrounds can also influence their understanding of authenticity.In the first phase of the analysis, I used Grounded Theory (Charmaz), with categories directly emerging from the data, to analyse my interviewees’ stories. In the second stage, I reviewed these categories in combination with Turner’s categories of impulsive and institutional, applying them to classify the stories.Table 2: Distribution of participants between “East” and “West” West (n=11) East (n=9) Australia (n=5) China (n=2) United Kingdom (n=2) India (n=2) United States (n=1) South Korea (n=1) Greece (n=1) South Africa (n=1) Finland (n=1) Egypt (n=1) Israel (n=1) Ghana (n=1) Malaysia (n=1) ResultsAlthough I interviewed 20 participants, due to space-constraints, I illustrate my argument with only 4 interview extracts from 4 of the interviewees: 2 interviewees from Western backgrounds and 2 from Eastern backgrounds. However, these stories are representative of the trends found for the whole sample. I show how Easterners and Westerners construct their authentic selves in institutional and impulsive senses respectively through the two key characteristics that I presented in the introduction: locus of the self and management of emotions.In the first instance, Rachel (from Australia, 24 years old), a Western respondent, shows an impulsive locus of the self as “being.” Authenticity is discovered through self-acceptance of an uncomfortable emotion, like a “bad mood:”I think the times when I want to say, ‘oh, I wasn’t myself’, I usually was. My bad moods are more ‘me’. My bad moods are almost always the ‘real me’. [So you consider that your authentic self is something that is there, inside you, that you have to discover, or it is something outside yourself, that you can achieve?] I think it is something that you have to discover for yourself. I think it is different for everyone. [But would you say that it is something that is there already or it is something that you become?] No, I think it is something that is there already.On the other hand, Rani (from China, 24 years old), an Eastern respondent, interprets authenticity as “becoming;” authenticity does not pre-exist—as in the case of Rachel—but is something “external” to her idea of self. Rani becomes herself by convincing herself that she conforms to society’s ideals of physical beauty. Unlike the process of self-acceptance that Rachel described, Rani develops authentic selfhood by “lying” to herself or, as she says, “through some lies”:I have heard this sentence, like ‘you have to be yourself to others’, but I think it is really hard to do this. I think people still need some ‘acting’ things in their life. You need to act, not to say to act as another person, but sometimes like let’s say to be polite or make other people like you, you need acting. And sometimes if you are doing the ‘acting things’ a lot, you are going to believe this is true (she laughs). [Like others will believe that you are something that you are not?] I think at the beginning, maybe that’s not, but… because some people wake up every morning and say to the mirror, ‘you are very beautiful, you are the most beautiful girl in the world’, then, you will be happy and you will actually become beautiful. I think it is not like lie to yourself, but it is just being confident. Maybe at the beginning you are not going to believe that you are beautiful… like, what is this sentence? ‘Being true to yourself’, but actually doing this everyday, then that’s true, you will become, you will be confident. [So that means you can be yourself also through…] Through some lies. [So you don’t think that there is something inside you that you have to kind of discover?] No.Eastern and Western respondents also tend to interpret emotions differently. Westerners are more likely to interpret them in more impulsive terms than Easterners, who interpret them in a more institutional light. As we can see in the following extract, Sean, a Western respondent (born in Australia, but raised in England, 41 years old), feels inauthentic because he could not express his dislike of a co-worker he did not get along with:In a six months job I had before I came to Australia, I was an occupational therapist in a community. There was a girl in the administration department who was so rude. I wanted to say: ‘look darling you are so rude. It is really unpleasant talking to you. Can you just be nice? It would be just so much better and you will get more done and you will get more from me’. That’s what I should have said, but I didn’t say it. I didn’t, why? Maybe it is that sort of culture of not saying things or maybe it is me not being assertive enough. I don’t think I was being myself. Because my real self wanted to say: ‘look darling, you are not helping matters by being a complete bitch’. But I didn’t say that. I wasn’t assertive enough.In a similar type of incident, Ben, an Eastern respondent (from Ghana, 32 years old), describes an outburst he had with a co-worker who was annoying him. Unlike Sean, Ben expressed his anger to the co-worker, but he does not consider this to be a manifestation of his authentic self. For Ben, to act authentically one must control their emotions and try help others:I don’t know if that is myself or if that is not myself, but sometimes I get angry, I get upset, and I am the open type. I am the type that I can’t keep something in me, so sometimes when you make me annoyed, I just response. There is this time about this woman, in a class, that I was in Ghana. She was an older woman, a respected woman, she kept annoying me and there was one day that I couldn’t take it any longer, so I just burst up and I just… I don’t know what I said, I just… said a lot of bad things to her. The woman, she was shocked. I also felt shocked because I thought I could control myself, so that’s me… I don’t want to hide my feelings, I just want to come out with what I think when you make me annoyed, but those times, when I come out, I don’t like them, because I think it contradicts who I really am, someone who is supposed to help or care. I don’t like that aspect. You know somebody could be bossy, so he or she enjoys shouting everybody. I don’t enjoy that, but sometimes it is something that I cannot even control. Someone pushes me to the limit, and I just can’t keep that anger, and it comes out. I won’t say that is ‘me,’ I wouldn’t say that that is me. I don’t think that is a ‘true me’. [Why?] Because the true me would enjoy that experience the way I enjoy helping people instead.Unlike the two accounts from Rachel and Rani, these two last passages from Sean and Ben describe experiences of inauthenticity, where the authentic self cannot be expressed. What is important in these two passages is not their behaviour, but how they attribute their own emotions to their sense of authentic selfhood. Sean identifies his authentic self with the “impulsive” self who expresses his emotions, while Ben identifies his authentic self with the “institutional” self who is in control of his emotions. Sean feels inauthentic because he could not express his angry feelings to the co-worker, whereas Ben feels inauthentic because he could not control his outburst. Ben still hesitates about which side of himself can be attributed to his authentic self, for example, he says that he is “the open type” or that he does not want to “hide [his] feelings”, but he eventually identifies his authentic self with his institutional self.The choices that Sean and Ben make about the emotions that they attribute to their authentic selves could be motivated by their respective ethnic backgrounds. Like Rachel, Sean identifies his authentic self with a socially unacceptable emotion: anger. Consistent with his Western background, Sean’s sense of authenticity emphasizes the needs of the individual over the group and sees suppression of emotions as repressive. On the other hand, Ben reasons that since he does not enjoy being angry as much as he enjoys helping others, expressing anger is not a manifestation of authenticity. His authentic self is linked to his institutional self. Ben’s values are infused with altruism, which reflects the collective values that tend to be associated with his Eastern background. For him, suppression of emotions might not mean repression, but can foster authenticity instead.DiscussionBoth ways of interpreting authenticity, impulsive and institutional, look for self-consistency and the need to tell a coherent story to ourselves about who we are. The results section of this paper showed how Easterners and Westerners conceptualize authenticity. Easterners understand authenticity differently to Western discourses of the authentic. These alternative understandings offer viable solutions to the self-consistency problem. They present external, rather than internal, ways of conceiving the authentic self, and regulative, rather than expressive, approaches to emotions. As I mentioned earlier, Eastern societies are associated with collective and material values, while Western ones are related to individual and post-material values. These divisions in terms of values are reflected in individuals’ self-constructs. Individuals in Western societies tend to have a more independent idea of the self, whereas individuals in Eastern societies are more likely to have an interdependent one (Kitayama). An interdependent idea of the self values connectedness and conceptualizes the self in relation to others, so it can generate an institutional approach to authenticity, where the idea of the authentic self is not something that individuals search for inside themselves, but something that individuals become through their participation in social roles. This was evident in the example of Rani, whose idea of being authentic as “becoming” seemed to be an extension of her more interdependent self-construct and the need to fit in society.A regulative approach to emotions has also been associated with Easterners (Cheung and Park), on the basis of their collective values and interdependent self-constructs. For individuals from a Western background, with a more independent sense of self, as in the case of Sean, suppressing emotions tends to be seen negatively as being inauthentic, a form of repression. However, for individuals with interdependent self-constructs, this can be not only less harmful (feeling less inauthentic), but can even be beneficial because they tend to prioritize the needs of others (Le and Impett). This is evident in the example of Ben, for whom suppressing aanger does not make him feel inauthentic because he identifies his authentic self with the self that is in control of his emotions and helps others. This understanding of authenticity is aligned with the collective values of his ethnic background.In sum, ideas of authenticity seem to vary culturally according to the repertoires and values systems that inform them. Thus, even what we think might be our most intimate or individual experiences, like our experiences of authenticity and ideas of who we are, can also be socially constructed. This paper has tried to demonstrate the importance of sociology for the study of authenticity as a cultural phenomenon.ReferencesBinkley, Sam. Getting Loose: Lifestyle Consumption in the 1970s. Durham: Duke UP, 2007.Charmaz, Kathy. Constructing Grounded Theory. London: Sage, 2013.Cheung, Rebecca and Irene Park. “Anger Supression, Interdependent Self-Construal, and Depression among Asian American and European American College Students”. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology 16.4 (2010): 517–25.Chua, Amy, and Jed Rubenfeld. The Triple Package: How Three Unlikely Traits Explain the Rise and Fall of Cultural Groups in America. New York: The Penguin P, 2014.Erickson, Rebecca J. When Emotion Is the Product: Self, Society, and (In)Authenticity in a Postmodern World. 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IntroductionIn this article, I set out to accomplish two tasks. The first is to map coffee and cafés in Mainland China in different historical periods. The second is to focus on coffee and cafés in the socio-cultural milieu of contemporary China in order to understand the symbolic value of the emerging coffee/café-scape. Cafés, rather than coffee, are at the centre of this current trend in contemporary Chinese cities. With instant coffee dominating as a drink, the Chinese have developed a cultural and social demand for cafés, but have not yet developed coffee palates. Historical Coffee Map In 1901, coffee was served in a restaurant in the city of Tianjin. This restaurant, named Kiessling, was run by a German chef, a former solider who came to China with the eight-nation alliance. At that time, coffee was reserved mostly for foreign politicians and military officials as well as wealthy businessmen—very few ordinary Chinese drank it. (For more history of Kiessling, including pictures and videos, see Kiessling). Another group of coffee consumers were from the cultural elites—the young revolutionary intellectuals and writers with overseas experience. It was almost a fashion among the literary elite to spend time in cafés. However, this was negatively judged as “Western” and “bourgeois.” For example, in 1932, Lu Xun, one of the most important twentieth century Chinese writers, commented on the café fashion during 1920s (133-36), and listed the reasons why he would not visit one. He did not drink coffee because it was “foreigners’ food”, and he was too busy writing for the kind of leisure enjoyed in cafés. Moreover, he did not, he wrote, have the nerve to go to a café, and particularly not the Revolutionary Café that was popular among cultural celebrities at that time. He claimed that the “paradise” of the café was for genius, and for handsome revolutionary writers (who he described as having red lips and white teeth, whereas his teeth were yellow). His final complaint was that even if he went to the Revolutionary Café, he would hesitate going in (Lu Xun 133-36). From Lu Xun’s list, we can recognise his nationalism and resistance to what were identified as Western foods and lifestyles. It is easy to also feel his dissatisfaction with those dilettante revolutionary intellectuals who spent time in cafés, talking and enjoying Western food, rather than working. In contrast to Lu Xun’s resistance to coffee and café culture, another well-known writer, Zhang Ailing, frequented cafés when she lived in Shanghai from the 1920s to 1950s. She wrote about the smell of cakes and bread sold in Kiessling’s branch store located right next to her parents’ house (Yuyue). Born into a wealthy family, exposed to Western culture and food at a very young age, Zhang Ailing liked to spend her social and writing time in cafés, ordering her favourite cakes, hot chocolate, and coffee. When she left Shanghai and immigrated to the USA, coffee was an important part of her writing life: the smell and taste reminding her of old friends and Shanghai (Chunzi). However, during Zhang’s time, it was still a privileged and elite practice to patronise a café when these were located in foreign settlements with foreign chefs, and served mainly foreigners, wealthy businessmen, and cultural celebrities. After 1949, when the Chinese Communist Party established the People’s Republic of China, until the late 1970s, there were no coffee shops in Mainland China. It was only when Deng Xiaoping suggested neo-liberalism as a so-called “reform-and-open-up” economic policy that foreign commerce and products were again seen in China. In 1988, ten years after the implementation of Deng Xiaoping’s policy, the Nestlé coffee company made the first inroads into the mainland market, featuring homegrown coffee beans in Yunnan province (China Beverage News; Dong; ITC). Nestlé’s bottled instant coffee found its way into the Chinese market, avoiding a direct challenge to the tea culture. Nestlé packaged its coffee to resemble health food products and marketed it as a holiday gift suitable for friends and relatives. As a symbol of modernity and “the West”, coffee-as-gift meshed with the traditional Chinese cultural custom that values gift giving. It also satisfied a collective desire for foreign products (and contact with foreign cultures) during the economic reform era. Even today, with its competitively low price, instant coffee dominates coffee consumption at home, in the workplace, and on Chinese airlines. While Nestlé aimed their product at native Chinese consumers, the multinational companies who later entered China’s coffee market, such as Sara Lee, mainly targeted international hotels such as IHG, Marriott, and Hyatt. The multinationals also favoured coffee shops like Kommune in Shanghai that offered more sophisticated kinds of coffee to foreign consumers and China’s upper class (Byers). If Nestlé introduced coffee to ordinary Chinese families, it was Starbucks who introduced the coffee-based “third space” to urban life in contemporary China on a signficant scale. Differing from the cafés before 1949, Starbucks stores are accessible to ordinary Chinese citizens. The first in Mainland China opened in Beijing’s China World Trade Center in January 1999, targeting mainly white-collar workers and foreigners. Starbucks coffee shops provide a space for informal business meetings, chatting with friends, and relaxing and, with its 500th store opened in 2011, dominate the field in China. Starbucks are located mainly in the central business districts and airports, and the company plans to have 1,500 sites by 2015 (Starbucks). Despite this massive presence, Starbucks constitutes only part of the café-scape in contemporary Chinese cities. There are two other kinds of cafés. One type is usually located in universities or residential areas and is frequented mainly by students or locals working in cultural professions. A representative of this kind is Sculpting in Time Café. In November 1997, two years before the opening of the first Starbucks in Beijing, two newlywed college graduates opened the first small Sculpting in Time Café near Beijing University’s East Gate. This has been expanded into a chain, and boasts 18 branches on the Mainland. (For more about its history, see Sculpting in Time Café). Interestingly, both Starbucks and Sculpting in Time Café acquired their names from literature, Starbucks from Moby Dick, and Sculpting in Time from the Russian filmmaker Andrei Tarkovsky’s film diary of the same name. For Chinese students of literature and the arts, drinking coffee is less about acquiring more energy to accomplish their work, and more about entering a sensual world, where the aroma of coffee mixes with the sounds from the coffee machine and music, as well as the lighting of the space. More importantly, cafés with this ambience become, in themselves, cultural sites associated with literature, films, and music. Owners of this kind of café are often lovers of foreign literatures, films, and cultures, and their cafés host various cultural events, including forums, book clubs, movie screenings, and music clubs. Generally speaking, coffee served in this kind of café is simpler than in the kind discussed below. This third type of café includes those located in tourist and entertainment sites such as art districts, bar areas, and historical sites, and which are frequented by foreign and native tourists, artists and other cultural workers. If Starbucks cultivates a fast-paced business/professional atmosphere, and Sculpting in Time Cafés an artsy and literary atmosphere, this third kind of café is more like an upscale “bar” with trained baristas serving complicated coffees and emphasising their flavour. These coffee shops are more expensive than the other kinds, with an average price three times that of Starbucks. Currently, cafés of this type are found only in “first-tier” cities and usually located in art districts and tourist areas—such as Beijing’s 798 Art District and Nanluo Guxiang, Shanghai’s Tai Kang Road (a.k.a. “the art street”), and Hangzhou’s Westlake area. While Nestlé and Starbucks use coffee beans grown in Yunnan provinces, these “art cafés” are more inclined to use imported coffee beans from suppliers like Sara Lee. Coffee and Cafés in Contemporary China After just ten years, there are hundreds of cafés in Chinese cities. Why has there been such a demand for coffee or, more accurately, cafés, in such a short period of time? The first reason is the lack of “third space” environments in Mainland China. Before cafés appeared in the late 1990s, stores like KFC (which opened its first store in 1987) and McDonald’s (with its first store opened in 1990) filled this role for urban residents, providing locations where customers could experience Western food, meet friends, work, or read. In fact, KFC and McDonald’s were once very popular with college students looking for a place to study. Both stores had relatively clean food environments and good lighting. They also had air conditioning in the summer and heating in the winter, which are not provided in most Chinese university dormitories. However, since neither chain was set up to be a café and customers occupying seats for long periods while ordering minimal amounts of food or drink affected profits, staff members began to indirectly ask customers to leave after dining. At the same time, as more people were able to afford to eat at KFC and McDonald’s, their fast foods were also becoming more and more popular, especially among young people. As a consequence, both types of chain restaurant were becoming noisy and crowded and, thus, no longer ideal for reading, studying, or meeting with friends. Although tea has been a traditional drink in Chinese culture, traditional teahouses were expensive places more suitable for business meetings or for the cultural or intellectual elite. Since almost every family owns a tea set and can readily purchase tea, friends and family would usually make and consume tea at home. In recent years, however, new kinds of teahouses have emerged, similar in style to cafés, targeting the younger generation with more affordable prices and a wider range of choices, so the lack of a “third space” does not fully explain the café boom. Another factor affecting the popularity of cafés has been the development and uptake of Internet technology, including the increasing use of laptops and wireless Internet in recent years. The Internet has been available in China since the late 1990s, while computers and then laptops entered ordinary Chinese homes in the early twenty-first century. The IT industry has created not only a new field of research and production, but has also fostered new professions and demands. Particularly, in recent years in Mainland China, a new socially acceptable profession—freelancing in such areas as graphic design, photography, writing, film, music, and the fashion industry—has emerged. Most freelancers’ work is computer- and Internet-based. Cafés provide suitable working space, with wireless service, and the bonus of coffee that is, first of all, somatically stimulating. In addition, the emergence of the creative and cultural industries (which are supported by the Chinese government) has created work for these freelancers and, arguably, an increasing demand for café-based third spaces where such people can meet, talk and work. Furthermore, the flourishing of cafés in first-tier cities is part of the “aesthetic economy” (Lloyd 24) that caters to the making and selling of lifestyle experience. Alongside foreign restaurants, bars, galleries, and design firms, cafés contribute to city branding, and link a city to the global urban network. Cafés, like restaurants, galleries and bars, provide a space for the flow of global commodities, as well as for the human flow of tourists, travelling artists, freelancers, and cultural specialists. Finally, cafés provide a type of service that contributes to friendly owner/waiter-customer relations. During the planned-economy era, most stores and hotels in China were State-owned, staff salaries were not related to individual performance, and indifferent (and even unfriendly) service was common. During the economic reform era, privately owned stores and shops began to replace State-owned ones. At the same time, a large number of people from the countryside flowed into the cities seeking opportunities. Most had little if any professional training and so could only find work in factories or in the service industry. However, most café employees are urban, with better educational backgrounds, and many were already familiar with coffee culture. In addition, café owners, particularly those of places like Sculpting in Time Cafe, often invest in creating a positive, community atmosphere, learning about their customers and sharing personal experiences with their regular clients. This leads to my next point—the generation of the 1980s’ need for a social community. Cafés’ Symbolic Value—Community A demand for a sense of community among the generation of the 1980s is a unique socio-cultural phenomenon in China, which paradoxically co-exists with their desire for individualism. Mao Zedong started the “One Child Policy” in 1979 to slow the rapid population growth in China, and the generations born under this policy are often called “the lonely generations,” with both parents working full-time. At the same time, they are “the generation of me,” labelled as spoiled, self-centred, and obsessed with consumption (de Kloet; Liu; Rofel; Wang). The individuals of this generation, now aged in their 20s and 30s, constitute the primary consumers of coffee in China. Whereas individualism is an important value to them, a sense of community is also desirable in order to compensate for their lack of siblings. Furthermore, the 1980s’ generation has also benefitted from the university expansion policy implemented in 1999. Since then, China has witnessed a surge of university students and graduates who not only received scientific and other course-based knowledge, but also had a better chance to be exposed to foreign cultures through their books, music, and movies. With this interesting tension between individualism and collectivism, the atmosphere provided by cafés has fostered a series of curious temporary communities built on cultural and culinary taste. Interestingly, it has become an aspiration of many young college students and graduates to open a community-space style café in a city. One of the best examples is the new Henduoren’s (Many People’s) Café. This was a project initiated by Wen Erniu, a recent college graduate who wanted to open a café in Beijing but did not have sufficient funds to do so. She posted a message on the Internet, asking people to invest a minimum of US$316 to open a café with her. With 78 investors, the café opened in September 2011 in Beijing (see pictures of Henduoren’s Café). In an interview with the China Daily, Wen Erniu stated that, “To open a cafe was a dream of mine, but I could not afford it […] We thought opening a cafe might be many people’s dream […] and we could get together via the Internet to make it come true” (quoted in Liu 2011). Conclusion: Café Culture and (Instant) Coffee in China There is a Chinese saying that, if you hate someone—just persuade him or her to open a coffee shop. Since cafés provide spaces where one can spend a relatively long time for little financial outlay, owners have to increase prices to cover their expenses. This can result in fewer customers. In retaliation, cafés—particularly those with cultural and literary ambience—host cultural events to attract people, and/or they offer food and wine along with coffee. The high prices, however, remain. In fact, the average price of coffee in China is often higher than in Europe and North America. For example, a medium Starbucks’ caffè latte in China averaged around US$4.40 in 2010, according to the price list of a Starbucks outlet in Shanghai—and the prices has recently increased again (Xinhua 2012). This partially explains why instant coffee is still so popular in China. A bag of instant Nestlé coffee cost only some US$0.25 in a Beijing supermarket in 2010, and requires only hot water, which is accessible free almost everywhere in China, in any restaurant, office building, or household. As an habitual, addictive treat, however, coffee has not yet become a customary, let alone necessary, drink for most Chinese. Moreover, while many, especially those of the older generations, could discern the quality and varieties of tea, very few can judge the quality of the coffee served in cafés. As a result, few Mainland Chinese coffee consumers have a purely somatic demand for coffee—craving its smell or taste—and the highly sweetened and creamed instant coffee offered by companies like Nestlé or Maxwell has largely shaped the current Chinese palate for coffee. Ben Highmore has proposed that “food spaces (shops, restaurants and so on) can be seen, for some social agents, as a potential space where new ‘not-me’ worlds are encountered” (396) He continues to expand that “how these potential spaces are negotiated—the various affective registers of experience (joy, aggression, fear)—reflect the multicultural shapes of a culture (its racism, its openness, its acceptance of difference)” (396). Cafés in contemporary China provide spaces where one encounters and constructs new “not-me” worlds, and more importantly, new “with-me” worlds. While café-going communicates an appreciation and desire for new lifestyles and new selves, it can be hoped that in the near future, coffee will also be appreciated for its smell, taste, and other benefits. Of course, it is also necessary that future Chinese coffee consumers also recognise the rich and complex cultural, political, and social issues behind the coffee economy in the era of globalisation. References Byers, Paul [former Managing Director, Sara Lee’s Asia Pacific]. Pers. comm. Apr. 2012. China Beverage News. “Nestlé Acquires 70% Stake in Chinese Mineral Water Producer.” (2010). 31 Mar. 2012 ‹http://chinabevnews.wordpress.com/2010/02/21/nestle-acquires-70-stake-in-chinese-mineral-water-producer›. Chunzi. 张爱玲地图[The Map of Eileen Chang]. 汉语大词典出版 [Hanyu Dacidian Chubanshe], 2003. de Kloet, Jeroen. China with a Cut: Globalization, Urban Youth and Popular Music. Amsterdam: Amsterdam UP, 2010. Dong, Jonathan. “A Caffeinated Timeline: Developing Yunnan’s Coffee Cultivation.” China Brief (2011): 24-26. Highmore, Ben. “Alimentary Agents: Food, Cultural Theory and Multiculturalism.” Journal of Intercultural Studies, 29.4 (2008): 381-98. ITC (International Trade Center). The Coffee Sector in China: An Overview of Production, Trade And Consumption, 2010. Liu, Kang. Globalization and Cultural Trends in China. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2004. Liu, Zhihu. “From Virtual to Reality.” China Daily (Dec. 2011) 31 Mar. 2012 ‹http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/life/2011-12/26/content_14326490.htm›. Lloyd, Richard. Neobohemia: Art and Commerce in the Postindustrial City. London: Routledge, 2006. Lu, Xun. “Geming Kafei Guan [Revolutionary Café]”. San Xian Ji. Taibei Shi: Feng Yun Shi Dai Chu Ban Gong Si: Fa Xing Suo Xue Wen Hua Gong Si, Mingguo 78 (1989): 133-36. Rofel, Lisa. Desiring China: Experiments in Neoliberalism, Sexuality, and Public Culture. Durham and London: Duke UP, 2007: 1-30. “Starbucks Celebrates Its 500th Store Opening in Mainland China.” Starbucks Newsroom (Oct. 2011) 31 Mar. 2012. ‹http://news.starbucks.com/article_display.cfm?article_id=580›. Wang, Jing. High Culture Fever: Politics, Aesthetics, and Ideology in Deng’s China. Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: U of California P, 1996. Xinhua. “Starbucks Raises Coffee Prices in China Stores.” Xinhua News (Jan. 2012). 31 Mar. 2012 ‹http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/china/2012-01/31/c_131384671.htm›. Yuyue. Ed. “On the History of the Western-Style Restaurants: Aileen Chang A Frequent Customer of Kiessling.” China.com.cn (2010). 31 Mar. 2012 ‹http://www.china.com.cn/culture/txt/2010-01/30/content_19334964.htm›.

This article will look at the use of personal photographs that attempt to convey a sense of social activism as a reaction against global terrorism. Moreover, I argue that the photographs uploaded to the site “We’re Not Afraid”, which began after the London bombings in 2005, presents a forum to promote the pleasures of western cultural values as a defence against the anxiety of terror. What is compelling are the ways in which the Website promotes, seemingly, everyday modalities through what may be deemed as the domestic snapshot. Nevertheless, the aura from the context of these images operates to arouse the collective memory of terrorism and violence. It promotes photography’s spectacular power. To begin it is worthwhile considering the ways in which the spectacle of terrorism is mediated. For example, the bombs activated on the London Underground and at Tavistock Square on the 7th of July 2005 marked the day that London became a victim of ‘global’ terrorism, re-instilling the fear projected by the media to be alarmed and to be suspicious. In the shadow of the terrorist events of September 11, as well as the Madrid Bombings in 2004, the incidents once again drew attention to the point that in the Western world ‘we’ again can be under attack. Furthermore, the news media plays a vital role in mediating the reality and the spectacle of terrorist attacks in the display of visual ‘proof’. After the London bombings of 7 July 2005, the BBC Website encouraged photo submissions of the incidents, under the heading “London Explosions: Your Photos”, thus promoting citizen journalism. Within six hours the BBC site received more that 1000 photographs. According to Richard Sambrook, director of the BBC’s World Service and Global News division, “people were participating in our coverage in way we had never seen before” (13). Other news Websites, such as Reuters and MSNBC also set up a similar call and display of the incidents. The images taken by everyday people and survivors‚ suggest a visceral response to the trauma of terrorism in which they became active participants in the reportage. Leading British newspapers further evoked the sensational terror of the incidents through the captioning of horrific images of destruction. It contextualised them within the realm of fascination and fear with headlines such as “London’s Day of Terror” from the Guardian, “Terror Comes to London” from the Independent and “Al-Qa’eda Brings Terror to the Heart of London” from the Daily Telegraph (“What the Papers Say”). Roland Barthes notes that “even from the perspective of a purely immanent analysis, the structure of the photograph is not an isolated structure; it is in communication with at least one other structure, namely the text – title, caption or article – accompanying every press photograph” (16). He suggested that, with the rise to prominence of ‘the press photograph’ as a mode of visual communication, the traditional relationship between image and text was inverted: “it is not the image which comes to elucidate or ‘realize’ the text, but the latter which comes to sublimate, patheticize or rationalize the image” (25). Frederic Jameson raises a very important point in regards to the role the media plays in terror. He suggests that the Western media is not only affected by a permanent condition of amnesia, but that this has become its primary ‘informational function’ (20). Hence, terror images are constantly repeated for their affect. “When combined with the media, terrorism’s reality-making power is astounding: its capacity to blend the media’s sensational stories, old mythical stereotypes, and a burning sense of moral wrath” (Zulaika and Douglass ix). Susan Sontag, in her 2003 book Regarding the Pain of Others, also discusses the assault of images (116). She argues that “the iconography of suffering has a long pedigree. The sufferings most often deemed worthy of representation are those understood to be the product of wrath, divine or human” (40). Furthermore, globalisation has profoundly changed the rhetoric of terrorism in which the uses of photographs for political means are ubiquitous. Sontag argues that “it seems as if there is a greater quantity of such news than before” (116). Nevertheless, she stresses, “it seems normal to turn away from images that simply make us feel bad” (116). Rather, than the focus on images of despair, the “We’re Not Afraid” Website provides a reaction against visual assaults. The images suggest a turning away from the iconography of terror and suffering to a focus on everyday western middle-class modalities. The images on the site consist of domestic ritual photographic practices, such as family snapshots. The images were disseminated following what has been referred to as the ‘incidents’ by the British press of the attacks on 7 July on the London transport system. Significantly, rather than being described as an event, such as the September 11 terrorist assaults were, the term ‘incidents’ suggests that everyday modalities, the everyday ways of being, may not be affected despite the terror of the attacks. It is, perhaps, a very British approach to the idea of ‘moving on’ despite adversity, which the Website advocates. The Website invites the general public to upload personal photographs captioned with the phrase “We’re not afraid” to “show that terrorists would not change the way people lived their lives” (Clarke).The Website began on 7 July 2005 and during the first week the site received, at times, up to 15 images a minute from across the world (Nikkah). Notably, within days of the Website’s launch it received over 3500 images and 11 million hits (Clarke).The images taken by everyday people and survivors‚ suggest a visceral response to the incidents. These images seem to support Susan Sontag’s argument from On Photography, in which she argues that photography is mainly a social rite, a defence against anxiety, and a tool of power (8). The images present a social activism for the predominantly white middle-class online participants and, as such, is subversive in its move away from the contextualised sensational images of violence that abound in the mainstream press. According to the site’s creator, London Web designer, Alfie Dennen “the idea for this site came from a picture of one of the bombed trains sent from a mobile phone to Dennen’s own weblog. Someone else added the words ‘We’re Not Afraid’ alongside the image” (“‘Not Afraid’ Website Overwhelmed”). Hence, in Dennen’s Weblog the terror and trauma of the train images of the London underground, that were circulated in the main stream press, have been recontextualised by the caption to present defiance and survival. The images uploaded onto the Website range from personal snapshots to manipulated photographs which all bear the declaration: ‘We are not afraid’. Currently, there are 770 galleries with 24 images per gallery amounting to around 18500 images that have been sent to the site. The photographs provide a crack in the projected reality of terrorism and the iconography of suffering as espoused by the mainstream media. The Website claims: We’re not afraid is an outlet for the global community to speak out against the acts of terror that have struck London, Madrid, New York, Baghdad, Basra, Tikrit, Gaza, Tel-Aviv, Afghanistan, Bali, and against the atrocities occurring in cities around the world each and every day. It is a worldwide action for people not willing to be cowed by terrorism and fear mongering. It suggests that: The historical response to these types of attacks has been a show of deadly force; we believe that there is a better way. We refuse to respond to aggression and hatred in kind. Instead, we who are not afraid will continue to live our lives the best way we know how. We will work, we will play, we will laugh, we will live. We will not waste one moment, nor sacrifice one bit of our freedom, because of fear. We are not afraid. (“we’re not afraid.com: Citizens for a secure world, united against terror.”) The images evoke the social memory of our era of global terrorism. Arguably, the events since September 11 have placed the individual in a protection mode. The photographs represent, as Sontag espouses, a tool against the anxiety of our time. This is a turn away from the visual iconography of despair. As such, rather than images of suffering they are images of survival, or life carrying on as usual. Or, more precisely, the images represent depictions of everyday western middle-class existence. The images range from family snaps, touristic photographs, pictures of the London underground and some manipulated images all containing the words ‘We’re Not Afraid’. Dennen “said the site had become a symbol for people to show solidarity with London and say they will not be cowed by the bombings” (“‘Not Afraid’ Website Overwhelmed”). The photographs also serve as a form of protection of western middle-class values and lifestyle that may be threatened by terrorist acts. Of consideration is that “personal photographs not only bind us to our own pasts – they bind us to the pasts of the social groups to which we belong” (Gye 280). The images on the site may be described as a “revocation of social power through visibility” and as such photography is considered a “performance of power” (Frosh 46). Barthes asserts that “formerly, the image illustrated the text (made it clearer); today, the text loads the image, burdening it with a culture, a moral, an imagination” (25). The images loaded onto the Website “We’re Not Afraid’ assumes notions of resilience and defiance which can be closely linked to Anglo-American cultural memory and imagination. Significantly, efforts to influence ‘heart and minds’ through support of touring exhibitions were common in the earlier days of the Cold War. Sontag argues that “photographic collections can be used to substitute a world” (162). The images exalted a universal humanism, similarly to the images on the “We’re Not Afraid” site. Many exhibits were supported throughout the 1950s, often under the auspices of the USIA (United States Information Agency). A famous example is the photography exhibit ‘The Family of Man’ which travelled to 28 countries between 1955-59 and was seen by 9 million people (Kennedy 316). It contained 503 images, 273 photographers from 68 nations “it posited humanity as a universal ideal and human empathy as a compensatory response to the threat of nuclear annihilation” (Kennedy 322). Significantly, Liam Kennedy asserts that, the Cold War rhetoric surrounding the exhibition blurred the boundaries between art, information and propaganda. The exhibition has been critiqued ideologically as an imperialist project, most notably by Allan Sekula in which he states “the worldliness of photography is the outcome, not of any immanent universality of meaning, but of a project of global domination” (96). In more recent times an exhibition, backed by the US State Department titled ‘After September 11: Images from Ground Zero’, by photojournalist/art photographer Joel Meyorowitz travelled to more than 60 countries and assisted in shaping and maintaining a public memory of the attacks of the World Trade Centre and its aftermath (Kennedy 315). Similar, to ‘The Family of Man’, it adds an epic quality to the images. As Kennedy points out that: To be sure this latter exhibit has been more overtly designed as propaganda, yet it also carries the cachet of ‘culture’ (most obviously, via the signature of a renowned photographer) and is intended to transmit a universal message that transcends the politics of difference. (Kennedy 323) The Website “We’re Not Afraid’ maintains the public memory of terrorism, without the horror of suffering. With a ‘universal message’ similar to the aforementioned exhibitions, it attempts to transcends the politics of difference by addressing the ‘we’ as the ‘everyday’ citizen. It serves as a gallery space and similarly evokes western romantic universal ideals conveyed in the exhibition ‘The Family of Man’, whilst its aesthetic forms avoid the stylististically captured scenes of ‘After September 11’. As stated earlier, the site had over 11 million hits in the first few weeks; as such the sheer number of viewers exceeds that of any formal photographic exhibition. Moreover, unlike these highly constructed art exhibitions from leading professional photographers, the Website significantly presents a democratic form of participation in which the ‘personal is political’. It is the citizen journalist. It is the ‘everyday’ person, as evidenced in the predominant snapshot aesthetics and the ordinariness in the images that are employed. Kris Cohen, in his analysis of photoblogging suggests that this aesthetic emphasises the importance in “photoblogging of not thinking too much, of the role that instinct plays in the making of photographs and the photoblog” (890). As discussed, previously, the overwhelming response and contributions to the Website within days of its launch seems to suggest this. The submission of photographs suggests a visceral response to the incidents from the ‘people’ in the celebration of the ‘everyday’ and the mundane. It also should be noted that “there are now well over a million documented blogs and photoblogs in the world”, with most appearing since 2003 (Cohen 886). As Cohen suggests “their newfound popularity has provoked a gentle storm of press, along with a significant number of utopic scenarios in which blogs feature as the next emancipatory mass media product”(886). The world-wide press coverage for the “We’re Not Afraid’ site is one key example that promotes this “utopian vision of transfigured citizens and in Benedict Anderson’s well used term an ‘imagined community” (Goggin xx). Nevertheless, the defiant captioning of the images also returns us historically to the social memory of the London Blitz 1940-41 in which the theme of a transfigured community was employed and in which the London underground and shelters became a signifier for the momentum of “We’re Not Afraid’. Barthes explained in Mythologies about the “the sight of the ‘naturalness’ with which newspapers, art and common sense constantly dress up a reality which, even though it is the one we live in, is undoubtedly determined by history” (11). What I want to argue is that the mythology surrounding the London bombings articulated in the Website “We’re Not Afraid’ is determined by 20th Century history of the media and the cultural imaginary surrounding predominantly British values*.** *The British Prime Minister at the time, Tony Blair, asserted that “qualities of creativity built on tolerance, openness and adaptability, work and self improvement, strong communities and families and fair play, rights and responsibilities and an outward looking approach to the world that all flow from our unique island geography and history.” (“Blair Defines British Values”). These values are suggested in the types of photographs uploaded onto the activist Website, as such notions of the British Empire are evoked. Moreover, in his address following the incident, “Blair harkened back to the ‘Blitz spirit’ that saw Londoners through the dark days of Nazi bombing during World War II — and, by association, to Winston Churchill, the wartime leader whose determined, moving speeches helped steel the national resolve” (“Blair Delivers”). In his Churchillian cadence he paid “tribute to the stoicism and resilience of the people of London who have responded in a way typical of them”. He said Britain would show “by our spirit and dignity” that “our values will long outlast” the terrorists. He further declared that “the purpose of terrorism is just that. It is to terrorize people and we will not be terrorized” (“Blair Delivers”). The mythology of the Blitz and “the interpretive context at the time (and for some years thereafter) can be summarized by the phrase ‘the People’s War’—a populist patriotism that combined criticism of the past with expectations of social change and inclusive messages of shared heritage and values” (Field 31). The image conveyed is of a renewed sense of community. The language of triumph against adversity and the endurance of ordinary citizens are also evoked in the popular press of the London incidents. The Times announced: Revulsion and resolve: Despite the shock, horror and outrage, the calm shown in London was exemplary. Ordinary life may be inconvenienced by the spectre of terror, yet terrorism will not force free societies to abandon their fundamental features. An attack was inevitable. The casualties were dreadful. The terrorists have only strengthened the resolve of Britain and its people. (“What the Papers Say”) Similarly the Daily Express headline was “We Britons Will Never Be Defeated” (“What the Papers Say”). The declaration of “We’re not afraid” alongside images on the Website follows on from this trajectory. The BBC reported that the Website “‘We’re not afraid’ gives Londoners a voice” (“Not Afraid Website Overwhelmed”). The BBC has also made a documentary concerning the mission and the somewhat utopian principles presented. Similarly discussion of the site has been evoked in other Weblogs that overwhelmingly praise it and very rarely question its role. One example is from a discussion of “We’re Not Afraid” on another activist site titled “World Changing: Change Your Thinking”. The contributor states: Well, I live in the UK and I am afraid. I’m also scared that sites like We’re Not Afraid encourage an unhealthy solidarity of superiority, nationalism and xenophobia – perpetuating a “we’re good” and “they’re evil” mentality that avoids the big picture questions of how we got here. Posted by: John Norris at July 8, 2005 03:45 AM Notably, this statement also reiterates the previous argument on cultural diplomacy presented by theorists in regards to the exhibitions of ‘The Family of Man’ and ‘After September 11’ in which the images are viewed as propaganda, promoting western cultural values. This is also supported by the mood of commentary in the British press since the London bombings, in which it is argued that “Britain and the British way of life are under threat, the implication being that the threat is so serious that it may ultimately destroy the nation and its values” (King). The significance of the Website is that it represents a somewhat democratic medium in its call for engagement and self-expression. Furthermore, the emancipatory photography of self and space, presented in the “We’re Not Afraid” site, echoes Blair’s declaration of “we will not be terrorized”. However, it follows similar politically conservative themes that were evoked in the Blitz, such as community, family and social stability, with tacit reference to social fragmentation and multi-ethnicity (Field 41-42). In general, as befitted the theme of “a People’s War,” the Blitz imagery was positive and sympathetic in the way it promoted the endurance of the ordinary citizen. Geoffrey Field suggests “it offered an implicit rejoinder to the earlier furor—focusing especially on brave, caring mothers who made efforts to retain some semblance of family under the most difficult circumstances and fathers who turned up for work no matter how heavy the bombing had been the night before” (24). Images on the Website consist of snapshots of babies, families, pets, sporting groups, people on holiday and at celebrations. It represents a, somewhat, global perspective of middle-class values. The snapshot aesthetic presents, what Liz Kotz refers to as, the “aesthetics of intimacy”. It is a certain kind of photographic work which is quasi-documentary and consists of “colour images of individuals, families, or groupings, presented in an apparently intimate, unposed manner, shot in an off-kilter, snapshot style, often a bit grainy, unfocused, off-colour” (204). These are the types of images that provide the visual gratification of solidarity amongst its contributors and viewers, as it seemingly appears more ‘real’. Yet, Kotz asserts that these type of photographs also involve a structure of power relations “that cannot be easily evaded by the spontaneous performance before the lens” (210). For example, Sarah Boxer importantly points out that “We’re Not Afraid”, set up to show solidarity with London, seems to be turning into a place where the haves of the world can show that they’re not afraid of the have-nots” (1). She argues that “there’s a brutish flaunting of wealth and leisure” (1). The iconography in the images of “We’re not Afraid” certainly promotes a ‘memorialisation’ of the middle-class sphere. The site draws attention to the values of the global neoliberal order in which capital accumulation is paramount. It, nevertheless, also attempts to challenge “the true victory of terrorism”, which Jean Baudrillard circumspectly remarks is in “the regression of the value system, of all the ideology of freedom and free movement etc… that the Western world is so proud of, and that legitimates in its eyes its power over the rest of the world”. Self-confidence is conveyed in the images. Moreover, with the subjects welcoming gaze to the camera there may be a sense of narcissism in publicising what could be considered mundane. However, visibility is power. For example, one of the contributors, Maryland USA resident Darcy Nair, said “she felt a sense of helplessness in the days after 9/11. Posting on the We’re Not Afraid may be a small act, but it does give people like her a sense that they’re doing something” (cited in Weir). Nair states that: It seems that it is the only good answer from someone like me who’s not in the government or military…There are so many other people who are joining in. When bunches of individuals get together – it does make me feel hopeful – there are so many other people who feel the same way. (cited in Weir) Participation in the Website conveys a power which consists of defiantly celebrating western middle-class aesthetics in the form of personal photography. As such, the personal becomes political and the private becomes public. The site offers an opportunity for a shared experience and a sense of community that perhaps is needed in the era of global terrorism. It could be seen as a celebration of survival (Weir). The Website seems inspirational with its defiant message. Moreover, it also has postings from various parts of the world that convey a message of triumph in the ‘everyday’. The site also presents the ubiquitous use of photography in a western cultural tradition in which idealised constructions are manifested in ‘Kodak’ moments and in which the domestic space and leisure times are immortalised and become, significantly, the arena of activism. As previously discussed Sontag argues that photography is mainly a social rite, a defence against anxiety, and a tool of power (8). The Website offers the sense of a global connection. It promotes itself as “citizens for a secure world, united against terror”. It attempts to provide a universal solidarity, which appears uplifting. It is a defence against anxiety in which, in the act of using personal photographs, it becomes part of the collective memory and assists in easing the frustration of not being able to do anything. As Sontag argues “often something looks, or is felt to look ‘better’ in a photograph. Indeed, it is one of the functions of photography to improve the normal appearance of things” (81). Rather than focus on the tragic victim of traditional photojournalism, in which the camera is directed towards the other, the site promotes the sharing and triumph of personal moments. In the spotlight are ‘everyday’ modalities from ‘everyday people’ attempting to confront the rhetoric of terrorism. In their welcoming gaze to the camera the photographic subjects challenge the notion of the sensational image, the spectacle that is on show is that of middle-class modalities and a performance of collective power. Note Themes from this article have been presented at the 2005 Cultural Studies Association of Australasia Conference in Sydney, Australia and at the 2006 Association for Cultural Studies Crossroads Conference in Istanbul, Turkey. References Barthes, Roland. “The Photographic Message.” Image-Music-Text. Trans. Stephen Heath. New York: Noonday Press, 1977 [1961]. 15-31. Barthes, Roland. Mythologies. Trans. Annette Lavers. London: Vintage, 1993 [1972]. Baudrillard, Jean. “The Spirit of Terrorism.” Trans. Rachel Bloul. La Monde 2 (2001). < http://www.egs.edu/faculty/baudrillard/baudrillard-the-spirit-of-terrorism.html >. “Blair Defines British Values.” BBC News 28 Mar. 2000. < http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_politics/693591.stm >. “Blair Delivers a Classically British Rallying Cry.” Associated Press 7 July 2005. < http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/8502984/ >. Boxter, Sarah. “On the Web, Fearlessness Meets Frivolousness.” The York Times 12 July 2005. < http://www.nytimes.com/2005/07/12/arts/design/12boxe.html?ex= 1278820800&en=e3b207245991aea8&ei=5088&partner=rssnyt&emc=rss >. Clarke, R. “Web Site Shows Defiance to Bombers: Thousands Send Images to Say ‘We Are Not Afraid.’” CNN International 12 July 2005. < http://edition.cnn.com/2005/WORLD/europe/07/11/london.website/ >. “CJ Bombings in London.” MSNBC TV Citizen Journalist. < http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/8499792/ >. Cohen, Kris R. “What Does the Photoblog Want?” Media, Culture & Society 27.6 (2005): 883-901. Dennen, Alfie. “We’renotafraid.com: Citizens for a Secure World, United Against Terror.” < http://www.werenotafraid.com/ >. Field, Geoffrey. “Nights Underground in Darkest London: The Blitz, 1940–1941.” International Labor and Working-Class History 62 (2002): 11-49. Frosh, Paul. “The Public Eye and the Citizen-Voyeur: Photography as a Performance of Power.” Social Semiotics 11.1 (2001): 43-59. Gye, Lisa. “Picture This: The Impact of Mobile Camera Phones on Personal Photographic Practices.” Continuum: Journal of Media and Cultural Studies 22.2 (2007): 279-288. Jameson, Fredric. “Postmodernism and Consumer Society.” The Cultural Turn: Selected Writings on the Postmodern. New York: Verso, 1998. 1-20. Kennedy, Liam. “Remembering September 11: Photography as Cultural Diplomacy.” International Affairs 79.2 (2003): 315-326. King, Anthony. “What Does It Mean to Be British?” Telegraph 27 May 2005. < http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/main.jhtml?xml=/news/2005/07/27/ nbrit27.xml >. Kotz, Liz. “The Aesthetics of Intimacy.” In D. Bright (ed.), The Passionate Camera: Photography and Bodies of Desire. London: Routledge, 1998. 204-215. “London Explosions: Your Photos.” BBC News 8 July 2005 < http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/in_pictures/4660563.stm >. Nikkhah, Roya. “We’restillnotafraid.com.” Telegraph co.uk 23 July 2005. < http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/main.jhtml?xml=/news/2005/07/24/ nseven224.xml >. “‘Not Afraid’ Website Overwhelmed.” BBC News 12 July 2005. < http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/1/hi/england/london/4674425.stm >. Norris, John. “We’re Not Afraid”. World Changing: Change Your Thinking. < http://www.worldchanging.com/archives/003069.html >. “Reuters: You Witness News.” < http://www.reuters.com/youwitness >. Sambrook, Richard. “Citizen Journalism and the BBC.” Nieman Reports (Winter 2005): 13-16. Sekula, Allan. “The Traffic in Photographs.” In Photography against the Grain: Essays and Photoworks 1973-1983. Halifax Nova Scotia: Nova Scotia College Press, 1984. Sontag, Susan. Regarding the Pain of Others. New York: Farrar, Strauss & Giroux, 2003. Sontag. Susan. On Photography. New York: Farrar, Strauss & Giroux, 1977. Weir, William. “The Global Community Support and Sends a Defiant Message to Terrorists.” Hartford Courant 14 July 2005. < http://www.uchc.edu/ocomm/newsarchive/news05/jul05/notafraid.html >. We’renot afraid.com: Citizens for a Secure World, United against Terror. < http://www.werenotafraid.com >. “What the Papers Say.” Media Guardian 8 July 2005. < http://www.guardian.co.uk/media/2005/jul/08/pressandpublishing.terrorism1 >. Zulaika, Joseba, and William A. Douglass. Terror and Taboo: The Follies, Fables, and Faces of Terrorism. New York: Routledge, 1996.

This article will look at the use of personal photographs that attempt to convey a sense of social activism as a reaction against global terrorism. Moreover, I argue that the photographs uploaded to the site “We’re Not Afraid”, which began after the London bombings in 2005, presents a forum to promote the pleasures of western cultural values as a defence against the anxiety of terror. What is compelling are the ways in which the Website promotes, seemingly, everyday modalities through what may be deemed as the domestic snapshot. Nevertheless, the aura from the context of these images operates to arouse the collective memory of terrorism and violence. It promotes photography’s spectacular power. To begin it is worthwhile considering the ways in which the spectacle of terrorism is mediated. For example, the bombs activated on the London Underground and at Tavistock Square on the 7th of July 2005 marked the day that London became a victim of ‘global’ terrorism, re-instilling the fear projected by the media to be alarmed and to be suspicious. In the shadow of the terrorist events of September 11, as well as the Madrid Bombings in 2004, the incidents once again drew attention to the point that in the Western world ‘we’ again can be under attack. Furthermore, the news media plays a vital role in mediating the reality and the spectacle of terrorist attacks in the display of visual ‘proof’. After the London bombings of 7 July 2005, the BBC Website encouraged photo submissions of the incidents, under the heading “London Explosions: Your Photos”, thus promoting citizen journalism. Within six hours the BBC site received more that 1000 photographs. According to Richard Sambrook, director of the BBC’s World Service and Global News division, “people were participating in our coverage in way we had never seen before” (13). Other news Websites, such as Reuters and MSNBC also set up a similar call and display of the incidents. The images taken by everyday people and survivors‚ suggest a visceral response to the trauma of terrorism in which they became active participants in the reportage. Leading British newspapers further evoked the sensational terror of the incidents through the captioning of horrific images of destruction. It contextualised them within the realm of fascination and fear with headlines such as “London’s Day of Terror” from the Guardian, “Terror Comes to London” from the Independent and “Al-Qa’eda Brings Terror to the Heart of London” from the Daily Telegraph (“What the Papers Say”). Roland Barthes notes that “even from the perspective of a purely immanent analysis, the structure of the photograph is not an isolated structure; it is in communication with at least one other structure, namely the text – title, caption or article – accompanying every press photograph” (16). He suggested that, with the rise to prominence of ‘the press photograph’ as a mode of visual communication, the traditional relationship between image and text was inverted: “it is not the image which comes to elucidate or ‘realize’ the text, but the latter which comes to sublimate, patheticize or rationalize the image” (25). Frederic Jameson raises a very important point in regards to the role the media plays in terror. He suggests that the Western media is not only affected by a permanent condition of amnesia, but that this has become its primary ‘informational function’ (20). Hence, terror images are constantly repeated for their affect. “When combined with the media, terrorism’s reality-making power is astounding: its capacity to blend the media’s sensational stories, old mythical stereotypes, and a burning sense of moral wrath” (Zulaika and Douglass ix). Susan Sontag, in her 2003 book Regarding the Pain of Others, also discusses the assault of images (116). She argues that “the iconography of suffering has a long pedigree. The sufferings most often deemed worthy of representation are those understood to be the product of wrath, divine or human” (40). Furthermore, globalisation has profoundly changed the rhetoric of terrorism in which the uses of photographs for political means are ubiquitous. Sontag argues that “it seems as if there is a greater quantity of such news than before” (116). Nevertheless, she stresses, “it seems normal to turn away from images that simply make us feel bad” (116). Rather, than the focus on images of despair, the “We’re Not Afraid” Website provides a reaction against visual assaults. The images suggest a turning away from the iconography of terror and suffering to a focus on everyday western middle-class modalities. The images on the site consist of domestic ritual photographic practices, such as family snapshots. The images were disseminated following what has been referred to as the ‘incidents’ by the British press of the attacks on 7 July on the London transport system. Significantly, rather than being described as an event, such as the September 11 terrorist assaults were, the term ‘incidents’ suggests that everyday modalities, the everyday ways of being, may not be affected despite the terror of the attacks. It is, perhaps, a very British approach to the idea of ‘moving on’ despite adversity, which the Website advocates. The Website invites the general public to upload personal photographs captioned with the phrase “We’re not afraid” to “show that terrorists would not change the way people lived their lives” (Clarke).The Website began on 7 July 2005 and during the first week the site received, at times, up to 15 images a minute from across the world (Nikkah). Notably, within days of the Website’s launch it received over 3500 images and 11 million hits (Clarke).The images taken by everyday people and survivors‚ suggest a visceral response to the incidents. These images seem to support Susan Sontag’s argument from On Photography, in which she argues that photography is mainly a social rite, a defence against anxiety, and a tool of power (8). The images present a social activism for the predominantly white middle-class online participants and, as such, is subversive in its move away from the contextualised sensational images of violence that abound in the mainstream press. According to the site’s creator, London Web designer, Alfie Dennen “the idea for this site came from a picture of one of the bombed trains sent from a mobile phone to Dennen’s own weblog. Someone else added the words ‘We’re Not Afraid’ alongside the image” (“‘Not Afraid’ Website Overwhelmed”). Hence, in Dennen’s Weblog the terror and trauma of the train images of the London underground, that were circulated in the main stream press, have been recontextualised by the caption to present defiance and survival. The images uploaded onto the Website range from personal snapshots to manipulated photographs which all bear the declaration: ‘We are not afraid’. Currently, there are 770 galleries with 24 images per gallery amounting to around 18500 images that have been sent to the site. The photographs provide a crack in the projected reality of terrorism and the iconography of suffering as espoused by the mainstream media. The Website claims: We’re not afraid is an outlet for the global community to speak out against the acts of terror that have struck London, Madrid, New York, Baghdad, Basra, Tikrit, Gaza, Tel-Aviv, Afghanistan, Bali, and against the atrocities occurring in cities around the world each and every day. It is a worldwide action for people not willing to be cowed by terrorism and fear mongering. It suggests that: The historical response to these types of attacks has been a show of deadly force; we believe that there is a better way. We refuse to respond to aggression and hatred in kind. Instead, we who are not afraid will continue to live our lives the best way we know how. We will work, we will play, we will laugh, we will live. We will not waste one moment, nor sacrifice one bit of our freedom, because of fear. We are not afraid. (“we’re not afraid.com: Citizens for a secure world, united against terror.”) The images evoke the social memory of our era of global terrorism. Arguably, the events since September 11 have placed the individual in a protection mode. The photographs represent, as Sontag espouses, a tool against the anxiety of our time. This is a turn away from the visual iconography of despair. As such, rather than images of suffering they are images of survival, or life carrying on as usual. Or, more precisely, the images represent depictions of everyday western middle-class existence. The images range from family snaps, touristic photographs, pictures of the London underground and some manipulated images all containing the words ‘We’re Not Afraid’. Dennen “said the site had become a symbol for people to show solidarity with London and say they will not be cowed by the bombings” (“‘Not Afraid’ Website Overwhelmed”). The photographs also serve as a form of protection of western middle-class values and lifestyle that may be threatened by terrorist acts. Of consideration is that “personal photographs not only bind us to our own pasts – they bind us to the pasts of the social groups to which we belong” (Gye 280). The images on the site may be described as a “revocation of social power through visibility” and as such photography is considered a “performance of power” (Frosh 46). Barthes asserts that “formerly, the image illustrated the text (made it clearer); today, the text loads the image, burdening it with a culture, a moral, an imagination” (25). The images loaded onto the Website “We’re Not Afraid’ assumes notions of resilience and defiance which can be closely linked to Anglo-American cultural memory and imagination. Significantly, efforts to influence ‘heart and minds’ through support of touring exhibitions were common in the earlier days of the Cold War. Sontag argues that “photographic collections can be used to substitute a world” (162). The images exalted a universal humanism, similarly to the images on the “We’re Not Afraid” site. Many exhibits were supported throughout the 1950s, often under the auspices of the USIA (United States Information Agency). A famous example is the photography exhibit ‘The Family of Man’ which travelled to 28 countries between 1955-59 and was seen by 9 million people (Kennedy 316). It contained 503 images, 273 photographers from 68 nations “it posited humanity as a universal ideal and human empathy as a compensatory response to the threat of nuclear annihilation” (Kennedy 322). Significantly, Liam Kennedy asserts that, the Cold War rhetoric surrounding the exhibition blurred the boundaries between art, information and propaganda. The exhibition has been critiqued ideologically as an imperialist project, most notably by Allan Sekula in which he states “the worldliness of photography is the outcome, not of any immanent universality of meaning, but of a project of global domination” (96). In more recent times an exhibition, backed by the US State Department titled ‘After September 11: Images from Ground Zero’, by photojournalist/art photographer Joel Meyorowitz travelled to more than 60 countries and assisted in shaping and maintaining a public memory of the attacks of the World Trade Centre and its aftermath (Kennedy 315). Similar, to ‘The Family of Man’, it adds an epic quality to the images. As Kennedy points out that: To be sure this latter exhibit has been more overtly designed as propaganda, yet it also carries the cachet of ‘culture’ (most obviously, via the signature of a renowned photographer) and is intended to transmit a universal message that transcends the politics of difference. (Kennedy 323) The Website “We’re Not Afraid’ maintains the public memory of terrorism, without the horror of suffering. With a ‘universal message’ similar to the aforementioned exhibitions, it attempts to transcends the politics of difference by addressing the ‘we’ as the ‘everyday’ citizen. It serves as a gallery space and similarly evokes western romantic universal ideals conveyed in the exhibition ‘The Family of Man’, whilst its aesthetic forms avoid the stylististically captured scenes of ‘After September 11’. As stated earlier, the site had over 11 million hits in the first few weeks; as such the sheer number of viewers exceeds that of any formal photographic exhibition. Moreover, unlike these highly constructed art exhibitions from leading professional photographers, the Website significantly presents a democratic form of participation in which the ‘personal is political’. It is the citizen journalist. It is the ‘everyday’ person, as evidenced in the predominant snapshot aesthetics and the ordinariness in the images that are employed. Kris Cohen, in his analysis of photoblogging suggests that this aesthetic emphasises the importance in “photoblogging of not thinking too much, of the role that instinct plays in the making of photographs and the photoblog” (890). As discussed, previously, the overwhelming response and contributions to the Website within days of its launch seems to suggest this. The submission of photographs suggests a visceral response to the incidents from the ‘people’ in the celebration of the ‘everyday’ and the mundane. It also should be noted that “there are now well over a million documented blogs and photoblogs in the world”, with most appearing since 2003 (Cohen 886). As Cohen suggests “their newfound popularity has provoked a gentle storm of press, along with a significant number of utopic scenarios in which blogs feature as the next emancipatory mass media product”(886). The world-wide press coverage for the “We’re Not Afraid’ site is one key example that promotes this “utopian vision of transfigured citizens and in Benedict Anderson’s well used term an ‘imagined community” (Goggin xx). Nevertheless, the defiant captioning of the images also returns us historically to the social memory of the London Blitz 1940-41 in which the theme of a transfigured community was employed and in which the London underground and shelters became a signifier for the momentum of “We’re Not Afraid’. Barthes explained in Mythologies about the “the sight of the ‘naturalness’ with which newspapers, art and common sense constantly dress up a reality which, even though it is the one we live in, is undoubtedly determined by history” (11). What I want to argue is that the mythology surrounding the London bombings articulated in the Website “We’re Not Afraid’ is determined by 20th Century history of the media and the cultural imaginary surrounding predominantly British values*.** *The British Prime Minister at the time, Tony Blair, asserted that “qualities of creativity built on tolerance, openness and adaptability, work and self improvement, strong communities and families and fair play, rights and responsibilities and an outward looking approach to the world that all flow from our unique island geography and history.” (“Blair Defines British Values”). These values are suggested in the types of photographs uploaded onto the activist Website, as such notions of the British Empire are evoked. Moreover, in his address following the incident, “Blair harkened back to the ‘Blitz spirit’ that saw Londoners through the dark days of Nazi bombing during World War II — and, by association, to Winston Churchill, the wartime leader whose determined, moving speeches helped steel the national resolve” (“Blair Delivers”). In his Churchillian cadence he paid “tribute to the stoicism and resilience of the people of London who have responded in a way typical of them”. He said Britain would show “by our spirit and dignity” that “our values will long outlast” the terrorists. He further declared that “the purpose of terrorism is just that. It is to terrorize people and we will not be terrorized” (“Blair Delivers”). The mythology of the Blitz and “the interpretive context at the time (and for some years thereafter) can be summarized by the phrase ‘the People’s War’—a populist patriotism that combined criticism of the past with expectations of social change and inclusive messages of shared heritage and values” (Field 31). The image conveyed is of a renewed sense of community. The language of triumph against adversity and the endurance of ordinary citizens are also evoked in the popular press of the London incidents. The Times announced: Revulsion and resolve: Despite the shock, horror and outrage, the calm shown in London was exemplary. Ordinary life may be inconvenienced by the spectre of terror, yet terrorism will not force free societies to abandon their fundamental features. An attack was inevitable. The casualties were dreadful. The terrorists have only strengthened the resolve of Britain and its people. (“What the Papers Say”) Similarly the Daily Express headline was “We Britons Will Never Be Defeated” (“What the Papers Say”). The declaration of “We’re not afraid” alongside images on the Website follows on from this trajectory. The BBC reported that the Website “‘We’re not afraid’ gives Londoners a voice” (“Not Afraid Website Overwhelmed”). The BBC has also made a documentary concerning the mission and the somewhat utopian principles presented. Similarly discussion of the site has been evoked in other Weblogs that overwhelmingly praise it and very rarely question its role. One example is from a discussion of “We’re Not Afraid” on another activist site titled “World Changing: Change Your Thinking”. The contributor states: Well, I live in the UK and I am afraid. I’m also scared that sites like We’re Not Afraid encourage an unhealthy solidarity of superiority, nationalism and xenophobia – perpetuating a “we’re good” and “they’re evil” mentality that avoids the big picture questions of how we got here. Posted by: John Norris at July 8, 2005 03:45 AM Notably, this statement also reiterates the previous argument on cultural diplomacy presented by theorists in regards to the exhibitions of ‘The Family of Man’ and ‘After September 11’ in which the images are viewed as propaganda, promoting western cultural values. This is also supported by the mood of commentary in the British press since the London bombings, in which it is argued that “Britain and the British way of life are under threat, the implication being that the threat is so serious that it may ultimately destroy the nation and its values” (King). The significance of the Website is that it represents a somewhat democratic medium in its call for engagement and self-expression. Furthermore, the emancipatory photography of self and space, presented in the “We’re Not Afraid” site, echoes Blair’s declaration of “we will not be terrorized”. However, it follows similar politically conservative themes that were evoked in the Blitz, such as community, family and social stability, with tacit reference to social fragmentation and multi-ethnicity (Field 41-42). In general, as befitted the theme of “a People’s War,” the Blitz imagery was positive and sympathetic in the way it promoted the endurance of the ordinary citizen. Geoffrey Field suggests “it offered an implicit rejoinder to the earlier furor—focusing especially on brave, caring mothers who made efforts to retain some semblance of family under the most difficult circumstances and fathers who turned up for work no matter how heavy the bombing had been the night before” (24). Images on the Website consist of snapshots of babies, families, pets, sporting groups, people on holiday and at celebrations. It represents a, somewhat, global perspective of middle-class values. The snapshot aesthetic presents, what Liz Kotz refers to as, the “aesthetics of intimacy”. It is a certain kind of photographic work which is quasi-documentary and consists of “colour images of individuals, families, or groupings, presented in an apparently intimate, unposed manner, shot in an off-kilter, snapshot style, often a bit grainy, unfocused, off-colour” (204). These are the types of images that provide the visual gratification of solidarity amongst its contributors and viewers, as it seemingly appears more ‘real’. Yet, Kotz asserts that these type of photographs also involve a structure of power relations “that cannot be easily evaded by the spontaneous performance before the lens” (210). For example, Sarah Boxer importantly points out that “We’re Not Afraid”, set up to show solidarity with London, seems to be turning into a place where the haves of the world can show that they’re not afraid of the have-nots” (1). She argues that “there’s a brutish flaunting of wealth and leisure” (1). The iconography in the images of “We’re not Afraid” certainly promotes a ‘memorialisation’ of the middle-class sphere. The site draws attention to the values of the global neoliberal order in which capital accumulation is paramount. It, nevertheless, also attempts to challenge “the true victory of terrorism”, which Jean Baudrillard circumspectly remarks is in “the regression of the value system, of all the ideology of freedom and free movement etc… that the Western world is so proud of, and that legitimates in its eyes its power over the rest of the world”. Self-confidence is conveyed in the images. Moreover, with the subjects welcoming gaze to the camera there may be a sense of narcissism in publicising what could be considered mundane. However, visibility is power. For example, one of the contributors, Maryland USA resident Darcy Nair, said “she felt a sense of helplessness in the days after 9/11. Posting on the We’re Not Afraid may be a small act, but it does give people like her a sense that they’re doing something” (cited in Weir). Nair states that: It seems that it is the only good answer from someone like me who’s not in the government or military…There are so many other people who are joining in. When bunches of individuals get together – it does make me feel hopeful – there are so many other people who feel the same way. (cited in Weir) Participation in the Website conveys a power which consists of defiantly celebrating western middle-class aesthetics in the form of personal photography. As such, the personal becomes political and the private becomes public. The site offers an opportunity for a shared experience and a sense of community that perhaps is needed in the era of global terrorism. It could be seen as a celebration of survival (Weir). The Website seems inspirational with its defiant message. Moreover, it also has postings from various parts of the world that convey a message of triumph in the ‘everyday’. The site also presents the ubiquitous use of photography in a western cultural tradition in which idealised constructions are manifested in ‘Kodak’ moments and in which the domestic space and leisure times are immortalised and become, significantly, the arena of activism. As previously discussed Sontag argues that photography is mainly a social rite, a defence against anxiety, and a tool of power (8). The Website offers the sense of a global connection. It promotes itself as “citizens for a secure world, united against terror”. It attempts to provide a universal solidarity, which appears uplifting. It is a defence against anxiety in which, in the act of using personal photographs, it becomes part of the collective memory and assists in easing the frustration of not being able to do anything. As Sontag argues “often something looks, or is felt to look ‘better’ in a photograph. Indeed, it is one of the functions of photography to improve the normal appearance of things” (81). Rather than focus on the tragic victim of traditional photojournalism, in which the camera is directed towards the other, the site promotes the sharing and triumph of personal moments. In the spotlight are ‘everyday’ modalities from ‘everyday people’ attempting to confront the rhetoric of terrorism. In their welcoming gaze to the camera the photographic subjects challenge the notion of the sensational image, the spectacle that is on show is that of middle-class modalities and a performance of collective power. Note Themes from this article have been presented at the 2005 Cultural Studies Association of Australasia Conference in Sydney, Australia and at the 2006 Association for Cultural Studies Crossroads Conference in Istanbul, Turkey. References Barthes, Roland. “The Photographic Message.” Image-Music-Text. Trans. Stephen Heath. New York: Noonday Press, 1977 [1961]. 15-31. Barthes, Roland. Mythologies. Trans. Annette Lavers. London: Vintage, 1993 [1972]. Baudrillard, Jean. “The Spirit of Terrorism.” Trans. Rachel Bloul. La Monde 2 (2001). http://www.egs.edu/faculty/baudrillard/baudrillard-the-spirit-of-terrorism.html>. “Blair Defines British Values.” BBC News 28 Mar. 2000. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_politics/693591.stm>. “Blair Delivers a Classically British Rallying Cry.” Associated Press 7 July 2005. http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/8502984/>. Boxter, Sarah. “On the Web, Fearlessness Meets Frivolousness.” The York Times 12 July 2005. http://www.nytimes.com/2005/07/12/arts/design/12boxe.html?ex= 1278820800&en=e3b207245991aea8&ei=5088&partner=rssnyt&emc=rss>. Clarke, R. “Web Site Shows Defiance to Bombers: Thousands Send Images to Say ‘We Are Not Afraid.’” CNN International 12 July 2005. http://edition.cnn.com/2005/WORLD/europe/07/11/london.website/>. “CJ Bombings in London.” MSNBC TV Citizen Journalist. http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/8499792/>. Cohen, Kris R. “What Does the Photoblog Want?” Media, Culture & Society 27.6 (2005): 883-901. Dennen, Alfie. “We’renotafraid.com: Citizens for a Secure World, United Against Terror.” http://www.werenotafraid.com/>. Field, Geoffrey. “Nights Underground in Darkest London: The Blitz, 1940–1941.” International Labor and Working-Class History 62 (2002): 11-49. Frosh, Paul. “The Public Eye and the Citizen-Voyeur: Photography as a Performance of Power.” Social Semiotics 11.1 (2001): 43-59. Gye, Lisa. “Picture This: The Impact of Mobile Camera Phones on Personal Photographic Practices.” Continuum: Journal of Media and Cultural Studies 22.2 (2007): 279-288. Jameson, Fredric. “Postmodernism and Consumer Society.” The Cultural Turn: Selected Writings on the Postmodern. New York: Verso, 1998. 1-20. Kennedy, Liam. “Remembering September 11: Photography as Cultural Diplomacy.” International Affairs 79.2 (2003): 315-326. King, Anthony. “What Does It Mean to Be British?” Telegraph 27 May 2005. http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/main.jhtml?xml=/news/2005/07/27/ nbrit27.xml>. Kotz, Liz. “The Aesthetics of Intimacy.” In D. Bright (ed.), The Passionate Camera: Photography and Bodies of Desire. London: Routledge, 1998. 204-215. “London Explosions: Your Photos.” BBC News 8 July 2005 http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/in_pictures/4660563.stm>. Nikkhah, Roya. “We’restillnotafraid.com.” Telegraph co.uk 23 July 2005. http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/main.jhtml?xml=/news/2005/07/24/ nseven224.xml>. “‘Not Afraid’ Website Overwhelmed.” BBC News 12 July 2005. http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/1/hi/england/london/4674425.stm>. Norris, John. “We’re Not Afraid”. World Changing: Change Your Thinking. http://www.worldchanging.com/archives/003069.html>. “Reuters: You Witness News.” http://www.reuters.com/youwitness>. Sambrook, Richard. “Citizen Journalism and the BBC.” Nieman Reports (Winter 2005): 13-16. Sekula, Allan. “The Traffic in Photographs.” In Photography against the Grain: Essays and Photoworks 1973-1983. Halifax Nova Scotia: Nova Scotia College Press, 1984. Sontag, Susan. Regarding the Pain of Others. New York: Farrar, Strauss & Giroux, 2003. Sontag. Susan. On Photography. New York: Farrar, Strauss & Giroux, 1977. Weir, William. “The Global Community Support and Sends a Defiant Message to Terrorists.” Hartford Courant 14 July 2005. http://www.uchc.edu/ocomm/newsarchive/news05/jul05/notafraid.html>. We’renot afraid.com: Citizens for a Secure World, United against Terror. http://www.werenotafraid.com>. “What the Papers Say.” Media Guardian 8 July 2005. http://www.guardian.co.uk/media/2005/jul/08/pressandpublishing.terrorism1>. Zulaika, Joseba, and William A. Douglass. Terror and Taboo: The Follies, Fables, and Faces of Terrorism. New York: Routledge, 1996. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Allmark, Panizza. "Photography after the Incidents: We’re Not Afraid!." M/C Journal 10.6/11.1 (2008). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0804/06-allmark.php>. APA Style Allmark, P. (Apr. 2008) "Photography after the Incidents: We’re Not Afraid!," M/C Journal, 10(6)/11(1). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0804/06-allmark.php>.

No man [...] can wear one face to himself and another to the multitude, without finally getting bewildered as to which one may be true. (Nathaniel Hawthorne Scarlet Letter – as seen and pondered by Tony Soprano at Bowdoin College, The Sopranos, Season 1, Episode 5: “College”)The fictitious is a particular and varied source of insight into the everyday world. The idea of seriality—with its variations of the serial, series, seriated—is very much connected to our patterns of entertainment. In this essay, I want to begin the process of testing what values and meanings can be drawn from the idea of seriality into comprehending the play of persona in contemporary culture. From a brief overview of the intersection of persona and seriality as well as a review of the deployment of seriality in popular culture, the article focuses on the character/ person-actor relationship to demonstrate how seriality produces persona. The French term for character—personnage—will be used to underline the clear relations between characterisation, person, and persona which have been developed by the recent work by Lenain and Wiame. Personnage, through its variation on the word person helps push the analysis into fully understanding the particular and integrated configuration between a public persona and the fictional role that an actor inhabits (Heinich).There are several qualities related to persona that allow this movement from the fictional world to the everyday world to be profitable. Persona, in terms of origins, in and of itself implies performance and display. Jung, for instance, calls persona a mask where one is “acting a role” (167); while Goffman considers that performance and roles are at the centre of everyday life and everyday forms and patterns of communication. In recent work, I have use persona to describe how online culture pushes most people to construct a public identity that resembles what celebrities have had to construct for their livelihood for at least the last century (“Persona”; “Self”). My work has expanded to an investigation of how online persona relates to individual agency (“Agency”) and professional postures and positioning (Barbour and Marshall).The fictive constructions then are intensified versions of what persona is addressing: the fabrication of a role for particular directions and ends. Characters or personnages are constructed personas for very directed ends. Their limitation to the study of persona as a dimension of public culture is that they are not real; however, when one thinks of the actor who takes on this fictive identity, there is clearly a relationship between the real personality and that of the character. Moreover, as Nayar’s analysis of highly famous characters that are fictitious reveals, these celebrated characters, such as Harry Potter or Wolverine, sometime take on a public presence in and of themselves. To capture this public movement of a fictional character, Nayar blends the terms celebrity with fiction and calls these semi-public/semi-real entities “celefiction”: the characters are famous, highly visible, and move across media, information, and cultural platforms with ease and speed (18-20). Their celebrity status underlines their power to move outside of their primary text into public discourse and through public spaces—an extra-textual movement which fundamentally defines what a celebrity embodies.Seriality has to be seen as fundamental to a personnage’s power of and extension into the public world. For instance with Harry Potter again, at least some of his recognition is dependent on the linking or seriating the related books and movies. Seriality helps organise our sense of affective connection to our popular culture. The familiarity of some element of repetition is both comforting for audiences and provides at least a sense of guarantee or warranty that they will enjoy the future text as much as they enjoyed the past related text. Seriality, though, also produces a myriad of other effects and affects which provides a useful background to understand its utility in both the understanding of character and its value in investigating contemporary public persona. Etymologically, the words “series” and seriality are from the Latin and refer to “succession” in classical usage and are identified with ancestry and the patterns of identification and linking descendants (Oxford English Dictionary). The original use of the seriality highlights its value in understanding the formation of the constitution of person and persona and how the past and ancestry connect in series to the current or contemporary self. Its current usage, however, has broadened metaphorically outwards to identify anything that is in sequence or linked or joined: it can be a series of lectures and arguments or a related mark of cars manufactured in a manner that are stylistically linked. It has since been deployed to capture the production process of various cultural forms and one of the key origins of this usage came from the 19th century novel. There are many examples where the 19th century novel was sold and presented in serial form that are too numerous to even summarise here. It is useful to use Dickens’ serial production as a defining example of how seriality moved into popular culture and the entertainment industry more broadly. Part of the reason for the sheer length of many of Charles Dickens’ works related to their original distribution as serials. In fact, all his novels were first distributed in chapters in monthly form in magazines or newspapers. A number of related consequences from Dickens’ serialisation are relevant to understanding seriality in entertainment culture more widely (Hayward). First, his novel serialisation established a continuous connection to his readers over years. Thus Dickens’ name itself became synonymous and connected to an international reading public. Second, his use of seriality established a production form that was seen to be more affordable to its audience: seriality has to be understood as a form that is closely connected to economies and markets as cultural commodities kneaded their way into the structure of everyday life. And third, seriality established through repetition not only the author’s name but also the name of the key characters that populated the cultural form. Although not wholly attributable to the serial nature of the delivery, the characters such as Oliver Twist, Ebenezer Scrooge or David Copperfield along with a host of other major and minor players in his many books become integrated into everyday discourse because of their ever-presence and delayed delivery over stories over time (see Allen 78-79). In the same way that newspapers became part of the vernacular of contemporary culture, fictional characters from novels lived for years at a time in the consciousness of this large reading public. The characters or personnages themselves became personalities that through usage became a way of describing other behaviours. One can think of Uriah Heep and his sheer obsequiousness in David Copperfield as a character-type that became part of popular culture thinking and expressing a clear negative sentiment about a personality trait. In the twentieth century, serials became associated much more with book series. One of the more successful serial genres was the murder mystery. It developed what could be described as recognisable personnages that were both fictional and real. Thus, the real Agatha Christie with her consistent and prodigious production of short who-dunnit novels was linked to her Belgian fictional detective Hercule Poirot. Variations of these serial constructions occurred in children’s fiction, the emerging science fiction genre, and westerns with authors and characters rising to related prominence.In a similar vein, early to mid-twentieth century film produced the film serial. In its production and exhibition, the film serial was a déclassé genre in its overt emphasis on the economic quality of seriality. Thus, the film serial was generally a filler genre that was interspersed before and after a feature film in screenings (Dixon). As well as producing a familiarity with characters such as Flash Gordon, it was also instrumental in producing actors with a public profile that grew from this repetition. Flash Gordon was not just a character; he was also the actor Buster Crabbe and, over time, the association became indissoluble for audiences and actor alike. Feature film serials also developed in the first half-century of American cinema in particular with child actors like Shirley Temple, Mickey Rooney and Judy Garland often reprising variations of their previous roles. Seriality more or less became the standard form of delivery of broadcast media for most of the last 70 years and this was driven by the economies of production it developed. Whether the production was news, comedy, or drama, most radio and television forms were and are variation of serials. As well as being the zenith of seriality, television serials have been the most studied form of seriality of all cultural forms and are thus the greatest source of research into what serials actually produced. The classic serial that began on radio and migrated to television was the soap opera. Although most of the long-running soap operas have now disappeared, many have endured for more than 30 years with the American series The Guiding Light lasting 72 years and the British soap Coronation Street now in its 64th year. Australian nighttime soap operas have managed a similar longevity: Neighbours is in its 30th year, while Home and Away is in its 27th year. Much of the analyses of soap operas and serials deals with the narrative and the potential long narrative arcs related to characters and storylines. In contrast to most evening television serials historically, soap operas maintain the continuity from one episode to the next in an unbroken continuity narrative. Evening television serials, such as situation comedies, while maintaining long arcs over their run are episodic in nature: the structure of the story is generally concluded in the given episode with at least partial closure in a manner that is never engaged with in the never-ending soap opera serials.Although there are other cultural forms that deploy seriality in their structures—one can think of comic books and manga as two obvious other connected and highly visible serial sources—online and video games represent the other key media platform of serials in contemporary culture. Once again, a “horizon of expectation” (Jauss and De Man 23) motivates the iteration of new versions of games by the industry. New versions of games are designed to build on gamer loyalties while augmenting the quality and possibilities of the particular game. Game culture and gamers have a different structural relationship to serials which at least Denson and Jahn-Sudmann describe as digital seriality: a new version of a game is also imagined to be technologically more sophisticated in its production values and this transformation of the similitude of game structure with innovation drives the economy of what are often described as “franchises.” New versions of Minecraft as online upgrades or Call of Duty launches draw the literal reinvestment of the gamer. New consoles provide a further push to serialisation of games as they accentuate some transformed quality in gameplay, interaction, or quality of animated graphics. Sports franchises are perhaps the most serialised form of game: to replicate new professional seasons in each major sport, the sports game transforms with a new coterie of players each year.From these various venues, one can see the centrality of seriality in cultural forms. There is no question that one of the dimensions of seriality that transcends these cultural forms is its coordination and intersection with the development of the industrialisation of culture and this understanding of the economic motivation behind series has been explored from some of the earliest analyses of seriality (see Hagedorn; Browne). Also, seriality has been mined extensively in terms of its production of the pleasure of repetition and transformation. The exploration of the popular, whether in studies of readers of romance fiction (Radway), or fans of science fiction television (Tulloch and Jenkins; Jenkins), serials have provided the resource for the exploration of the power of the audience to connect, engage and reconstruct texts.The analysis of the serialisation of character—the production of a public personnage—and its relation to persona surprisingly has been understudied. While certain writers have remarked on the longevity of a certain character, such as Vicky Lord’s 40 year character on the soap opera One Life to Live, and the interesting capacity to maintain both complicated and hidden storylines (de Kosnik), and fan audience studies have looked at the parasocial-familiar relationship that fan and character construct, less has been developed about the relationship of the serial character, the actor and a form of twinned public identity. Seriality does produce a patterning of personnage, a structure of familiarity for the audience, but also a structure of performance for the actor. For instance, in a longitudinal analysis of the character of Fu Manchu, Mayer is able to discern how a patterning of iconic form shapes, replicates, and reiterates the look of Fu Manchu across decades of films (Mayer). Similarly, there has been a certain work on the “taxonomy of character” where the serial character of a television program is analysed in terms of 6 parts: physical traits/appearance; speech patterns, psychological traits/habitual behaviours; interaction with other characters; environment; biography (Pearson quoted in Lotz).From seriality what emerges is a particular kind of “type-casting” where the actor becomes wedded to the specific iteration of the taxonomy of performance. As with other elements related to seriality, serial character performance is also closely aligned to the economic. Previously I have described this economic patterning of performance the “John Wayne Syndrome.” Wayne’s career developed into a form of serial performance where the individual born as Marion Morrison becomes structured into a cultural and economic category that determines the next film role. The economic weight of type also constructs the limits and range of the actor. Type or typage as a form of casting has always been an element of film and theatrical performance; but it is the seriality of performance—the actual construction of a personnage that flows between the fictional and real person—that allows an actor to claim a persona that can be exchanged within the industry. Even 15 years after his death, Wayne remained one of the most popular performers in the United States, his status unrivalled in its close definition of American value that became wedded with a conservative masculinity and politics (Wills).Type and typecasting have an interesting relationship to seriality. From Eisenstein’s original use of the term typage, where the character is chosen to fit into the meaning of the film and the image was placed into its sequence to make that meaning, it generally describes the circumscribing of the actor into their look. As Wojcik’s analysis reveals, typecasting in various periods of theatre and film acting has been seen as something to be fought for by actors (in the 1850s) and actively resisted in Hollywood in 1950 by the Screen Actors Guild in support of more range of roles for each actor. It is also seen as something that leads to cultural stereotypes that can reinforce the racial profiling that has haunted diverse cultures and the dangers of law enforcement for centuries (Wojcik 169-71). Early writers in the study of film acting, emphasised that its difference from theatre was that in film the actor and character converged in terms of connected reality and a physicality: the film actor was less a mask and more a sense of “being”(Kracauer). Cavell’s work suggested film over stage performance allowed an individuality over type to emerge (34). Thompson’s semiotic “commutation” test was another way of assessing the power of the individual “star” actor to be seen as elemental to the construction and meaning of the film role Television produced with regularity character-actors where performance and identity became indissoluble partly because of the sheer repetition and the massive visibility of these seriated performances.One of the most typecast individuals in television history was Leonard Nimoy as Spock in Star Trek: although the original Star Trek series ran for only three seasons, the physical caricature of Spock in the series as a half-Vulcan and half-human made it difficult for the actor Nimoy to exit the role (Laws). Indeed, his famous autobiography riffed on this mis-identity with the forceful but still economically powerful title I am Not Spock in 1975. When Nimoy perceived that his fans thought that he was unhappy in his role as Spock, he published a further tome—I Am Spock—that righted his relationship to his fictional identity and its continued source of roles for the previous 30 years. Although it is usually perceived as quite different in its constitution of a public identity, a very similar structure of persona developed around the American CBS news anchor Walter Cronkite. With his status as anchor confirmed in its power and centrality to American culture in his desk reportage of the assassination and death of President Kennedy in November 1963, Cronkite went on to inhabit a persona as the most trusted man in the United States by the sheer gravitas of hosting the Evening News stripped across every weeknight at 6:30pm for the next 19 years. In contrast to Nimoy, Cronkite became Cronkite the television news anchor, where persona, actor, and professional identity merged—at least in terms of almost all forms of the man’s visibility.From this vantage point of understanding the seriality of character/personnage and how it informs the idea of the actor, I want to provide a longer conclusion about how seriality informs the concept of persona in the contemporary moment. First of all, what this study reveals is the way in which the production of identity is overlaid onto any conception of identity itself. If we can understand persona not in any negative formulation, but rather as a form of productive performance of a public self, then it becomes very useful to see that these very visible public blendings of performance and the actor-self can make sense more generally as to how the public self is produced and constituted. My final and concluding examples will try and elucidate this insight further.In 2013, Netflix launched into the production of original drama with its release of House of Cards. The series itself was remarkable for a number of reasons. First among them, it was positioned as a quality series and clearly connected to the lineage of recent American subscription television programs such as The Sopranos, Six Feet Under, Dexter, Madmen, The Wire, Deadwood, and True Blood among a few others. House of Cards was an Americanised version of a celebrated British mini-series. In the American version, an ambitious party whip, Frank Underwood, manoeuvres with ruthlessness and the calculating support of his wife closer to the presidency and the heart and soul of American power. How the series expressed quality was at least partially in its choice of actors. The role of Frank Underwood was played by the respected film actor Kevin Spacey. His wife, Clare, was played by the equally high profile Robin Warren. Quality was also expressed through the connection of the audience of viewers to an anti-hero: a personnage that was not filled with virtue but moved with Machiavellian acuity towards his objective of ultimate power. This idea of quality emerged in many ways from the successful construction of the character of Tony Soprano by James Gandolfini in the acclaimed HBO television series The Sopranos that reconstructed the very conception of the family in organised crime. Tony Soprano was enacted as complex and conflicted with a sense of right and justice, but embedded in the personnage were psychological tropes and scars, and an understanding of the need for violence to maintain influence power and a perverse but natural sense of order (Martin).The new television serial character now embodied a larger code and coterie of acting: from The Sopranos, there is the underlying sense and sensibility of method acting (see Vineberg; Stanislavski). Gandolfini inhabited the role of Tony Soprano and used the inner and hidden drives and motivations to become the source for the display of the character. Likewise, Spacey inhabits Frank Underwood. In that new habitus of television character, the actor becomes subsumed by the role. Gandolfini becomes both over-determined by the role and his own identity as an actor becomes melded to the role. Kevin Spacey, despite his longer and highly visible history as a film actor is overwhelmed by the televisual role of Frank Underwood. Its serial power, where audiences connect for hours and hours, where the actor commits to weeks and weeks of shoots, and years and years of being the character—a serious character with emotional depth, with psychological motivation that rivals the most visceral of film roles—transforms the actor into a blended public person and the related personnage.This blend of fictional and public life is complex as much for the producing actor as it is for the audience that makes the habitus real. What Kevin Spacey/Frank Underwood inhabit is a blended persona, whose power is dependent on the constructed identity that is at source the actor’s production as much as any institutional form or any writer or director connected to making House of Cards “real.” There is no question that this serial public identity will be difficult for Kevin Spacey to disentangle when the series ends; in many ways it will be an elemental part of his continuing public identity. This is the economic power and risk of seriality.One can see similar blendings in the persona in popular music and its own form of contemporary seriality in performance. For example, Eminem is a stage name for a person sometimes called Marshall Mathers; but Eminem takes this a step further and produces beyond a character in its integration of the personal—a real personnage, Slim Shady, to inhabit his music and its stories. To further complexify this construction, Eminem relies on the production of his stories with elements that appear to be from his everyday life (Dawkins). His characterisations because of the emotional depth he inhabits through his rapped stories betray a connection to his own psychological state. Following in the history of popular music performance where the singer-songwriter’s work is seen by all to present a version of the public self that is closer emotionally to the private self, we once again see how the seriality of performance begins to produce a blended public persona. Rap music has inherited this seriality of produced identity from twentieth century icons of the singer/songwriter and its display of the public/private self—in reverse order from grunge to punk, from folk to blues.Finally, it is worthwhile to think of online culture in similar ways in the production of public personas. Seriality is elemental to online culture. Social media encourage the production of public identities through forms of repetition of that identity. In order to establish a public profile, social media users establish an identity with some consistency over time. The everydayness in the production of the public self online thus resembles the production and performance of seriality in fiction. Professional social media sites such as LinkedIn encourage the consistency of public identity and this is very important in understanding the new versions of the public self that are deployed in contemporary culture. However, much like the new psychological depth that is part of the meaning of serial characters such as Frank Underwood in House of Cards, Slim Shady in Eminem, or Tony Soprano in The Sopranos, social media seriality also encourages greater revelations of the private self via Instagram and Facebook walls and images. We are collectively reconstituted as personas online, seriated by the continuing presence of our online sites and regularly drawn to reveal more and greater depths of our character. In other words, the online persona resembles the new depth of the quality television serial personnage with elaborate arcs and great complexity. Seriality in our public identity is also uncovered in the production of our game avatars where, in order to develop trust and connection to friends in online settings, we maintain our identity and our patterns of gameplay. At the core of this online identity is a desire for visibility, and we are drawn to be “picked up” and shared in some repeatable form across what we each perceive as a meaningful dimension of culture. Through the circulation of viral images, texts, and videos we engage in a circulation and repetition of meaning that feeds back into the constancy and value of an online identity. Through memes we replicate and seriate content that at some level seriates personas in terms of humour, connection and value.Seriality is central to understanding the formation of our masks of public identity and is at least one valuable analytical way to understand the development of the contemporary persona. This essay represents the first foray in thinking through the relationship between seriality and persona.ReferencesBarbour, Kim, and P. David Marshall. “The Academic Online Constructing Persona.” First Monday 17.9 (2012).Browne, Nick. “The Political Economy of the (Super)Text.” Quarterly Review of Film Studies 9.3 (1984): 174-82. Cavell, Stanley. “Reflections on the Ontology of Film.” Movie Acting: The Film Reader. Ed. Wojcik and Pamela Robertson. 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Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1997.Heinrich, Nathalie. “Personne, Personnage, Personalité: L'acteur a L'ère De Sa Reproductibilité Technique.” Personne/Personnage. Eds. Thierry Lenain and Aline Wiame. Paris: Librairie Philosophique J. Vrin, 2011. 77-101.Jauss, Hans Robert, and Paul De Man. Toward an Aesthetic of Reception. Brighton: Harvester, 1982.Jenkins, Henry. Textual Poachers: Television Fans & Participatory Culture. New York: Routledge, 1992.Jung, C. G., et al. Two Essays on Analytical Psychology. 2nd ed. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1966.Kracauer, Siegfried. “Remarks on the Actor.” Movie Acting, the Film Reader. Ed. Pamela Robertson Wojcik. London: Routledge, 2004 (1960). 19-27.Leonard Nimoy & Pharrell Williams: Star Trek & Creating Spock. Ep. 12. Reserve Channel. December 2013. Lenain, Thierry, and Aline Wiame (eds.). Personne/Personnage. Librairie Philosophiques J. VRIN, 2011.Lotz, Amanda D. “House: Narrative Complexity.” How to Watch TV. Ed. 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Bones are one of the oldest materials used to create musical instruments. Currently, the world’s oldest known instruments are flutes made out of bones (Turk, Turk, and Otte 11). In fact, bones have been used to create or enhance musical instruments in a variety of settings throughout history and in modern day instrument making. Bone bull roarers, jaw bone percussion, clappers, trumpets, drum shells, lyres, or construction parts, such as frets, plectrums, pipes and pipe fittings, embouchure adjustments, or percussive strikes are just a few of the more common uses of bones in musical instrument construction. One man even made a guitar out of the skeleton of his dead uncle to memorialise the person who influenced his musical tastes and career (Bienstock). Bones can therefore be taken as a somewhat common material for making musical instruments. All of these instruments share a common trait, and not just the obvious one that they are all made out of or incorporate bones. None of these instruments are intended to represent something monstrous. Instead, they represent the ephemeral nature of humanity (Cupchik 33), a celebration of lineage or religious beliefs (Davis), or simply are the materials available or suitable to create a sound-making device (Regan). It is not possible to know the full intentions of a maker, in many cases, but a link to monstrosity and a representation of the ‘horrific’ or ‘freakish’ seems missing for the most. There are instruments, however, that do house this sentiment and some that utilise bones in the construction with the purpose of making this connection between the remains and something beast-like. In this article, I argue that the Bone Guitar Thing (BGT) built and played by raxil4 is one of those instruments. Introducing the 'Thing' Raxil4 is the stage name of sonic artist Andrew Page. He has been playing his Bone Guitar Thing for almost twenty years in a variety of settings (Page, email interview, 25 June 2021). The instrument has undergone slight changes during that time, but primarily it has retained its specific visual, timbral, and underlying associative features. The BGT is complex, more so than it may seem at first. By investigating the materials used, the performance techniques employed, and raxil4’s intentions as a musician, instrument maker, and community member within his circles of activity, the monstrous nature of the BGT comes to light. The resultant series of entanglements exhibits and supports a definition of what is a 'monster' that, like several definitions in monster theory discourse (Levina and Bui 6; Cohen 7; Mittman 51), includes challenging that which may be seen as ‘normal’ and thereby may nurture levels of unease or fear. However, in the case of the BGT, that which is monstrous is simultaneously being taken as something positive alongside its beast-like characteristics, and rather than evolving into something that needs to be repressed or eliminated, the ’monster’ here becomes a hero or champion, colleague, or even a friend. The Bone Guitar Thing is not really a guitar. It is a zither with a piece of driftwood for a base, (currently) five strings, and an electric pick-up (see Fig. 1). The bridge for the instrument is two bones, and the pitch and timbre of the strings is sometimes changed with bones used for Cage-like preparation (Cage 7-8; Bunger). Bones are also used to play the instrument, sometimes like a plectrum, others like a hammered dulcimer, or occasionally, simply pounding the string or the soundboard with great force to make a combination of percussive and string sounds. Glissandos are created by using the plectrum bones as a slide, and Page also uses jaw bones to introduce ratchet sounds, string scraping, and precise pitch bending (with the sharper edged part of the bones) (raxil4, “Livestream”). The instrument is electric, so the bones are enhanced with guitar pedals (typically reverb, distortion, and octave-splitter; Page, email interview, 25 June 2021), but the tonal qualities retain a semblance of the bone usage. Fig. 1: raxil4's Bone Guitar Thing. Photograph: Andrew Page. Page often uses the BGT as part of his sonic arsenal to perform dark ambient music, noisescapes, improv music, or live film soundtracks both in live concerts and recording situations. He plays solo as much as with ensembles, and more often improvises his music or parts, but occasionally works with predetermined organisation or scores of some description (although he admits to typically abandoning predetermined passages or scores during live performances; Page, email interview, 14 July 2021). Currently in London, raxil4 presents concerts in a variety of settings, typically well-suited for his brand of sonic art, such as Ryan Jordan’s long-running concert series Noise=Noise (raxil4 feat. King Sara), experimental music shows at the Barbican (raxil4 + King Sara + P23), and dark ambient showcases promoted and arranged by one of his record labels, Sombre Soniks (Wright). Sounds beyond Words: Monstrous Music One series of performances in which raxil4 used the BGT took the form of an immersive theatre show produced by Dread Falls Theatre called Father Dagon, based on the works of horror author H. P. Lovecraft. The performance incorporated a breaking of the ’fourth wall’ in which the audience wanders freely through the performance space, with actor- and sometimes audience-interactive musical performances of partially improvised, partially composed passages by musicians located throughout the set. Director and writer Victoria Snaith considered the use of live, semi-mobile, experimental music dispersed through the audience (mixed with an overall backing soundtrack) as heightening the intensity of the experience by introducing unfamiliar aspects to the setting. She discusses having made this decision based on Lovecraft’s own approach to story-telling that highlights a sense of unfamiliarity and therefore sense of “fear of the unknown”. The usefulness of creating unfamiliarity in this context can serve to support the parts of the narrative that contains supernatural and monstrous aspects. Given that the elements of the supernatural and horrible monsters in Lovecraftian tales are primarily indescribable (both because Lovecraft would recount beasts and fantastic magical happenings in his works as being such, and because in a practical theatrical situation, these things would be impossible to describe, especially without text or specific props or costumes, which the show purposefully uses sparingly, also as a conscious choice to embrace the unknown). Sounds created on instruments that are unique, or generated through unusual performance techniques would lend themselves to being more difficult to describe, and therefore fitting to support a desire to present something regarded as also difficult to describe, that being supernatural happenings or horrific creatures. (Connor 77) Page’s use of the BGT in these performances added directly to this notion both sonically and visually. The homemade nature of his instrument increased the potential that audience members would be less familiar with the source of his sounds, even if they were watching him perform, and the resultant soundscape he provided introduced harsh timbres, undulating pads, and aggressive punctuation of movement. Page sees the BGT as an instrument “reclaimed from the watery depths” (matching the theme of the show’s narrative), therefore as one fitting into the Lovecraft show “quite nicely” (Page, email interview, 25 June 2021). He likens the sounds created by the BGT as presenting “otherworldly melodies” akin to those played by Erich Zann (a character in another Lovecraft story who conjures a gateway to an alternate dimension full of indescribable creatures and nightmares via performing unusual music on his viola de gamba), which Page also sees as fitting (ibid.). His instrument in this setting as a producer and provider of unfamiliarity is supportive of constructing and maintaining a definition of “monstrous” or “terrifying” (Levina and Bui 6). Fig. 2: raxil4 performing in Dread Falls Theatre's Father Dagon, London 2012. Photograph: Pierre Ketteridge. Finding Community in the 'Freakish' Raxil4 also notes that the Bone Guitar Thing is appropriate for creative input within improv music circles (Page, email interview, 25 June 2021). Generally speaking, contemporary improv music (meaning the broad genre) is improvised performance focussing on sonic exploration over melodic, harmonic, or rhythmic content (even though all will be present in most cases; Toop 132-137). In my experience working with improv musicians since 1981, I find that these performers typically attempt to create sounds that are unusual or unexpected. Players often embrace extended techniques, repurposing non-musical items to be sound-making devices, and employ self-built instruments. Improv musicians seek to break free from the constraints of what may be seen as Western standard musical practices (ibid.), but they simultaneously strive to uphold some parallel aspects of artisanship and virtuosity, perhaps as a means to validate their departure from Classical/mainstream music norms. The instruments and approaches can be seen as factors that separate the experimental artists from the conservatory-based performers, yet still affords them the clout of being hard-working, innovative, expressive, and professional. As the name implies, improv music emphasises improvisation. André Hodier (23-36) in his classic book The Worlds of Jazz likens improvising jazz musicians to an alien race who battle each other on a daily basis (via jazz battles) in order to see who resides at the top of the improvisation chain. Improv musicians (some of whom come from a jazz background) tend to engage in this sort of hierarchical status ranking system using a much more ’polite’ and co-supportive mentality (at least in the scenes in which I have been privileged to participate). Improv musicians can occasionally embrace a friendly attitude that one should surpass the experimental nature of other performers, and may do so by presenting a new sound, technique, or instrument. The BGT can serve this function. It can stand out among other improv musicians’ gear, even if a majority of the instruments are self-built, through its use of bones and its intentional evocation of something horrific. Improvised music is sometimes looked down upon by musical communities who value conservatory training, popular music, or more traditional Western classical approaches to music. Referring to avant-garde jazz in the 60s and 70s, Valerie Wilmer (6) recounts that critics and Classical music enthusiasts perceived experimental and improv music as “‘freakish’ and only worthy of passing interest”. The dynamic is different today, but the overall attitude remains, at least in part. The improv music scene is creatively valid, but in comparison to conservative or more mainstream music, incorporates more experimental practices, therefore sometimes musical form, interactions, and preparation is less obvious to audience members outside the experimental music circles. The Bone Guitar Thing also plays into this construction. It is artistically valid, yet perhaps simultaneously challenging to the less-experienced listener. The BGT in this setting is multifunctional. Page (email interview, 25 June 2021) sees the BGT as a means to cut through or rise above other improv musicians, partly by being more recognisable as a “freakish” instrument at performances where the music is already considered freakish by some outsiders. Additionally, the fact that Page has taken the time to make this instrument, and uses notably practiced techniques to create the sounds he introduces, may position him as an innovative professional, rather than a non-trained imposter. The BGT can (at least for raxil4, but for others as well) become a monster among monsters that allows Page to validate his brand of creativity (Ibid). Musical ’freakishness’ appears in other settings as well. An example of this is a performance in which raxil4 took part where an ensemble provided experimental music for a live tattooing event (raxil4, “Listening”). Here, the congruency with being monstrous or freakish is perhaps more overt. Similar to the soundscape being performed, Fenske (6) points out that tattoos may still be seen as unfit or unexpected for certain classes, genders, or education levels, and may even still be associated with illustrated circus performers of the past. Furthermore, Kinzey (32) suggests that avant-garde and counter-culture communities (such as ones where tattooing and live music converge in a single event) often value uniqueness that serves to “erase boundaries between everyday life and art”. The combined performativity of live music and tattoo inking (both the artistic activity and the art itself) associates raxil4 and the BGT with this non-mainstream circle (to some degree), potentially conjuring an identity of something freakish or monstrous to people with different values. Engaging with Expressive Objects The conception and evolution of the Bone Guitar Thing has its roots in personal experience, art experimentation, and material culture related to Page’s life and the musical communities in which he played and plays. In the past, Page endeavored to make small sculptures to be given as Christmas and birthday gifts from materials he found on the shore of the River Thames, many including bones. Page then began to create new musical instruments with what he had available. Page’s brother is a doctor specialising in gunshot wounds and knife trauma, and his apartment was filled with remnants of his brother’s occupation, including a number of crutches. From these, Page crafted his first instruments in this period: crutch harps that utilised the leftover medical devices to build stringed sound generators. He claims the instruments at first were not overly successful, so he began to experiment with his bone sculptures to create more serviceable instruments. An early attempt was a percussion instrument made from various found bones, which Page deemed the “Xylobone” (see Fig. 4). This instrument and advanced crutch harps (6-string tenor (see Fig. 3.) and 2-string bass) became his first arsenal of sound makers, but Page felt the instruments ultimately failed to meet expectations and opted to rethink his approaches and designs. Fig. 3: One of Page's 6-stringed crutch harps. Photograph: Andrew Page. Fig. 4: The Xylobone - raxil4's bone xylophone percussion instrument. Photograph: Andrew Page. The BGT was intended to be more “playable”, “expressive”, and audible to battle louder co-performers. As mentioned, the driftwood base and bones for the instrument originated from the River Thames. The electronics come from a destroyed guitar that was the result of performing in a previous project in which Page was the singer, where the guitarist “had a habit of smashing his guitars on stage, in a sort of expensive tribute to [grunge guitarist] Kurt Cobain" (Page, email interview, 25 June 2021). The BGT started off as a 6-string zither that used guitar-gauge steel strings, but according to Page, given the harsh performance technique of beating or scraping the strings with bones, he was encouraged to switch to using wound, bass-gauge strings, affording him a lower pitch and greater resistance to energetic performance practices. One tuning peg, however, snapped off quite early in its life (as it was in a thinner, more weathered part of the driftwood), leaving the instrument one string shorter. Page says he likes to think that the instrument decided itself that it would be a “5-stringed beast” (ibid.). Conclusion The Bone Guitar Thing is, in fact, beast-like, at least in the settings, sonic attributes, and mindsets of the player and the communities in which the instrument is played, but it may not be the case that this beast-like nature is equal to being monstrous. Cohen (3-25) in his discussion of seven potential monster theories outlines several different notions of what can be considered “monstrous” and relates the monster in each theoretical situation to those fearing the monstrous construct. Most closely related to the situation in which the BGT is observed is a parallel theory based on the concept of “Us versus Them”, meaning “Us” as those who are dealing with the monster in question, and “Them” as being those on the side of the monster or the monster itself (Cohen 19-20). However, with the BGT, the monster is not unanimous with “them”, but rather with “us”. In all the situations outlined here, the instrument takes on the role of a beast, but not a negative role for Page (email interview, 14 July 2021) or fans of raxil4 (Wright). Instead, the beast is more like part of the team of noise makers actively engaged in the community’s activities of creation, entertainment, identity, and validation of values upheld thereof. Each of the performance settings can be argued to exhibit a sense of welcoming outsiders or praising diversity, rather than ostracising it. The Lovecraft performance and story were constructed on the premise of questioning what is a monster and who determines that definition. The Bone Guitar Thing supports and interacts precisely within this parameter to enhance the artistic commentary presented. Within the improv music setting, the instrument assists Page to achieve uniqueness among that which is already unique and highlights the values of community including a show of innovation, exploration, and personal performance technique development. For the live tattooing, the instrument stands out as a unifying sonic flag, connecting other (perhaps less-monstrous) artists into a stronger group of alternative creatives. Effectively, the BGT is a 'freak among freaks', serving to simultaneously fit in and rise above, all while maintaining a sense of “us” within respective circles. The beast-like nature is not entirely an outward force. Page (email interviews, 25 June 2021 and 14 July 2021) is aware that he has received no formal education in music. He admits he is less familiar with music theory, and more familiar with the science and technology behind the music. Page considers himself to be experimental in his approach to sound creation, which he sees as being more unique due to ignoring the “rulebooks” (ibid.). As a result, he feels (at least a slight) pressure of feeling “unprofessional” or “correct” in the eyes of Western conservatory-trained musicians and composers or those with a similar mentality (Page, email interview, 25 June 2021). The BGT was also, to a degree, built to battle being told what was “right”. For Page, his instrument is akin to a beast that helped him break free of the constraints of Western tonal and virtuosic constraints. “I made my own [instrument] so that nobody could tell me I was playing it the wrong way” (ibid.). His “beast” helped him break down barriers and asserted himself as an innovative musician and creative professional. So, then, the Bone Guitar Thing is a monster; sonically, visually, and physically. It represents a monster, it is called “the beast”, and it takes on the role of a terrifying creature raging through (sometimes, extremely quietly – raxil4; raxil 4 feat. King Sara; raxil4 + King Sara + P23) soundscapes, settings, and performances, rallying the like-minded and routing the unsuspecting or “others”. That is an overdramatic take on the situation, perhaps, but the instrument does uphold a series of values and creative aesthetics that fosters positive relationships between the artist, the community, and the sonic and physical qualities of the zither. Rather than being a device that places a horrific barrier to be overcome in an “us versus them” scenario, the monster takes on an alternate role and becomes a source of empowerment for “outsiders” or marginalised groups or people (Mittman 51). Thus the Bone Guitar Thing allows Page to demolish barriers and amalgamate fellow community members into a larger version of “us” to create a space in which the beast is no longer a monster. References Bienstock, Richard. “Man Builds Guitar Out of His Dead Uncle’s Skeleton.” Guitar World 11 Feb. 2021. Web. 13 June 2021 <https://www.guitarworld.com/news/man-builds-guitar-out-of-his-dead-uncles-skeleton-uses-it-to-play-black-metal>. Bunger, Richard. The Well-Prepared Piano. Colorado Springs: Colorado College Music P, 1973. Cage, John. Empty Words: Writings ’73-’78. Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University P, 1981. Cohen, Jeffrey Jerome. “Monster Culture (Seven Theses).” Monster Theory: Reading Culture. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1996. 3–25. Connor, Will. “Performing the Sounds of Darkness: An Exploratory Discussion of Musical Instruments and the Gothic Aesthetic.” The Dark Arts Journal: Reimaging the Gothic 2.I2 (Autumn 2016). 26 June 2021 <https://thedarkartsjournal.files.wordpress.com/2017/04/the-dark-arts-journal-2-21.pdf>. Cupchik, Jeffrey. “Buddhism as Performing Art: Visualizing Music in the Tibetan Sacred Ritual Music Liturgies.” Yale Journal of Music & Religion 1.1 (2015): 31–62. Davis, Josh. “Some Bronze Age Britons Turned the Bones of Dead Relatives into Musical Instruments.” Natural History Museum. 1 Sep. 2020. 23 June 2021 <https://www.nhm.ac.uk/discover/news/2020/september/bronze-age-britons-turned-the-bones-of-dead-relatives-into-musical-instruments.html>. Fenske, Mindy. Tattoos in American Visual Culture. New York: Palgrave, 2007. Hodier, André. The Worlds of Jazz. New York: Grove P, 1972. Kinzey, Jake. The Sacred and the Profane: An Investigation of Hipsters. Winchester, U.K.: Zero Books, 2012. Levina, Marina, and Diem-My T. Bui. “Introduction: Toward a Comprehensive Monster Theory in the 21st Century.” Monster Culture in the 21st Century: A Reader. Eds. Marina Levina and Diem-My T. Bui. New Delhi: Bloomsbury. 1–14. Mittman, Asa Simon. “Introduction: The Impact of Monsters and Monster Studies.” The Ashgate Research Companion to Monsters and the Monstrous. Eds. Asa Simon Mittman and Peter J. Dendle. London and New York: Routledge, 2013. 44–60. Raxil4. Listening Circuits: 19/06/21 with Live Tattooing from Catmouse. 21 June 2021. 23 June 2021 <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VZgUC5TTOxk&list=LL&index=3>. ———. raxil4 – Livestream for Iklecktik: 21/06/20. 22 June 2020. 23 June 2021 <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-zW-Mw2jRDQ&list=LL&index=6>. Raxil4 feat: King Sara. raxil4 feat: King Sara – Sawbones 13 – Live @ Noise=Noise (14/01/13). 26 Jan. 2013. 23 June 2021 <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fxFMA77yQ_A&list=LL&index=5>. raxil4 + King Sara + P23. raxil4 + King Sara + P23 – Barbican: 15/08/13. 11 Sep. 2018. 23 June 2021 <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=N619ooZxx-0&list=LL&index=4>. Page, Andrew. Email interview. 25 June 2021. ———. Email interview. 14 July 2021. Regan, Marty. Video interview. 13 July 2021. Snaith, Victoria. Personal interview. 17 April 2016. Toop, David. Ocean of Sound. London: Serpent’s Tail, 2001. Turk, Matija, Ivan Turk, and Marcel Otte. “The Neanderthal Musical Instrument from Divje Babe I Cave (Slovenia): A Critical Review of the Discussion.” Applied Sciences 10-1226.2 (2020): 1–11. Wilmer, Valerie. As Serious as Your Life. London: Serpent’s Tail, 2018. Wright, Kevin. Email interview. 29 June 2021.

Scenario: You are exhausted after a long day at work and collapse in front of the television for some mindless entertainment. One of your favourite comedy shows is on. You begin to relax. You laugh a couple of times. There's a commercial break. You watch the first ad for a hardware store, giving it only half your attention. And then there's another ad, something about a father and son in a car together and then ". WOOOMPH! A truck slams into the car. The message is "Speed kills!" Or there are people playing and sunbathing on a beach, happy holidays, and then vultures descend and surround them. The message is "Slip! Slop! Slap! Don't die in the sun this summer". Or someone is shown smoking a cigarette and the caption reads : "Give up now. You'll soon stop dying for a cigarette". This might be accompanied by scenes of a post-mortem, dissections of human lungs or brain. Context Threat appeals are used frequently in health and road safety promotion. Many use the threat of death as the consequence of undesirable behaviours, for example, "Quit smoking or you'll die' (Henley and Donovan). ("Non-death threats' appeal to other consequences such as "Quit smoking or your skin will age'.) There is an implicit notion of premature death threat, although this is rarely stated explicitly. When reminded of our risk of premature death, we are reminded by extension of the ultimate inevitability of our death. An understanding of the philosophy of existentialism can help us understand why consumers may, quite reasonably, tune out, or literally switch off health promotion messages that remind them of their own death. This paper explores the effect on consumers of these mass media invocations of the fear of death, or "death threats'. Verbatim comments are included from six focus groups conducted on fear and health promotion. Groups were delineated by age (16-20 years, 21-29 years and 30-49 years), gender, and socio-economic status (blue collar/white collar) (Henley). What is existential dread? Fear is one of the primary human emotions (along with anger, sadness, love, joy and surprise) and "dread' is one of the emotion names associated with fear (Shaver et al. 1067). We do not need to learn how to feel fear. We have to learn what to fear, however. Despite the joke about death and taxes, death is uniquely inevitable. (Some people do manage to avoid taxes!) In his definitive work, Denial of Death, Becker stated his belief that knowledge of our own death is the source of 'man's peculiar and greatest anxiety' (70); it's what makes us human. Existentialists think that knowing about the inevitability of our own death can be overwhelming, arousing the worst fear imaginable, "existential dread' (Bugental 287). Existential philosophers and psychologists believe that part of this anxiety stems from the existential dread of "not being'. Discussing Heidegger's analysis of the meaning of death in Being and Time, Barrett put it this way: The point is that I may die at any moment, and therefore death is my possibility now. It is like a precipice at my feet. It is also the most extreme and absolute of my possibilities: extreme, because it is the possibility of not being and hence cuts off all other possibilities; absolute, because man can surmount all other heartbreaks, even the deaths of those he loves, but his own death puts an end to him (201). The essence of existential philosophy is this idea that we are all deeply, terribly afraid of death. Fear of death can be seen even in very young children (Anthony, The child's; Anthony, The discovery; Nagy) who express considerable anxiety about death, but quickly learn from their parents and others how to deny it (Yalom). Existential psychologists have suggested that the fear of our own death is the cause of much of our psychopathology (Yalom). Existentialists believe that the most common response to existential anxiety is to deny it, creating in oneself a 'state of forgetfulness of being' as far as possible. Weisman described three levels of denial in terminally ill patients: "first-order denial' of the facts of illness; "second-order denial' of the implications of the illness; and "third-order denial' of death itself. He noted that often a patient moves from first and second order denial into "middle knowledge' (i.e., acceptance of near death), but then relapses. Weisman remarked that this relapse is often the signal that the terminal phase has begun. This aspect of denial is a complicated factor in the complex measurement of death anxiety. When people say they are not afraid of death, who can say whether they are denying fear or truly not afraid? In either case, health promotion appeals that threaten death may not be effective, either because the fear is denied or because there is no fear. In focus groups exploring people's concepts of death (Henley 111), few people acknowledged being afraid of their own death and many specifically stated that they were not afraid of their own death. One woman voiced the universal difficulty of truly conceiving what it might be like "not to be' (Kastenbaum and Aisenberg) when she said: 'death seems like such an unrealistic proposition'. People did acknowledge fears about death, such as dying painfully, so health promotion messages that threaten these other dimensions of death anxiety may be more effective. Health promotion practitioners frequently use these related death fears. The fear of causing death, for example, is used in road safety advertisements. However, this discussion on existential fear is limited to threat appeals of death per se. Death threats in health promotion Is arousing existential dread an effective way to market healthy behaviours? At first sight, it seems logical that the threat of death would be more persuasive than lesser threats and yet it may not be the most effective approach. There is some evidence that lesser threats may be more effective for some groups of adolescents and young adults for smoking (Donovan and Leivers), and for road safety behaviours (Donovan et al.). For example, for some 18 year old males, the threat of being caught drinking and driving, of losing their driving licence and, thus, their new-found independence may be a more effective deterrent than the threat of dying in a car accident (Donovan et al.). The humiliation of being arrested and charged for drink-driving may be the most powerful persuader for adults of all ages (Bevins). For men attending the Jerusalem Centre for Impotency and Fertility, impotence was reported a more persuasive threat than death: 78% of men who were told that smoking causes impotence quit smoking, compared to 40% who quit when told that smoking causes heart attacks ("No smoking tip"). One woman in a focus group said, 'you tend to think short-term, "can I afford a $100 fine?" rather than long-term, "this is my life." If I stop to think about it, obviously I'm more afraid of dying than $100 [fine], but that's not what I think about' (Henley 95). This makes sense in the context of forgetfulness, the denial of death. We don't want to be reminded of our death so we switch off the death message. Lesser threats may be more easily internalised. Does arousing existential dread do any harm? Perhaps. Job suggested that fear arousal is likely to be effective only for specific behaviours that successfully reduce the level of fear arousal and that high-fear messages may actually increase behaviours that people employ to reduce anxiety, such as smoking and alcohol consumption. People high in anxiety are hypothesised to be hypersensitive to threats and likely to employ a restricted range of self-soothing coping behaviours to reduce negative affect (Wickramasekera and Price). Death threat appeals such as "Quit smoking or you'll die' may arouse defensive, counter-productive responses, at least in some people, because it is impossible to identify any specific behaviour that could successfully reduce the particular, unique fear of death per se. Firestone identified a number of psychological defences against death anxiety, including self-nourishing and addictive habits, such as smoking and overeating. Ironically, these same behaviours are frequently the subject of health promotion campaigns. If such campaigns arouse death anxiety in an effort to curb defensive responses to death anxiety, there clearly could be an increase rather than a decrease in those defensive responses. Arousing death anxiety might contribute to fatalistic thinking. Job described some people's defenses against very high fear, for example, "...you've got to go sometime' or "...when your number's up, your number's up'. In focus groups, people commented, 'if an accident is going to happen, it's going to happen' and 'what's the point of giving up [unhealthy behaviours] if you get run over by a bus tomorrow?' (Henley 95, 108). Rippetoe and Rogers found that fatalistic thinking occurred when subjects did not believe that the recommended behaviour would avert the threat. That is, people may realise that quitting smoking could avert lung cancer and even some causes of premature death but that nothing can avert death itself. Fatalism may be one of the most maladaptive responses because the threat is acknowledged but rendered ineffective (Rippetoe and Rogers). Social marketers can make some of their persuasive communications more effective if they are more mindful of consumers' existential fears. A sensitivity to consumers' psychological defences against existential fear may result in more effective use of threat appeals in health promotion. Mindfulness Mindful that the title of this paper itself may arouse some existential dread, I end with a comment on the existentialist alternative to denial. Existentialists advocate a state of 'mindfulness of being' or 'ontological mode' (Heidegger, quoted in Yalom 31) in which "one remains mindful of being, not only mindful of the fragility of being but mindful, too ... of one's responsibility for one's own being." (Yalom 31). The existentialist strives to be as mindful, as present in the moment, and therefore as authentic as possible. This involves the acceptance of existential anxiety as an appropriate and reasonable response to the human condition (Bugental). Some focus group participants wanted to know in advance that they were going to die, 'so you can fit things in you'd want to do and say goodbye'. Others thought it was better not to know or 'you'd start having regrets'. One person pointed out that we do know in advance: 'you know you're going to die sometime!'. This last comment was followed by a sober, almost shocked silence suggesting that, even while we are freely discussing death on one level, the full meaning of death may still elude us. As consumers of health promotion messages, we are exposed to many reminders of our finite existence. If we sit mindlessly in front of the television receiving these messages, we may feel some unresolved discomfort. People talk about looking away, or switching channels when particularly shocking ads are shown. The existentialist alternative response would be to embrace these reminders and use them to sustain a state of mindfulness. With this state of mindfulness comes a heightened sense of responsibility for one's own being. It is in this ontological mode that we are most likely to adopt the healthy behaviours recommended in health promotion messages. By hearing the death threat openly, and acting to protect ourselves from at least those causes of premature death that may lie within our control, we may be able to discover a fuller experience of what it means to be alive. References Anthony, Sylvia. The Child's Discovery of Death. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1940. Anthony, Sylvia. The Discovery of Death in Childhood and After. Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin Education, 1973. Barrett, W. Irrational Man, A Study in Existential Philosophy. London: Heinemann, 1958. Becker, Ernest. The Denial of Death. New York: The Free Press, 1973. Bevins, John. "Using Advertising to Sell and Promote Health and Healthy Products". Paper presented at the ACHPER Health Products and Services Marketing Seminar. Kuring-gai College, Sydney, 1987. Bugental, J. F. T. The Search for Authenticity: An Existential-analytic Approach to Psychotherapy. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1965. Donovan, Robert J., and Sue Leivers. Young Women and Smoking. Report to Commonwealth Department of Human Services and Health. Perth: Donovan Research, 1988. Donovan, Robert J., Nadine Henley, Geoffrey Jalleh, and Clive Slater. Road Safety Advertising: An Empirical Study and Literature Review. Canberra: Federal Office of Road Safety, 1995. Firestone, Robert W. "Psychological Defenses against Death Anxiety." Death Anxiety Handbook: Research, Instrumentation, and Application. Series in Death Education, Aging, and Health Care. Ed. Robert A. Neimeyer. Washington, DC: Taylor & Francis, 1994. 217-241. Henley, Nadine R. "Fear Arousal in Social Marketing: Death vs Non-death Threats." Doctoral Dissertation, University of Western Australia, Perth, 1997. Henley, Nadine and Robert J. Donovan. "Threat Appeals in Social Marketing: Death as a "Special Case'". International Journal of Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Marketing, 4.4 (1999): 300-319. Job, R. F. Soames. "Effective and Ineffective Use of Fear in Health Promotion Campaigns." American Journal of Public Health, 78 (1988): 163-167. Kastenbaum, R., and R. Aisenberg. The Psychology of Death. London: Duckworth, 1974. Nagy, Maria H. "The Child's View of Death." The Meaning of Death. Ed. Herman Feifel. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1959. 79-98. "No Smoking Tip for Lovers". Daily Telegraph, (1994, September 24): p. 4. Rippetoe, P.A. and Rogers, R.W. "Effects of components of protection-motivation theory on adaptive and maladaptive coping with a health threat." Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 52.3 (1987): 596-604. Shaver, P., J. Schwartz, D. Kirson, and C. O'Connor. "Emotion Knowledge: Further Exploration of a Prototype Approach." Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 52.6 (1987): 1061-1086. Weisman, A.D. On dying and denying: A psychiatric study of terminality. New York: Behavioral Publications, 1972. Wickramasekera, Ian and Daniel C. Price. "Morbid Obesity, Absorption, Neuroticism, and the High Risk Model of Threat Perception." American Journal of Clinical Hypnosis, 39 (1997): 291-301. Yalom, I. D. Existential Psychotherapy. New York: Basic Books, 1980. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Henley, Nadine. "You will die! " M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5.1 (2002). [your date of access] < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0203/youwilldie.php>. Chicago Style Henley, Nadine, "You will die! " M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5, no. 1 (2002), < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0203/youwilldie.php> ([your date of access]). APA Style Henley, Nadine. (2002) You will die! . M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5(1). < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0203/youwilldie.php> ([your date of access]).

Introduction It used to be the case that for the mass of workers, work was something that was done in order to get by. A working class was simply the sum total of all those workers and their dependents whose wages paid for the necessities of life, providing the bare minimum for family reproduction, to secure a place and a lineage within the social order. However, work has now become something else. Work has become the privileged sign of a new kind of class, whose existence is guaranteed not so much by work, but by the very fact of holding a job. Society no longer divides itself between a ruling elite and a subordinated working class, but between a job-holding, job-aspiring class, and those excluded from holding a job; those unable, by virtue of age, infirmity, education, gender, race or demographics, to participate in the rewards of work. Today, these rewards are not only a regular salary and job satisfaction (the traditional consolations of the working class), but also a certain capacity to plan ahead, to gain control of one's destiny through saving and investment, and to enjoy the pleasures of consumption through the fulfilment of self-images. What has happened to transform the worker from a subsistence labourer to an affluent consumer? In what way has the old working class now become part of the consumer society, once the privileged domain of the rich? And what effects has this transformation had on capitalism and its desire for profit? These questions take on an immediacy when we consider that, in the recent Federal election held in Australia (November 11, 2001), voters in the traditional working class areas of western Sydney deserted the Labour Party (the party of the worker) and instead voted Liberal/conservative (the party of capital and small business). The fibro worker cottage valleys of Parramatta are apparently no more, replaced by the gentrified mansions of an aspiring worker formation, in pursuit of the wealth and independence once the privilege of the educated bourgeoisie. In this brief essay, I will outline an understanding of work in terms of its changing relation to capital. My aim is to show how the terrain of work has shifted so that it no longer operates in strict subordination to capital, and has instead become an investment in capital. The worker no longer works to subsist, but does so as an investment in the future. My argument is situated in the rich theoretical field set out by Karl Marx in his critique of capitalism, which described the labour/capital relation in terms of a repressive, extractive force (the power of capital over labour) and which has since been redefined by various poststructuralist theorists including Michel Foucault and Gilles Deleuze (Anti-Oedipus) in terms of the forces of productive desire. What follows then, is not a Marxist reading of work, but a reading of the way Marx sets forth work in relation to capital, and how this can be re-read through poststructuralism, in terms of the transformation of work from subordination to capital, to investment in capital; from work as the consequence of repression, to work as the fulfilment of desire. The Discipline of Work In his major work Capital Marx sets out a theory of labour in which the task of the worker is to produce surplus value: "Capitalist production is not merely the production of commodities, it is, by its very essence, the production of surplus-value. The worker produces not for himself, but for capital. It is no longer sufficient, therefore, for him simply to produce. He must produce surplus-value." (644) For Marx, surplus-value is generated when commodities are sold in the market for a price greater than the price paid to the worker for producing it: "this increment or excess over the original value I call surplus-value" (251). In order to create surplus value, the time spent by the worker in making a commodity must be strictly controlled, so that the worker produces more than required to fulfil his subsistence needs: ". . . since it is just this excess labour that supplies [the capitalist] with the surplus value" (1011). In other words, capital production is created through a separation between labour and capital: "a division between the product of labour and labour itself, between the objective conditions of labour and the subjective labour-power, was . . . the real foundation and the starting point of the process of capital production" (716). As Michael Ryan has argued, this separation was forced , through an allegiance between capital and the state, to guarantee the conditions for capital renewal by controlling the payment of labour in the form of a wage (84). Marx's analysis of industrialised capital in Capital thus outlines the way in which human labour is transformed into a form of surplus value, by the forced extraction of labour time: "the capitalist forces the worker where possible to exceed the normal rate of intensity [of work] and he forces him as best he can to extend the process of labour beyond the time necessary to replace the amount laid out in wages" (987). For Marx, capitalism is not a voluntary system; workers are not free to enter into and out of their relation with capital, since capital itself cannot survive without the constant supply of labour from which to extract surplus value. Needs and wants can only be satisfied within the labour/capital relation which homogenises labour into exchange value in terms of a wage, pegged to subsistence levels: "the capital earmarked for wages . . . belongs to the worker as soon as it has assumed its true shape of the means of subsistence destined to be consumed by him" (984). The "true shape" of wages, and hence the single, univocal truth of the wage labourer, is that he is condemned to subsistence consumption, because his capacity to share in the surplus value extracted from his own labour is circumscribed by the alliance between capital and the state, where wages are fixed and controlled according to wage market regulations. Marx's account of the labour/capital relation is imposing in its description of the dilemma of labour under the power of capital. Capitalism appears as a thermodynamic system fuelled by labour power, where, in order to make the system homogeneous, to produce exchange value, resistance is reduced: "Because it is capital, the automatic mechanism is endowed, in the person of the capitalist, with consciousness and a will. As capital, therefore, it is animated by the drive to reduce to a minimum the resistance offered by man, that obstinate yet elastic natural barrier." (527) In the capitalist system resistance takes the form of a living residue within the system itself, acting as an "elastic natural barrier" to the extractive force of capital. Marx names this living residue "man". In offering resistance, that is, in being subjected to the force of capital, the figure of man persists as the incommensurable presence of a resistive force composed by a refusal to assimilate. (Lyotard 102) This ambivalent position (the place of many truths) which places man within/outside capital, is not fully recognised by Marx at this stage of his analysis. It suggests the presence of an immanent force, coming from the outside, yet already present in the figure of man (man as "offering" resistance). This force, the counter-force operating through man as the residue of labour, is necessarily active in its effects on the system. That is to say, resistance in the system is not resistance to the system, but the resistance which carries the system elsewhere, to another place, to another time. Unlike the force of capital which works on labour to preserve the system, the resistive force figured in man works its way through the system, transforming it as it goes, with the elusive power to refuse. The separation of labour and capital necessary to create the conditions for capitalism to flourish is achieved by the action of a force operating on labour. This force manifests itself in the strict surveillance of work, through supervisory practices: "the capitalist's ability to supervise and enforce discipline is vital" (Marx 986). Marx's formulation of supervision here and elsewhere, assumes a direct power relation between the supervisor and the supervised: a coercive power in the form of 'the person of the capitalist, with consciousness and a will'. Surplus value can only be extracted at the maximum rate when workers are entirely subjected to physical surveillance. As Foucault has shown, surveillance practices in the nineteenth century involved a panoptic principle as a form of surveillance: "Power has its principle not so much in a person as in a certain concerted distribution of bodies, surfaces, lights, gazes; an arrangement whose internal mechanisms produce the relation in which individuals get caught up." (202) Power is not power over, but a productive power involving the commingling of forces, in which the resistive force of the body does not oppose, but complies with an authoritative force: "there is not a single moment of life from which one cannot extract forces, providing one knows how to differentiate it and combine it with others" (165). This commingling of dominant and resistive forces is distributive and proliferating, allowing the spread of institutions across social terrains, producing both "docile" and "delinquent" bodies at the same time: "this production of delinquency and its investment by the penal apparatus ..." (285, emphasis added). Foucault allows us to think through the dilemma posed by Marx, where labour appears entirely subject to the power of capital, reducing the worker to subsistence levels of existence. Indeed, Foucault's work allows us to see the figure of man, briefly adumbrated in quote from Marx above as "that obstinate yet elastic natural barrier", but refigured as an active, investing, transformative force, operating within the capitalist system, yet sending it on its way to somewhere else. In Foucauldian terms, self-surveillance takes on a normative function during the nineteenth century, producing a set of disciplinary values around the concepts of duty and respectability (Childers 409). These values were not only imposed from above, through education and the state, but enacted and maintained by the workers themselves, through the myriad threads of social conformity operating in daily life, whereby people made themselves suitable to each other for membership of the imagined community of disciplined worker-citizens. In this case, the wellbeing of workers gravitated to self-awareness and self-improvement, seen for instance in the magazines circulating at the time addressed to a worker readership (e.g. The Penny Magazine published in Britain from 1832-1845; see Sinnema 15). Instead of the satisfaction of needs in subsistence consumption, the worker was possessed by a desire for self-improvement, taking place in his spare time which was in turn, consolidated into the ego-ideal of the bourgeois self as the perfected model of civilised, educated man. Here desire takes the form of a repression (Freud 355), where the resistive force of the worker is channelled into maintaining the separation between labour and capital, and where the worker is encouraged to become a little bourgeois himself. The desire for self-improvement by the worker did not lead to a shift into the capitalist classes, but was satisfied in coming to know one's place, in being satisfied with fulfilling one's duty and in living a respectable life; that is in being individuated with respect to the social domain. Figure 1 - "The British Beehive", George Cruickshank's image of the hierarchy of labour in Victorian England (1840, modified 1867). Each profession is assigned an individualised place in the social order. A time must come however, in the accumulation of surplus-value, in the vast accelerating machine of capitalism, when the separation between labour and capital begins to dissolve. This point is reached when the residue left by capital in extracting surplus value is sufficient for the worker to begin consuming for its own sake, to engage in "unproductive expenditure" (Bataille 117) where desire is released as an active force. At this point, workers begin to abandon the repressive disciplines of duty and respectability, and turn instead to the control mechanisms of self-transformation or the "inventing of a self as if from scratch" (Massumi 18). In advanced capitalism, where the accrued wealth has concentrated not only profit but wages as well (a rise in the "standard of living"), workers cease to behave as subordinated to the system, and through their increased spending power re-enter the system as property owners, shareholders, superannuants and debtees with the capacity to access money held in banks and other financial institutions. As investment guru Peter Drucker has pointed out, the accumulated wealth of worker-owned superannuation or "pension" funds, is the most significant driving force of global capital today (Drucker 76-8). In the superannuation fund, workers' labour is not fully expended in the production of surplus value, but re-enters the system as investment on the workers' behalf, indirectly fuelling their capacity to fulfil desires through a rapidly accelerating circulation of money. As a consequence, new consumer industries begin to emerge based on the management of investment, where money becomes a product, subject to consumer choice. The lifestyles of the old capitalist class, itself a simulacra of aristocracy which it replaced, are now reproduced by the new worker-capitalist, but in ersatz forms, proliferating as the sign of wealth and abundance (copies of palatial homes replace real palaces, look-alike Rolex watches become available at cheap prices, medium priced family sedans take on the look and feel of expensive imports, and so forth). Unable to extract the surplus value necessary to feed this new desire for money from its own workforce (which has, in effect, become the main consumer of wealth), capital moves 'offshore' in search of a new labour pool, and repeats what it did to the labour pools in the older social formations in its relentless quest to maximise surplus value. Work and Control We are now witnessing a second kind of labour taking shape out of the deformations of the disciplinary society, where surplus value is not extracted, but incorporated into the labour force itself (Mules). This takes place when the separation between labour and capital dissolves, releasing quantities of "reserve time" (the time set aside from work in order to consume), which then becomes part of the capitalising process itself. In this case workers become "investors in their own lives (conceived of as capital) concerned with obtaining a profitable behaviour through information (conceived of as a production factor) sold to them." (Alliez and Feher 347). Gilles Deleuze has identified this shift in terms of what he calls a "control society" where the individuation of workers guaranteed by the disciplinary society gives way to a cybernetic modulation of "dividuals" or cypher values regulated according to a code (180). For dividualised workers, the resource incorporated into capital is their own lived time, no longer divided between work and leisure, but entirely "consummated" in capital (Alliez and Fehrer 350). A dividualised worker will thus work in order to produce leisure, and conversely enjoy leisure as a form of work. Here we have what appears to be a complete breakdown of the separation of labour and capital instigated by the disciplinary society; a sweeping away of the grounds on which labour once stood as a mass of individuals, conscious of their rivalry with capital over the spoils of surplus value. Here we have a situation where labour itself has become a form of capital (not just a commodity exchangeable on the market), incorporated into the temporalised body of the worker, contributing to the extraction of its own surplus value. Under the disciplinary society, the body of the worker became subject to panoptic surveillance, where "time and motion" studies enabled a more efficient control of work through the application of mathematical models. In the control society there is no need for this kind of panoptic control, since the embodiment of the panoptic principle, anticipated by Foucault and responsible for the individuation of the subject in disciplinary societies, has itself become a resource for extracting surplus value. In effect, dividualised workers survey themselves, not as a form of self-discipline, but as an investment for capitalisation. Dividuals are not motivated by guilt, conscience, duty or devotion to one's self, but by a transubjective desire for the other, the figure of a self projected into the future, and realised through their own bodily becoming. Unlike individuals who watch themselves as an already constituted self in the shadow of a super-ego, dividuals watch themselves in the image of a becoming-other. We might like to think of dividuals as self-correctors operating in teams and groups (franchises) whose "in-ness" as in-dividuals, is derived not from self-reflection, but from directiveness. Directiveness is the disposition of a habitus to find its way within programs designed to maximise performance across a territory. Following Gregory Bateson, we might say that directiveness is the pathway forged between a map and its territory (Bateson 454). A billiard ball sitting on a billiard table needs to be struck in such a way to simultaneously reduce the risk of a rival scoring from it, and maximise the score available, for instance by potting it into a pocket. The actual trajectory of the ball is governed by a logic of "restraint" (399) which sets up a number of virtual pathways, all but one of which is eliminated when the map (the rules and strategies of the game) is applied to the territory of the billiard table. If surveillance was the modus operandi of the old form of capitalism which required a strict control over labour, then directiveness is the new force of capital which wants to eliminate work in the older sense of the word, and replace it with the self-managed flow of capitalising labour. Marx's labour theory of value has led us, via a detour through Foucault and Deleuze, to the edge of the labour/capital divide, where the figure of man reappears, not as a worker subject to capital, but in some kind of partnership with it. This seems to spell the end of the old form of work, which required a strict delineation between labour and capital, where workers became rivals with capital for a share in surplus value. In the new formation of work, workers are themselves little capitalists, whose labour time is produced through their own investments back into the system. Yet, the worker is also subject to the extraction of her labour time in the necessity to submit to capital through the wage relation. This creates a reflexive snarl, embedded in the worker's own self-image, where work appears as leisure and leisure appears as work, causing labour to drift over capital and vice versa, for capital to drift over labour. This drifting, mobile relation between labour and capital cannot be secured through appeals to older forms of worker awareness (duty, responsibility, attentiveness, self-surveillance) since this would require a repression of the desire for self-transformation, and hence a fatal dampening of the dynamics of the market (anathema to the spirit of capitalism). Rather it can only be directed through control mechanisms involving a kind of forced partnership between capital and labour, where both parties recognise their mutual destinies in being "thrown" into the system. In the end, work remains subsumed under capital, but not in its alienated, disciplinary state. Rather work has become a form of capital itself, one's investment in the future, and hence as valuable now as it was before. It's just a little more difficult to see how it can be protected as a 'right' of the worker, since workers are themselves investors of their own labour, and not right-bearing individuals whose position in society has been fixed by the separation of labour from capital. References Alliez, Eric and Michel Feher. "The Luster of Capital." Zone1/2 (1987): 314-359. Bataille, Georges. 'The Notion of Expenditure'. Visions of Excess: Selected Writings, 1927-1939, Trans. and Ed. Alan Stoekl. Minneapolis: Minnesota UP, 1985. 116-29. Bateson, Gregory. Steps to an Ecology of Mind. New York: Ballantine Books, 1972. Childers, Joseph W. "Observation and Representation: Mr. Chadwick Writes the Poor." Victorian Studies37.3 (1994): 405-31. Deleuze, Gilles. Anti-Oedipus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1983. --. Negotiations, 1972-1990. Trans. Martin Joughin. New York: Columbia UP, 1995. Drucker, Peter F. Post-Capitalist Society. New York: Harper, 1993. Foucault, Michel. Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. Trans. Alan Sheridan. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1977. Freud, Sigmund. "The Ego and the Id". On Metapsychology: The Theory of Psychoanalysis. The Pelican Freud Library, Vol 11. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1984. 339-407. Lyotard, Jean-Francois. Libidinal Economy. Trans. Iain Hamilton Grant,. Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1993. Marx, Karl. Capital, Vol. I. Trans. Ben Fowkes. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1976. Massumi, Brian. "Everywhere You Wanted to Be: Introduction to Fear." The Politics of Everyday Fear. Ed. Brian Massumi. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1993. 3-37. Mules, Warwick. "A Remarkable Disappearing Act: Immanence and the Creation of Modern Things." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 4.4 (2001). 15 Nov. 2001 <http://www.media-culture.org.au/0108/disappear.php>. Ryan, Michael. Marxism and Deconstruction: A Critical Introduction. Baltimore: John Hopkins Press, 1982. Sinnema, Peter W. Dynamics of the Printed Page: Representing the Nation in the Illustrated London News. Aldershot: Ashgate Press, 1998. Links http://csf.colorado.edu/psn/marx/Archive/1867-C1/ http://www.media-culture.org.au/0108/Disappear.html http://acnet.pratt.edu/~arch543p/help/Foucault.html http://acnet.pratt.edu/~arch543p/help/Deleuze.html Citation reference for this article MLA Style Mules, Warwick. "That Obstinate Yet Elastic Natural Barrier" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 4.5 (2001). [your date of access] < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0111/Mules.xml >. Chicago Style Mules, Warwick, "That Obstinate Yet Elastic Natural Barrier" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 4, no. 5 (2001), < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0111/Mules.xml > ([your date of access]). APA Style Mules, Warwick. (2001) That Obstinate Yet Elastic Natural Barrier. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 4(5). < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0111/Mules.xml > ([your date of access]).

Introduction Utopia has always been countercultural, and ever since technological progress has allowed, utopia has been using alternative media to promote and strengthen its underpinning ideals. In this article, I am seeking to clarify the connections between counterculture and alternative media in utopian contexts to demonstrate their reciprocity, then draw together these threads through reference to a well-known figure of the Rainbow Region–Rusty Miller. His trajectory from iconic surfer and Aquarian reporter to mediator for utopian politics and ideals in the Rainbow Region encompasses in a single identity the three elements underpinning this study. In concluding, I will turn to Rusty’s Byron Guide, questioning its classification as alternative or mainstream media, and whether Byron Bay is represented as countercultural and utopian in this long-running and ongoing publication. Counterculture and Alternative Media in Utopian Contexts Counterculture is an umbrella that enfolds utopia, among many other genres and practices. It has been most often situated in the 1960s and 1970s as a new form of social movement embodying youth resistance to the technocratic mainstream and its norms of gender, sexuality, politics, music, and language (Roszak). Many scholars of counterculture underscore its utopian impulses both in the projection of better societies where the social goals are achieved, and in the withdrawal from mainstream society into intentional communities (Yinger 194-6; McKay 5; Berger). Before exploring further the connections between counterculture and alternative media, I want to define the scope of countercultural utopian contexts in general, and the Rainbow Region in particular. Utopia is a neologism created by Sir Thomas More almost 500 years ago to designate the island community that demonstrates order, harmony, justice, hope and desire in the right balance so that it seems like an ideal land. This imaginary place described in Utopia (1516) as a counterpoint to the social, political and religious shortcomings of contemporary 16th century British society, has attracted accusations of heresy (Molner), and been used as a pejorative term, an insult to denigrate political projects that seem farfetched or subversive, especially during the 19th century. Almost every study of utopian theory, literature and practice points to a dissatisfaction with the status quo, which inspires writers, politicians, architects, artists, individuals and communities to rail against it (see for example Davis, Moylan, Suvin, Levitas, Jameson). Kingsley Widmer’s book Counterings: Utopian Dialectics in Contemporary Contexts reiterates what many scholars have stated when he writes that utopias should be understood in terms of what they are countering. Lyman Tower Sargent defines utopia as “a non-existent society described in considerable detail and normally located in time and space” and utopianism as “social dreaming” (9), to which I would add that both indicate an improvement on the alternatives, and may indeed be striving to represent the best place imaginable. Utopian contexts, by extension, are those situations where the “social dreaming” is enhanced through human agency, good governance, just laws, education, and work, rather than being a divinely ordained state of nature (Schaer et al). In this way, utopian contexts are explicitly countercultural through their very conception, as human agency is required and their emphasis is on social change. These modes of resistance against dominant paradigms are most evident in attempts to realise textual projections of a better society in countercultural communal experiments. Almost immediately after its publication, More’s Utopia became the model for Bishop Vasco de Quiroga’s communitarian hospital-town Santa Fe de la Laguna in Michoacan, Mexico, established in the 1530s as a counterculture to the oppressive enslavement and massacres of the Purhépecha people by Nuno Guzmán (Green). The countercultural thrust of the 1960s and 1970s provided many utopian contexts, perhaps most readily identifiable as the intentional communities that spawned and flourished, especially in the United States, the United Kingdom, Australia, and New Zealand (Metcalf, Shared Lives). They were often inspired by texts such as Charles A. Reich’s The Greening of America (1970) and Ernest Callenbach’s Ecotopia (1975), and this convergence of textual practices and alternative lifestyles can be seen in the development of Australia’s own Rainbow Region. Located in northern New South Wales, the geographical area of the Northern Rivers that has come to be known as the Rainbow Region encompasses Byron Bay, Nimbin, Mullumbimby, Bangalow, Clunes, Dunoon, Federal, with Lismore as the region’s largest town. But more evocative than these place names are the “rivers and creeks, vivid green hills, fruit and nut farms […] bounded by subtropical beaches and rainforest mountains” (Wilson 1). Utopian by nature, and recognised as such by the indigenous Bundjalung people who inhabited it before the white settlers, whalers and dairy farmers moved in, the Rainbow Region became utopian through culture–or indeed counterculture–during the 1973 Aquarius Festival in Nimbin when the hippies of Mullumbimby and the surfers of Byron Bay were joined by up to 10,000 people seeking alternative ways of being in the world. When the party was over, many Aquarians stayed on to form intentional communities in the beautiful region, like Tuntable Falls, Nimbin’s first and largest such cooperative (Metcalf, From Utopian Dreaming to Communal Reality 74-83). In utopian contexts, from the Renaissance to the 1970s and beyond, counterculture has underpinned and alternative media has circulated the aims and ideals of the communities of resistance. The early utopian context of the Anabaptist movement has been dubbed as countercultural by Sigrun Haude: “During the reign of the Münster (1534-5) Anabaptists erected not only a religious but also a social and political counterculture to the existing order” (240). And it was this Protestant Reformation that John Downing calls the first real media war, with conflicting movements using pamphlets produced on the new technology of the Gutenberg press to disseminate their ideas (144). What is striking here is the confluence of ideas and practices at this time–countercultural ideals are articulated, published, and disseminated, printing presses make this possible, and utopian activists realise how mass media can be used and abused, exploited and censored. Twentieth century countercultural movements drew on the lessons learnt from historical uprising and revolutions, understanding the importance of getting the word out through their own forms of media which, given the subversive nature of the messages, were essentially alternative, according to the criteria proposed by Chris Atton: alternative media may be understood as a radical challenge to the professionalized and institutionalized practices of the mainstream media. Alternative media privileges a journalism that is closely wedded to notions of social responsibility, replacing an ideology of “objectivity” with overt advocacy and oppositional practices. Its practices emphasize first person, eyewitness accounts by participants; a reworking of the populist approaches of tabloid newspapers to recover a “radical popular” style of reporting; collective and antihierarchical forms of organization which eschew demarcation and specialization–and which importantly suggest an inclusive, radical form of civic journalism. (267) Nick Couldry goes further to point out the utopian processes required to identify agencies of change, including alternative media, which he defines as “practices of symbolic production which contest (in some way) media power itself–that is, the concentration of symbolic power in media institutions” (25). Alternative media’s orientation towards oppositional and contestatory practices demonstrates clear parallels between its ambitions and those of counterculture in utopian contexts. From the 1960s onwards, the upsurge in alternative newspaper numbers is commensurate with the blossoming of the counterculture and increased utopian contexts; Susan Forde describes it thus: “a huge resurgence in the popularity of publications throughout the ‘counter-culture’ days of the 1960s and 1970s” (“Monitoring the Establishment”, 114). The nexus of counterculture and alternative media in such utopian contexts is documented in texts like Roger Streitmatter’s Voices of Revolution and Bob Osterlag’s People’s Movements, People’s Press. Like the utopian newspapers that came out of 18th and 19th century intentional communities, many of the new alternative press served to educate, socialise, promote and represent the special interests of the founders and followers of the countercultural movements, often focusing on the philosophy and ideals underpinning these communities rather than the everyday events (see also Frobert). The radical press in Australia was also gaining ground, with OZ in Australia from 1963-1969, and then from 1967-1973 in London. Magazines launched by Philip Frazer like The Digger, Go-Set, Revolution and High Times, and university student newspapers were the main avenues for youth and alternative expression on the Vietnam war and conscription, gay and lesbian rights, racism, feminism and ecological activism (Forde, Challenging the News; Cock & Perry). Nimbin 1973: Rusty Miller and The Byron Express The 1973 Aquarius Festival of counterculture in Nimbin (12-23 May) was a utopian context that had an alternative media life of its own before it arrived in the Rainbow Region–in student publications like Tharnuka and newsletters distributed via the Aquarius Foundation. There were other voices that announced the coming of the Aquarius Festival to Nimbin and reported on its impact, like The Digger from Melbourne and the local paper, The Northern Star. During the Festival, the Nimbin Good Times first appeared as the daily bulletin and continues today with the original masthead drawn by the Festival’s co-organiser, Graeme Dunstan. Some interesting work has been done on this area, ranging from general studies of the Rainbow Region (Wilson; Munro-Clark) to articles analysing its alternative press (Ward & van Vuuren; Martin & Ellis), but to date, there has been no focus on the Rainbow Region’s first alternative newspaper, The Byron Express. Co-edited by Rusty Miller and David Guthrie, this paper presented and mediated the aims and desires of the Aquarian movement. Though short-lived, as only 7 issues were published from 15 February 1973 to September 1973, The Byron Express left a permanent printed vestige of the Aquarian counterculture movement’s activism and ideals from an independent regional perspective. Miller’s credentials for starting up the newspaper are clear–he has always been a trailblazer, mixing “smarts” with surfing and environmental politics. After graduating from a Bachelor of Arts in history from San Diego State College, he first set foot in Byron Bay during his two semesters with the inaugural Chapman College affiliated University of the Seven Seas in 1965-6. Returning to his hometown of Encinitas, he co-founded the Surf Research accessory company with legendary Californian surfer Mike Doyle, and launched Waxmate, the first specially formulated surf wax in 1967 (Davis, Witzig & James; Warshaw 217), selling his interest in the business soon after to spend a couple of years “living the counterculture life on the Hawaiian Island of Kauai” (Davis, Witzig & James), before heading back to Byron Bay via Bells Beach in 1970 (Miller & Shantz) and Sydney, where he worked as an advertising salesman and writer with Tracks surfing magazine (Martin & Ellis). In 1971, he was one of the first to ride the now famous waves of Uluwatu in Bali, and is captured with Steven Cooney in the iconic publicity image for Albe Falzon’s 1971 film, Morning Of The Earth. The champion surfer from the US knew a thing or two about counterculture, alternative media, advertising and business when he found his new utopian context in Byron Bay. Miller and Guthrie’s front-page editorial of the inaugural issue of The Byron Express, published on 15 February 1973, with the byline “for a higher shire”, expressed the countercultural (cl)aims of the publication. Land use, property development and the lack of concern that some people in Byron had for their impact on the environment and people of the region were a prime target: With this first issue of the Byron Express, we hope to explain that the area is badly in need of a focal point. The transitions of present are vast and moving fast. The land is being sold and resold. Lots of money is coming into the area in the way of developments […] caravan parts, hotels, businesses and real estate. Many of the trips incoming are not exactly “concerned” as to what long term effect such developments might have on the environment and its people. We hope to serve as a focus of concern and service, a centre for expression and reflection. We would ask your contributions in vocal and written form. We are ready for some sock it to ya criticism… and hope you would grab us upon the street to tell us how you feel…The mission of this alternative newspaper is thereby defined by the need for a “focal point” that inscribes the voices of the community in a freely accessible narrative, recorded in print for posterity. Although this first issue contains no mention of the Aquarius Festival, there were already rumours circulating about it, as organisers Graeme Dunstan and Johnny Allen had been up to Main Arm, Mullumbimby and Nimbin on reconnaissance missions beginning in September 1972. Instead, there was an article on “Mullumbimby Man–Close to the Land” by Nicholas Shand, who would go on to found the community-based weekly newspaper The Echo in 1986, then called The Brunswick Valley Echo and still going strong. Another by Bob McTavish asked whether there could be a better form of government; there was a surf story, and a soul food section with a recipe for honey meade entitled “Do you want to get out of it on 10 cents a bottle?” The second issue continues in much the same vein. It is not until the third issue comes out on 17 March 1973 that the Aquarius Festival is mentioned in a skinny half column on page four. And it’s not particularly promising: Arrived at Nimbin, sleepy hamlet… Office in disused R.S.L. rooms, met a couple of guys recently arrived, said nothing was being done. “Only women here, you know–no drive”. Met Joanne and Vi, both unable to say anything to be reported… Graham Dunstan (codenamed Superfest) and John Allen nowhere in sight. Allen off on trip overseas. Dunstan due back in a couple of weeks. 10 weeks to go till “they” all come… and to what… nobody is quite sure. This progress report provides a fascinating contemporary insight into the tensions–between the local surfies and hippies on one hand, and the incoming students on the other–around the organisation of the Aquarius Festival. There is an unbridled barb at the sexist comments made by the guys, implicit criticism of the absent organisers, obvious skepticism about whether anyone will actually come to the festival, and wonderment at what it will be like. Reading between the lines, we might find a feeling of resentment about not being privy to new developments in their own backyard. The final lines of the article are non-committal “Anyway, let’s see what eventuates when the Chiefs return.” It seems that all has been resolved by the fifth issue of 11 May, which is almost entirely dedicated to the Aquarius Festival with the front page headline “Welcome to the New Age”. But there is still an undertone of slight suspicion at what the newcomers to the area might mean in terms of property development: The goal is improving your fellow man’s mind and nourishment in concert with your own; competition to improve your day and the quality of the day for society. Meanwhile, what is the first thing one thinks about when he enters Byron and the area? The physical environment is so magnificent and all encompassing that it can actually hold a man’s breath back a few seconds. Then a man says, “Wow, this land is so beautiful that one could make a quid here.” And from that moment the natural aura and spells are broken and the mind lapses into speculative equations, sales projections and future interest payments. There is plenty of “love” though, in this article: “The gathering at Nimbin is the most spectacular demonstration of the faith people have in a belief that is possible (and possible just because they want it to be) to live in love, through love together.” The following article signed by Rusty Miller “A Town Together” is equally focused on love: “See what you could offer the spirit at Nimbin. It might introduce you to a style that could lead to LOVE.” The centre spread features photos: the obligatory nudes, tents, and back to nature activities, like planting and woodworking. With a text box of “random comments” including one from a Lismore executive: ‘I took my wife and kids out there last weekend and we had such a good time. Seems pretty organized and the town was loaded with love. Heard there is some hepatitis about and rumours of VD. Everyone happy.” And another from a land speculator (surely the prime target of Miller’s wrath): “Saw guys kissing girls on the street, so sweet, bought 200 acres right outside of town, it’s going to be valuable out there some day.” The interview with Johnny Allen as the centrepiece includes some pertinent commentary on the media and reveals a well-founded suspicion of the mediatisation of the Aquarius Festival: We have tried to avoid the media actually. But we haven’t succeeded in doing so. Part of the basic idea is that we don’t need to be sold. All the down town press can do is try and interpret you. And by doing that it automatically places it in the wrong sort of context. So we’ve tried to keep it to people writing about the festival to people who will be involved in it. It’s an involvement festival. Coopting The Byron Express as an “involved” party effects a fundamental shift from an external reporting newspaper to a kind of proponent or even propaganda for the Aquarius festival and its ideas, like so many utopian newspapers had done before. It is therefore perhaps inevitable that The Byron Express should disappear very soon after the Aquarius festival. Fiona Martin and Rhonda Ellis explain that Rusty Miller stopped producing the paper because he “found the production schedule exhausting and his readership too small to attract consistent advertising” (5). At any rate, there were only two more issues, one in June–with some follow up reporting of the festival–and another in September 1973, which was almost entirely devoted to environmentally focused features, including an interview with Kath Walker (Oodgeroo Noonuccal). Byron Bay 2013: Thirty Years of Rusty’s Byron Guide What Rusty did next is fairly well known locally–surfing and teaching people how to surf and a bit of writing. When major local employer Walkers slaughterhouse closed in 1983, he and his wife, social geographer Tricia Shantz, were asked by the local council to help promote Byron Bay as a tourist destination, writing the first Byron guide in 1983-4. Incorporating essays by local personalities and dedicated visitors, the Byron guide perpetuates the ideal of environmental awareness, spiritual experimentation, and respect for the land and sea. Recent contributors have included philosopher Peter Singer, political journalist Kerry O’Brien, and writer John Ralston Saul, and Miller and Shantz always have an essay in there themselves. “People, Politics and Culture” is the new byline for the 2013 edition. And Miller’s opening essay mediates the same utopian desires and environmental community messages that he espoused from the beginning of The Byron Express: The name Byron Bay represents something that we constantly try to articulate. If one was to dream up a menu of situations and conditions to compose a utopia, Australia would be the model of the nation-state and Byron would have many elements of the actual place one might wish to live for the rest of their lives. But of course there is always the danger of excesses in tropical paradises especially when they become famous destinations. Australia is being held to ransom for the ideology that we should be slaves to money and growth at the cost of a degraded and polluted physical and social environment. Byron at least was/is a refuge against this profusion of the so-called real-world perception that holds profit over environment as the way we must choose for our future. Even when writing for a much more commercial medium, Miller retains the countercultural utopian spirit that was crystallised in the Aquarius festival of 1973, and which remains relevant to many of those living in and visiting the Rainbow Region. Miller’s ethos moves beyond the alternative movements and communities to infiltrate travel writing and tourism initiatives in the area today, as evidenced in the Rusty’s Byron Guide essays. By presenting more radical discourses for a mainstream public, Miller together with Shantz have built on the participatory role that he played in launching the region’s first alternative newspaper in 1973 that became albeit briefly the equivalent of a countercultural utopian gazette. Now, he and Shantz effectively play the same role, producing a kind of countercultural form of utopian media for Byron Bay that corresponds to exactly the same criteria mentioned above. Through their free publication, they aim to educate, socialise, promote and represent the special interests of the founders and followers of the Rainbow Region, focusing on the philosophy and ideals underpinning these communities rather than the everyday events. 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