Teses / dissertações: "Welfare state – canada – history"

1

DRISSI, Mounia. "Students’ aid policies: a comparative mixed-method study of two federal cases". Doctoral thesis, Scuola Normale Superiore, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11384/91065.

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In the last decades, OECD countries witnessed more than one way of designing students’ aid policies, under a predominant trend of decentralizing their governance. However, this decentralizing process carried the seeds of its own contradictions. The central paradox is that these policies remained multi-issue and multi-actor, making them likely to fall under the double-hand of different governmental levels. Federal countries constitute a laboratory to study the “decentralization experiment” in its absurdity. For this reason, the PhD project proposes a comparison between two federal cases (i.e. the United States and Canada), and in time (between 1930 and 2018), using a mixed-method. The analysis is also extended in a discussion of four embedded deviant case studies (Alaska, New York, Prince Edward Island and Quebec). Albeit usually simplified as paradigmatic cases for liberal, elitist, loan-oriented and tightfisted aid systems, the United States and Canada have proved to be more generous over student aid than what is expected from their respective welfare regime. Nevertheless, behind this engagement, I uncover an intergovernmental contention of powers and responsibilities embedded within deeply rooted federal institutions. With a focus on federal structures and dynamics, I also reveal potential political and economic incentives behind student aid. Beyond the common belief that students’ aid exists solely to help students, the thesis shows how these policies might be more grounded in institutional factors than student- related considerations.

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2

McEwen, Nicola. "State welfare nationalism : the territorial impact of welfare state development in Scotland and Quebec". Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390745.

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3

Barrasso, Graziella. "Neoconservatism, the welfare state, and aboriginals in Canada". Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/6476.

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4

Maceira, Emanuel Angel. "Leading Strings: An Economic History of America's Welfare State". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/339.

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The purpose of this paper is to analyze the series of events and legislation that has led to the current system of welfare and wealth redistribution in the United State. I begin with a background of the origins of the welfare state in England and the United States, and discuss the social movements which gave rise to the modern welfare state. I discuss how wars, economic theories, and recessions have influenced policy, and how such policy has affected poverty and unemployment rates since the Great Depression. I have found that social welfare spending has steadily increased since the Great Depression, and that the current trend of deficit spending and expansion of the social safety-net is a product of the legislation passed during the Great Depression and the ‘Great Society’ of the 1960s. Although there have been many attempts to secure a minimum standard of living through social welfare spending, the problems of poverty and unemployment persist.

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5

Mulvale, James P. "Beyond the Keynesian welfare state : progressive movements and new directions in social policy in Canada /". *McMaster only, 1998.

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6

Bouma, Lisa C. "Retirement income policies and welfare state retrenchment: a comparative study of Canada, Sweden and the Netherlands /". Burnaby B.C. : Simon Fraser University, 2005. http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/2305.

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7

Larsson, Jenny. "The Forgotten Societies of the Welfare State : The Society of Stråssa and its Build-up, put in a Wider Perspective of the Welfare State of Sweden". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-411471.

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This thesis shows the build-up of a society in the golden days of the welfare state of Sweden. Stråssa, a small society built up around one big employer – the mine, owned by the Grängesbergsbolaget – is used as a case-study, put in the larger perspective of the welfare state and its values. The mine was re-opened in 1959 and the research period is 1949-1965. This research has three layers, (1) the welfare state (2) the municipality and the company and (3) the citizens. The research shows how the foundry spirit lives longer than expected in the welfare state during a period when the municipality has gotten great responsibilities by the state. Here the municipality and the citizens still have expectations on the big employer of the area to finance the build-up, both regarding the housing- and the leisure time-questions, responsibilities that were put on the municipalities under this era.

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8

Lakomaa, Erik. "The economic psychology of the welfare state". Doctoral thesis, Stockholm : Economic Research Institute, Stockholm School of Economics (EFI), 2008. http://www2.hhs.se/efi/summary/774.htm.

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9

Osborne, Geraint B. "The emergence of a nationalizing Canadian state in a geopolitical context : 1896-1911". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0020/NQ44543.pdf.

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10

Tait, Irvine Wallace. "Voluntarism and the state in British social welfare 1914-1939". Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1995. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/5065/.

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The New Right's critique of the welfare state has generated considerable interest in the history of alternative forms of welfare provision. Recent work has focused upon the continued existence of voluntarism alongside the growth of twentieth century state welfare. In doing this, it has reacted against the tendency of post-war social welfare writing to concentrate exclusively on the statutory social services. This thesis, therefore, adds to a growing body of writing on inter-war voluntary social action. However, it differs from the work of others by focusing upon the interplay of voluntary and statutory sectors in the face of war, industrial unrest and mass unemployment: in other words the upheavals of the early twentieth century. The main body of the research not only deals with the part played by both sectors in the delivery of social services, but also places voluntarism in a wider social context by exploring its ideological response to working-class assertiveness. Indeed, the belief in a British national community with interests that transcended class or sectional divisions was a common feature in voluntarism's attitude towards the above challenges and their implications for social stability. Thus, by highlighting the class objectives of the middle-class volunteer, this thesis avoids treating voluntary groups as simply the deliverers of social services in partnership with the state. As middle-class organisations operating within civil society, the charities covered in the pages ahead are placed alongside the state and capital in the defence of the existing economic and social order. Differences may have existed amongst charities over the correct mix in the statutory-voluntary welfare mix, but, as this thesis seeks to prove, this should not blind us to voluntarism's commitment to an over riding class interest.

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11

Bond, Marcia G. "Restructuring the welfare state, the targeting of the public housing systems in Britain and Canada". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MM16097.pdf.

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12

Mulvale, James Patrick. "Beyond the Keynesian welfare state, progressive movements and new directions in social policy in Canada". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0026/NQ51006.pdf.

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13

Bartley, Allan 1950. "Ottawa ways : the state, bureaucracy and broadcasting, 1955- 1968". Thesis, McGill University, 1990. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=74328.

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The dissertation develops a theory-based, state-centered revisionist explanation of the development of Canadian broadcasting policy during the years 1955 to 1968. The hypothesis contends that state officials seek their own preferred policy outcomes rather than reflecting the preferences of societal actors. The concept of decision points is used to explore the origins of the 1958 Broadcasting Act and the 1968 Broadcasting Act. The evidence suggests the content of these measures was largely determined by bureaucratic actors. Two aspects of the 1968 legislation (the power to approve broadcasting licenses and extension of broadcasting regulatory jurisdiction to cable television) are examined in detail. In both cases, the evidence points to the decisive role of state rather than societal actors in the policy process. Confirmation of the central hypothesis raises questions about society-centered theories of the democratic state.

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14

Keysor, Angela Miller. "Community care before the rise of the welfare state: Charlestown, Massachusetts, 1730-1820". Diss., University of Iowa, 2013. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/6446.

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This is a study of eighteenth-century local care networks in Charlestown, Massachusetts. The letters and petitions of desperate women and men document the channels those in need travelled. Details of sufferers' lives and their interactions with town authorities and care providers illuminate community-based relief pathways. Mapping the geography of poor relief through the experiences of individuals illuminate vibrant networks of local relief channels that sufferers not only knew about, but contributed to in an active way.

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15

MacDonald, Fiona Lisa. "The neoliberal state and multiculturalism : the need for democratic accountability". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/1408.

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This project outlines the existence of neoliberal multiculturalism and identifies the implications and limitations of its practice. Neoliberal multiculturalism involves the institutionalization of group autonomy by the state to download responsibility to jurisdictions that have historically lacked sufficient fiscal capacity and have been hampered by colonialism in the development of the political capacity necessary to fully meet the requirements entailed by the devolution. At the same time, this practice releases the formerly responsible jurisdiction from the political burden of the policy area(s) despite its continued influence and effect. As demonstrated by my analysis of the Indigenous child welfare devolution that has occurred recently in Manitoba, neoliberal multiculturalism therefore involves a certain kind of “privatization”—that is, it involves the appearance of state distance from said policy area. This practice problematizes the traceability of power and decision making while at the same time it co-opts and in many ways neutralizes demands from critics of the state by giving the appearance of state concession to these demands. In response to the dangers of neoliberal multiculturalism, I situate multiculturalism in a robustly political model of democratic multi-nationalism (characterized by both agonism and deliberation) in order to combat multiculturalism’s tendency simply to rationalize “privatization” and to enhance democratic accountability. My approach goes beyond dominant constructions of group autonomy through group rights by emphasizing that autonomy is a relational political practice rather than a resource distributed by a benevolent state. Building on my analysis of Indigenous autonomy and the unique challenges that it presents for traditional democratic practices, I outline a contextually sensitive, case-specific employment of what I term “democratic multi-nationalism”. This approach conceives of Indigenous issues as inherently political in nature, as opposed to culturally defined and constituted, and therefore better meets the challenges of the colonial legacy and context of deep difference in which Indigenous-state relations take place today.

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16

Low, Murray McIntosh. "The social democratic model and the American states : a study in welfare state geography /". The Ohio State University, 1993. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487848078451513.

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17

White, Linda Ann. "Welfare state development and child care policies, a comparative analysis of France, Canada, and the United States". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0005/NQ35368.pdf.

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18

Hollingsworth, John (John William) Carleton University Dissertation Political Economy. "'Hard times' in the 'New times'; the institutional contradictions of an emergent local workfare state (Ontario works in Ottawa, Ontario, Canada)". Ottawa, 2000.

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19

Wells, David. "Political stability and structural dependency in Argentina and Canada, a comparative study in Welfare State development, 1930-1970". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq24267.pdf.

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20

Bennett-Ruete, Jackie. "A social history of Bad Ems : spa culture and the welfare state in Germany". Thesis, University of Warwick, 1987. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/66766/.

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This thesis is about the spa town of Bad Ems in West Germany - its social and economic development. It analyses the town's rise to fame as a fashionable centre for relaxation and recuperation and the emergence of a 'spa culture' in the nineteenth century. It also studies the impact of the gradual 'democratisation' of cures i.e. how spa towns like Bad Ems changed in this century with the increase in the number of cure-guests funded by the statutory insurance bodies. This inevitably involves an examination of the system of national health provision from the late 19th century and the incorporation of spa treatment into benefit schemes. The subsequent analysis of medical knowledge and opinion, with particular reference to spa remedies and treatment considers both medical practitioners in Bad Ems and the development of the science of balneology over the past one hundred and fifty years. This analysis includes the debates and arguments about the modern cure and the growing concern since the Second World War with the efficiency and effectiveness of social insurance cures. Finally, this study looks at the cure-takers themselves, both in their relationship with the medical profession and their experience of spa life. Because no comprehensive study of Germany's spas has been attempted, this thesis aims to bring together different perspectives adopted by various disciplines. However, given the present state of research, it seemed that the only viable approach would be through a case study which analyses the town of Bad Ems at a grass-root level, though without ignoring the impact of national events and policies in Germany on cure-taking and spa culture. The findings of the research indicate that the introduction of cures as a benefit of national welfare policies ensured the survival of spas as health centres. No less importantly, today a cure is no longer the preserve of a wealthy elite as in the 19th century but available to all Germans. The success of cures in Germany today would also seem to reflect a culturally specific attitude to health and illness which stands in marked contrast to that in this country where spas have declined and where there is little interest in the forms of treatment offered by mineral springs and thermal waters.

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21

MacDonald, Keith D. "An Archaeological Analysis of Canadian Immigration Legislation: From Welfare State Liability to Neo-Liberal Subject". Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/19860.

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This study analyzes the three most recent pieces of Canadian immigration legislation: the Immigration Act of 1952, the Immigration Act of 1976, and the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act of 2001 (herein referred to collectively as the documents). The intent is to contribute to the archaeology of immigration in Canadian Federal legislation, and more specifically, to the ways that the immigration applicant, immigrant, and the immigration process in Canada, have been constituted over time. This project uses a modified version of Jean Carabine’s (2001) method of Foucauldian discourse analysis to articulate the various meanings and potential effects that are produced in the documents. The work of Michel Foucault and the governmentality approach is then applied to make sense of these findings. Two main conclusions are generated. The first details how elements of state racism and bio-nationalism are apparent in all three acts, and must be regarded as complimentary to one another, as they co-exist and operate together on different planes. The second discusses a shift in the documents from a focus on welfare rationalities, to neo-liberal rationalities, using the example of the shifting portrayal of the immigrant (and immigration applicant) from someone with the potential to become a liability to the welfare state, to a neo-liberal subject.

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22

Hagen, Johannes. "A History of the Swedish Pension System". Uppsala universitet, UCFS, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-199825.

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This report provides an extensive overview of the history of the Swedish pension system. Starting with the implementation of the world's first universal public pension system in 1913, the report discusses the political as well as the economic background to each major public pension reform up until today. It presents the rules and the institutional details of these reforms and discuss their implications for retirement behavior, the general state of the economy and the political environment. Parallel to the development of the public pension system, a comprehensive and quite complex occupational pension system has emerged. This report describes the historical background and the institutional details of the four largest agreement-based occupational pension schemes in Sweden.

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23

Deans, Tom. "The relationship between charity and the state in Britain and Canada : with particular reference to the case of medical research". Thesis, University of Warwick, 1988. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/99191/.

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This thesis examines relations between charities and the state in Britain and Canada: it challenges a common view that government responsibility for welfare provision in this century has rendered charities relatively insignificant and isolated from the political process in both countries. By focusing specifically on medical research charities, evidence is presented to show that lobbying has become an increasingly important aspect of their activity, in spite of legal limitations restricting much of their involvement in the policy process. It is concluded that the law restricting charities from engaging in political activities has had limited success both because of its 'vagueness' and poor enforcement. The only countervailing force keeping medical research charities 'out of politics' to any significant degree has come from volunteers and the donating public, but, even they have had only a limited impact. The degree of political involvement by a charity is now contingent on the policy area in which it operates, the degree of 'hostility' of government policy towards the organisation and its objectives as well as the charity's financial resources. In light of cut-backs in government expenditure to medical research in the 1980s, of the need to co-ordinate scientific investigations, and of pressures from some volunteers to represent the interests of disease sufferers, as well as a number of other factors, British and Canadian medical research charities have been drawn increasingly into the political process. This evidence suggests that charity-state relations have changed dramatically since the 19th century when charities not only resisted state encroachment into many areas of social welfare, but devoted much of their resources towards encouraging state withdrawal from areas where tax revenues were already being applied. Now charities frequently criticize government policies aimed at cutting-back state funding for programmes in policy areas where charities are operating and also propose new legislation to ensure minimum levels and quality of state-funded services. Given this, the nature of charity-state relations has changed dramatically and has created difficulties for legislators who have had to reconcile the non-political qualities of philanthropy- including altruism, and community participation - with the reality that much charitable activity is devoted to participating in the policy process. In conclusion the blurring of the distinction between philanthropy and politics has meant that charities have begun to resemble more traditional forms of interest groups while at the same time maintaining their privileged 'tax exempt status'. This is a particularly interesting development given that many British and Canadian medical research charities have been co-opted by pharmaceutical companies to participate in a number of that industry's lobbying campaigns in return for corporate donations.

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24

Duru, Edward K. "The liberal welfare state and the politics of pension reform : a comparative analysis of Canada and the United Kingdom". Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2006. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/4351/.

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The provision of state pensions in the advanced countries faces two significant and reinforcing challenges. Demographic change and global economic pressure impact the provision of public pensions by increasing social spending and depending on the method of financing, the base of government’s revenues from which these programmes are funded. Countries belonging to the liberal welfare model, such as the UK and Canada, hold a common view on the primacy of the market and actively adapt measures that keep social benefits modest. Yet the reforms adopted by the UK and Canadian government reveal divergence. This presents a puzzle as the welfare state literature predicts convergence. Canada with its small domestic market and open economy has greater exposure to risks of globalisation than the UK, but it is the UK and not Canada that adopted the more radical reforms. To explain this puzzle, this thesis examines four cases: two different pensions’ schemes in each of the two countries – Canada and the UK. The thesis argues that the concentration of political authority is central to explaining the variation, although not the sole factor.

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25

Nazemi, Shahriar. "Revocation of Citizenship in Canada: A Criminological Reading of a Tension Between Rights and Obligations in Conceptions of Citizenship". Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/38999.

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This research explores the political debates surrounding changes in the law regulating citizenship revocation in Canada and how they reflect the tensions in the meaning of citizenship for dual national citizens. Borrowing from citizenship studies and critical criminology, the main argument in this thesis is that Bill C-24 seems to be an attempt on part of the Conservative Party to recalibrate the meaning of citizenship from a more liberal understanding (based on civic rights) to one that is more republican (based on civic duty). This research also demonstrates how this recalibration in the conception of citizenship from a more liberal notion to a more republican one parallels the shift in crime control policies of the state that were geared more toward prioritizing the welfare and equality of all citizens under the law in the 1960s-70s to ones that are presently oriented toward punishment, control and management of “dangerous groups”. The scholarly literature suggests that the modern conception of citizenship tends to draw from the republican and liberal traditions that are complementary but are also in tension, and the recent political discussions surrounding citizenship involves arguing for the best balance between rights and responsibilities of citizens. The analysis of the parliamentary debates surrounding Bill C-24 reveals that, in light of Canada’s current political landscape that is heavily influenced by penal-populist notions of punishing the offender populations and making “responsibilized” citizens, the pendulum of citizenship is generally being tilted toward the republican model (based on restoration of civic duties of citizens to the state and their fellow citizens) more so than the liberal model (based on preserving the welfare, liberty and equality of all citizens under the law).

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26

Black, Elizabeth Leslie. "Older people in Scotland : family, work and retirement and the Welfare State from 1845 to 1999". Thesis, St Andrews, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/561.

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27

Velasco, Gustavo. "Natural resources, state formation and the institutions of settler capitalism : the case of Western Canada, 1850-1914". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3437/.

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A renewed discussion about inequality and economic divergence between countries has re-introduced the debate about the role played by natural resources, geography and the institutions of settler capitalism as promoters of growth and development in the long-term. Countries like Canada, Argentina, Australia and New Zealand, among others, expanded their frontiers of settlement, created important infrastructural transformations, received millions of immigrants and capital and became the most important producers of natural resources for exports during the first era of globalization (c. 1850-1914). Comparative studies that study these countries’ development have particularly praised the democratic distribution of land in small lots, like in the United States and Canada, which created a class of successful farmers. With the help of Geographic Information system (GIS), this dissertation revisits the political economy of Western Canada settlement by using a historical economic geography approach. Previous investigations on Western Canada settlement used decennial census records to estimate where settlers established themselves. This method is problematic as the expansion of the frontier of settlement happened on a very dynamic period where settlers moved frequently from one region to another. The use of annual postal records, instead, provides a more complete understanding of the region. As postal facilities opened where immigrants had already established themselves, the location of post offices gives a more nuanced understanding of the evolution of the frontier of settlement. This study reconstructed the historical postal and railroad networks that revealed an uneven pattern of settlement with more details. Similarly, by analyzing updated homesteads entries and cancellations data during the period, this dissertation found that farmers’ failures were more frequent than the classical literature assumed, particularly after the 1890s, a period scholars regarded as one of more stable settlement. The production of space and the formation of the institutions in Western Canada from the 1850s to 1914 shows the dynamic of capitalist expansion and natural resources exploitation in a new territory. The location of post offices helps to understand in a granular form the uneven development of regions and the emergence of small communities that later became nodes of an important railroad network.

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Jones, Carolyn G. "The Canada-U.S. free trade agreement and the auto pact : a history of the automotive provisions and an examination of the state of the Canadian automotive industry /". Thesis, This resource online, 1990. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-03042009-040353/.

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29

Springfield, Martin G. "Revenue first, temperance second| Jean Sheppard, repeal and the creation of the New York State Liquor Authority, 1930-1934". Thesis, State University of New York at Albany, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1543767.

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The amending of the Volstead Act and repeal of national prohibition did not answer the "liquor question" but passed the issue to the states. This thesis examines New York's reaction to the change in national alcohol policy and the states decision to legalize and regulate the beverage with the establishment of the New York State Liquor Authority. It traces the activities of Jean Sheppard who led the state division of the Women's Organization for National Prohibition Reform (WONPR) and became one of the key architects of New York's modern alcohol control system. As an expert in alcohol control policies Sheppard developed a plan she believed would be respected by the public while also mitigating the problems associated with alcohol. Sheppard proposed an elaborate system of control which made temperance the objective. Through her position as Chairman of the New York State WONPR Sheppard gained the attention of Governor Herbert H. Lehman who nominated her to the New York State (Conway) Commission on Alcoholic Beverage Control Legislation. As a member of the Commission and then the New York State Alcohol Beverage Control Board, Sheppard was given the opportunity to propose her theories on control. The final legislation creating the New York State Liquor Authority embodied Sheppard's plan in regards to administrative structure but fell well short of her dream of a system that used the full power of the state to put temperance ahead of revenue.

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Belfrage, Claes Axel. "The neoliberal restructuring of the welfare state : pension system reform in Sweden : a critical case study". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2008. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/7307/.

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This thesis draws on the 'critical case' of Sweden and focuses on the provision of pensions to assess the extent to which the post-war social democratic regime and adherent meanings and practices in daily life have been transformed in a neoliberal direction. The Swedish economy of the late 1990s, still distinctly social democratic, although retrenched and increasingly 'financialised', was not stable. The 1999 pension reform has further privatised financial risk and hence potentially advanced neoliberalism. By subjecting the ability to consume, in working-life as well as m retirement, to financial market performance, the rate of growth of inequity 1s accelerated. The systemic infrastructure and the knowledge-formation required for this pension system to function as intended as well as be accepted as legitimate seem however to be lacking. The system engineers, following neoliberal ideas, sought to fulfil the objective of institutionalising a mass investment culture in the everyday by promoting the notion of risk as potentially profitable if managed well. Yet, as argued in the thesis, due to their politico-ideological preferences, they underestimated the resilience of existing demographic and geographical cleavages formed by the traumas and desires provoked by economic restructuring and financialisation in the post-war period. By analysing subject-formation in the everyday, the thesis shows that for a finance-led accumulation regime to be stable in Sweden, these cleavages and inadequacies have to be regulated. The new pension system in Sweden thus points to the tendential microfoundational limits of the projects of neoliberalism and financialisation.

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31

Green, Donna L. "The sustainability of the social democratic welfare state in recessionary periods : a case study of Barbados 1974-1994". Thesis, University of Warwick, 2014. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/72937/.

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This thesis examines the factors and forces which contributed to the continued existence of Barbados’ social democratic welfare development model, despite changes in the global economy which favoured neoliberal policies promoted by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. This is achieved through an assessment of three World Bank funded education projects which were negotiated and implemented from 1974 to 1994. During this period the Government of Barbados also entered into three stabilisation programmes and a structural adjustment loan with the International Monetary Fund. These periods create the ideal analytical platform to investigate the impact of, and resistance to, the neoliberal ideology espoused by the World Bank and the IMF on Small Island Developing States. The thesis therefore contributes to the dearth of information on the welfare states in developing countries and highlights the importance of understanding the socio-political history, especially the role of colonialism, when assessing the emergence of social policy and planning in the global South. A thorough investigation of this period (1974 to 1994) was conducted, and the data collected from interviews and public archives disclosed that in times of crisis the social democratic welfare state model is challenged but it is the labour unions who strategically organise themselves to confront what they perceive as a movement away from the core principles of the model. They confront both the local policymakers and the international financial institutions. This study therefore demonstrates that even in difficult times some level of agency can still be expressed. This however, in the case of Barbados, did not happen at the level of the technocrats but from the level of organised labour. The case of the labour movement in Barbados, specifically the teachers’ unions (Barbados Union of Teachers and the Barbados Secondary Teachers’ Union) demonstrated that at the height of the neoliberal agenda organised labour was and still is significant in determining the direction of state policy.

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32

Peterson, Anna M. "The Birth of a Welfare State: Feminists, Midwives, Working Women and the Fight for Norwegian Maternity Leave, 1880-1940". The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1373297278.

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33

Cole, Michael. "Racism, history and educational policy : from the origins of the Welfare State to the rise of the radical right". Thesis, University of Essex, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.315729.

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34

Briggs, Catherine. "Fighting for women's equality, the federal Women's Bureau, 1945-1967 : an example of early state feminism in Canada". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/NQ60524.pdf.

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35

Black, Victoria Lynn. "Taking care of baby: Chilean state-making, international relationsand the gendered body politic, 1912-1970". Diss., The University of Arizona, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/289843.

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Starting in the early 1900s, Chileans began to address skyrocketing levels of infant mortality. Committed to establishing state welfare policies, health scientists led campaigns to improve infant health. They concentrated on reforming working class maternity. This began a historical connection among health science, public welfare and indigent mothers in Chile. Looking to expand their international role in medical philanthropy in the 1930s, the Rockefeller Foundation invested heavily in Chilean medicine. Following suggestions by leftist physicians, North American philanthropists expanded maternal and child health care. From the 1930s through the 1940s, Chilean and U.S. health professionals further collaborated to reform medical education, build schools of medicine, establish public clinics, open research centers and provide public health education. Cooperation between Chilean leftists and representatives of the Rockefeller Foundation finally succeeded in socializing medicine in 1952. The National Health Service constituted a significant part of Chile's growing welfare system. Supported by the Rockefeller Foundation and Chilean government, state medicine continued to focus on working class women and infants. Leaders from the Rockefeller Foundation's International Health Division attempted to limit their role in Chilean medicine as early as 1940. After helping Chileans to expand public health, Foundation leaders planned to withdraw from Chile. Prominent nationals, particularly leftist health scientists connected with socialized medicine, strongly protested this departure. Mutual interest between Chilean and North American health scientists in family planning persuaded the Rockefeller Foundation to remain. North Americans connected to the Rockefeller Foundation and wealthy Chileans feared social problems caused by burgeoning population. Leftists in the Chilean government worried that public funds could not match popular demand for state services. Population control advocates from the U.S., in turn, feared that growing populations in developing countries would consume world resources. Working with like-minded nationals, North American philanthropists, academics, diplomats and politicians instituted family planning in Chile. Population programs based on the mass distribution and study of previously untested intrauterine devices mushroomed. Pressure from the newly elected Communist president, Salvador Allende, as well as high-ranking U.S. politicians finally ended Chilean population control programs in the early 1970s.

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Abel, Karin M. "Private or Public Insurance? The Institutional History of Health Care in the United States and the United Kingdom". DigitalCommons@USU, 2010. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/819.

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The primary question at issue in this paper is the following: given the similarities between the two countries with regard to welfare state institutions, why have the United States and the United Kingdom diverged on the issue of health care? Drawing on sociological institutionalism, a branch of the new institutionalist paradigm, this paper provides an answer to this question: during the formative years of the health care stories in the two countries, variations in institutional and cultural conditions produced contrasting policy outcomes. More specifically, this paper discusses how the combination of institutions (political, labor, and medical) and culture led to private insurance in the United States and public insurance in the United Kingdom. Of course, this paper has implications for several areas of scholarship, as well as for current policy debates on a wide range of issues.

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Gabillet, Fabien. "La vraie France est au Canada!, les échos de la séparation de l'Église et de l'État de 1905 dans la presse canadienne-française". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/MQ57863.pdf.

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Neij, Max. "Sinnesslö, sinnessjuk & asocial : En kartläggning och analys av den rashygieniska steriliseringsdebatten under 1900-talets Sverige". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för kulturvetenskaper (KV), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-76838.

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In 1997 the journalist and author Maciej Zaremba published an article in the Swedish newspaper Dagens Nyheter. The article drew associations between racial biology, eugenics and the Swedish social democratic governance. Zaremba’s article presented records from a period of forty years when over 60 000 people of the Swedish population were sterilized. The records showed that many of them were executed under questionable circumstances. Zaremba woke a debate within the Swedish mass media with the intended goal to foil the general view of the Swedish state of welfare. In this study the debate that led to the laws of sterilization will be investigated to provide answers if the motives behind the law were based on eugenic motives. Furthermore, any disagreements between the different parties in the parliament are analyzed. Previous published research in the field evolves around the origin and the consequences of the Swedish sterilization laws however, the analysis of the argumentation that led to the creation of the regulations seems to be missing. The empirical data is gathered through qualitative research of parliament protocols and newspapers followed by an analysis based on Foucaults concept of bio power. The model for a power analysis by Axelsson and Qvarsebos have been used to concretize the concept of bio power. The analysis shows that the arguments were often rooted in eugenic thoughts and beliefs. The overall purpose was to improve the human race through the fabrication of sterilizations.

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Diwan, Naazneen S. "Female Legal Subjects And Excused Violence: Male Collective Welfare Through State-Sanctioned Discipline In The Levantine French Mandate And Metropolis". Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1222186748.

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Eaton, Lisa Jean. "Policy adoption by state governments| An event history analysis of factors influencing states to enact inpatient health care transparency laws". Thesis, The Florida State University, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3564876.

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This dissertation provides an analysis and evaluation of factors influencing states to enact inpatient health care transparency laws between 1971 and 2006 inclusive, using event history analysis. The primary research question investigates "What factors influence a state legislature to enact a health care transparency law?" To narrow the scope of study, I focus on factors influencing states to enact health care transparency laws to collect and publicly report inpatient data.

The Unified Model of State Policy Innovation, developed by F.S. Berry and W.D. Berry (1990, 1999), provides the framework for the study hypotheses and the analysis of inpatient health care transparency law enactments by states. The Unified Model of State Policy Innovation posits a unified explanation for state policy adoptions. The model unifies the internal determinants and regional diffusion approaches of analysis for state policy adoption.

This study tests eight hypotheses using event history analysis (EHA). EHA is an analytical technique that allows for the testing of a state government innovation theory that incorporates internal determinants and regional influences on state policy adoption. Although there are numerous methods to conduct event history analysis, this study uses the Cox proportional hazards model (also known as Cox regression). Cox regression is a popular method for studying time-to-event data for policy adoption and diffusion studies. This study's quantitative analysis provides support for legislative ideology and unified party control of state government acting as factors influencing inpatient health care transparency law enactments by states. Additionally, the health care crisis and neighbors variables were statistically significant, but in an opposite direction than predicted.

The findings of this research suggest that state adopters of an inpatient health care transparency law are more likely to enact an inpatient health care transparency law when the state government is increasing in liberalism and when unified political party control of the governor and the governorship of both houses of the state legislature is increasing.

To generate new insights into the enactment of inpatient health care transparency laws, I conduct a case study of a national health care data professional association using several techniques, including telephone interviews. The qualitative analysis provides support for professional associations and policy champions as diffusion agents for inpatient health care transparency law enactments by states.

This dissertation supports variables traditionally used in policy adoption research including legislative ideology and unified political party control in state government. However, it will be interesting to see whether internal determinants such as professional associations gain traction over the traditional regional diffusion influences such as states sharing borders as factors influencing state policy adoption. Meanwhile, as evidenced in this study, there continues to be support for a model incorporating both internal and regional influences to explain policy adoption by states. The theory of policy innovation and diffusion to predict the factors influencing the spread of policies and the use of Berry & Berry's (1990, 1999) Unified Model of State Policy Innovation prosper as their applicability to numerous public policy areas, including health care, are continually demonstrated. Similarly, event history analysis and specifically the Cox regression method continue to gain support as their value as analytical methods and appropriateness for use in public policy studies is repeatedly demonstrated.

The outlook for the future of the health care transparency movement looks promising. The health care transparency movement promotes improved access to information, patient empowerment, improved patient safety and quality of care, improved provider accountability, and lower health care costs. This movement is not a fad, but rather a permanent change being implemented in all health care settings across the United States. Improved health through reliable, accessible data and data-supported decisions is increasingly becoming the norm and less an idealistic scenario to be realized in the distant future.

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Bredin, Robin. "Struggling with diversity, the state education of the pluralistic, Upper Canadian population, 1791-1841". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape3/PQDD_0018/NQ50010.pdf.

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Bolling, Hans. "Sin egen hälsas smed : Idéer, initiativ och organisationer inom svensk motionsidrott 1945–1981". Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-621.

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This dissertation studies the spread of sports for all in Sweden during the years 1945 to 1981. The purposes of the dissertation are twofold: in part to survey the forms of physical activities which were launched as sports for all after 1945, in part to answer the question: Why have almost all voluntarily organized sports in Sweden been part of one organization since the 1970s? In order to handle the diversities of activities that can fall within the concept of sport, two principal abstractions of the concept are used: one rigorous and one flexible. Which definition one uses influences how physical activities are organized in a society. Earlier research into the history of the Swedish sports movement has concluded that it has had a relatively high degree of autonomy in relation to the state. This finding is questioned in this dissertation. Sveriges Riksidrottsförbund (RF) was the largest Swedish sports organization throughout the 20th century and at same time the organization the government relied on to develop sports policies and distribute the financial contribution from the state to the sports movement. This means that RF has played two roles, as an umbrella organization within the Swedish sports movement and as leader of the organizations within the Swedish sports movement, popular movement and semi-public authority. The dissertation shows that the two roles, that RF played, have caused conflicts of interest within the organization. That is made plain when one studies the spread of sports for all. Most members of the organization just wanted to practise different sports and were not interested in the leading organization’s desire to promote a great many different kinds of physical acitivites according to a flexible concept of sport. These members were not interested in strengthening the organization’s leading position within sports. There are not many conceptions that are so universally and uncritically accepted as the conception of the connection between physical activity and health. Sports for all came to age in a society where more and more people were told to use part of their leisure time to take part in physical activities. A societal consensus prevailed that the population’s health was on the decline due to the increased standard of living, which was creating an inactive and unhealthy population. This has meant that sports for all have been an asset of power for the sports organizations and that they have fought for authority and control over sports for all; a struggle fought over the language and thoughts as much as over sport activities. Since 1945 large campaigns to get the population to become more physically active irrespective of physical ability have been common.

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Stolpe, Christoffer. "Välfärd eller tillväxt? : Idéanalytisk studie av socialdemokratiska argument och motiveringar för respektive mot en ny ekonomisk politik 1990–1992". Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Institutionen för kultur och samhälle, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-36443.

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In 1982, when the Social Democrats returned to power, they had two goals. One was to increase the growth in the economy, another to decrease the public debt. This led to a new economic policy for the Social Democrats. The new economic policy was influenced by the neoliberal ideology that started to spread throughout the world from the late 1970s. The purpose of this study is to examine if the Social Democrats favoured economic growth over welfare, fair distribution and state ownership. The results of the study was analyzed with the use of Hiroto Tsukadas Welfare State Theory. The theory claims that politicians favour investments over welfare because welfare consumption decreases economic growth. The empirical analysis is based on parliament debates, party and union congresses, policy programs and memoirs. The results show that the arguments from leading social democrats were pro-growth and for investments over welfare spending and fair distribution policy.

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Du, Toit Marijke. "Women, welfare and the nurturing of Afrikaner nationalism : a social history of the Afrikaanse Christelike Vroue Vereniging, c.1870-1939". Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/26212.

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This thesis focuses on the Afrikaans Christian Women's Organisation (ACVV), placed within the context of Afrikaner nationalist activity, and traces the variety of ways in which white, Afrikaans, middle-class women sought to construct a racially exclusive 'Afrikaner' people. Stereotypical portrayals of Afrikaner women as passive followers of an ideology constructed by men are challenged. The gendered construction of nationalism is initially examined by tracing the transition from a religious, evangelical, late nineteenth century gender discourse to an increasingly explicit Afrikaner nationalist discourse in the early twentieth century. The ACVV participated in the construction of a popular Afrikaner nationalist culture that portrayed Afrikaans women as mothers of the people or volksmoeders. The first ACVV leaders were acutely aware of the 'New Women' who abandoned conventional notions of femininity - they tried to construct a public, political identity for Afrikaans women that met the challenges of the 'modern' world, yet remained true to Afrikaner 'tradition'. The ACVV sought to fashion Afrikaans whites into 'Afrikaners' through philanthropic activity. At first, this was especially true of rural branches, but from the early 1920s, Cape Town's ACVV also responded to the growing influx of 'poor whites' by focusing specifically on social welfare work. One particular concern was the danger that women working together with blacks posed for the volk. Research on the ACVV's philanthropy is complemented by a study of the lives of landless and impoverished whites in the Cape countryside and Cape Town. Archival material and 'life history' interviews are used to explore the working lives of white, Afrikaans-speaking women who moved from rural areas to Cape Town during the 1920s and 1930s. Complex and contradictory strands made up the private and political lives of female Afrikaner nationalists. During the 1920s, they sought to create a political role for themselves by constructing a 'maternalist', nationalist discourse that articulated the notion of separate spheres for men and women -but extended vrouesake (women's issues). In many ways these were conservative women - yet they adjusted, even challenged, conventional gender roles in Afrikaans communities. In the 1930s, the four provincial Afrikaans women's welfare organisations sought to shape state-subsidised social welfare programmes. The ACVV and its sister organisations had increasingly fraught dealings with Afrikaner nationalist men in the state and church. who did not share the women's vision of female leadership in social welfare policy.

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Hollow, Matthew. "Housing needs : power, subjectivity and public housing in England, 1920-1970". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9e2e2766-9360-4fb6-bf9e-39386b18e7fd.

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This thesis addresses two key questions: First, how did those involved in the provision of public housing in twentieth-century England conceptualise the people who they were providing houses for? Second, how did their ideas change over time? These questions are important and need answering because, although there has been a great deal written about the history of public housing in England, there has up until now been very little thought given to the manner in which the council estate tenants themselves were actually identified and conceptualised as subjects in need of state-funded housing. My thesis begins to redress this imbalance by providing an overview of the changing forms and practices through which prospective tenants were conceptualised and acted upon by those in positions of power in England between 1920 and 1970. Using records from local authority archives, sociological surveys, architectural and town planning journals, central government publications, Mass Observation reports and tenant handbooks, and focusing primarily on council estates in London, Manchester and Sheffield, it shows how ideas about what prospective tenants needed from their homes changed dramatically over the course of this period, with the narrowly sanitary and biopolitical approaches of the 1920s and 1930s increasingly being challenged and complemented by a host of new ideas and discourses which placed far more emphasis upon the prospective tenant’s emotional, social and personal needs. As such, this thesis not only adds substantially to our understanding of the changes that took place in the English public housing sector between 1920 and 1970, but also adds to the burgeoning literature on questions of governmentality; contributing in the process to our understandings of modern modes of power.

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Larsson, Anna. "Det moderna samhällets vetenskap : Om etableringen av sociologi i Sverige 1930-1955". Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Historiska studier, 2001. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-16536.

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This work describes how sociology as an academic discipline was introduced, established and pursued at Swedish universities during the period 1930-1955. The main purpose is to follow the establishment of sociology and call attention to dominating ideas of sociology, science and society, and also to reflect the relation between sociology and the demands and expectations of society. This academic institutionalization is considered a continuously changing process where centers and boundaries are formulated and reformulated in accordance with contemporary conditions and preferences of the actors. Expectations on the discipline are investigated, as they were expressed in official inquiries and other political settings as well as in common press. Changes in university structure that led up to the establishment of sociology as a discipline are studied, as well as the official investigations that directly preceded the set up. Institutional activities in the new discipline are dealt with; as are persons, curricula, dissertations and investigations. Internal debates and conflicts are studied and analyzed. The reception of sociology is considered, as well as the use of sociological knowledge in academy, industry and other domains. A main question is how sociology, when established, was understood and pursued. Soon, a clear conception was established in leading quarters. According to this conception, sociology was to be recognized as a specialized discipline alongside other disciplines of social science. The object of sociology was to study modern society and its social conditions, preferably in Sweden. The method of study was to be scientifically empirical, which, above all, meant quantitative field surveys. This study analyzes the formation of this idea of sociology. It was contested, but persons representing deviating conceptions were marginalized. The "boundary-work" that was carried out is therefore considered especially significant. The boundaries were about the implication of the concept of sociology, and conflicts and antagonisms revealed in the boundary-work are analyzed. It is argued that the polemical and dichotomizing rhetoric style used by the actors was of significant importance. By describing, defining and legitimating sociology in terms of opposites: empirical rather than speculative, American rather than continental, quantitative rather than qualitative, it was emphasized that the discipline of sociology was new, scientific and necessary for a modern and progressive community like Swedish society.
digitalisering@umu

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Park, David B. "The Administration of Unemployment Relief by the State of Texas during the Great Depression, 1929-1941". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2020. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1703286/.

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During the Great Depression, for the first time in its history, the federal government provided relief to the unemployed and destitute through myriad New Deal agencies. This dissertation examines how "general relief" (direct or "make-work") from federal programs—primarily the Emergency Relief and Construction Act (ERCA) and Federal Emergency Relief Administration (FERA)—was acquired and administered by the government of Texas through state administrative agencies. These agencies included the Chambers of Commerce (1932-1933), Unofficial Texas Relief Commission (1933), Texas Rehabilitation and Relief Commission (1933), Official Texas Relief Commission (1933-1934), Texas Relief Commission Division of the State Board of Control (1934), and the Department of Public Welfare (1939). Overall, the effective administration of general relief in the Lone Star State was undermined by a political ideology that persisted from, and was embodied by, the "Redeemer" Constitution of 1876.

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Vesterlund, Mattias. ""Det gäller dig och din familj!" : Svenskt civilförsvar och vardagslivets militarisering under kalla kriget 1945-1975". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-343198.

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The Swedish civil defense during the Cold War Era was a well-developed and well-planned organization in comparison to many other countries. This caused civil defense ideas to come closer to individual citizens’ everyday lives and influence how they should adapt to the threat of nuclear war, thus creating a culture of civil defense. The purpose of this thesis is to elucidate what this militarization of everyday life looked like in Sweden during the Cold War and how it affected people’s everyday life. This is done through studying a civil defense journal between 1945-1975. The articles in the journal are analyzed by how they are portraying the day-to-day life in the context of civil defense. Partly through articles about propaganda and various civil defense courses and exercises, and partly through articles portraying the physical militarization of society, primarily fallout shelters and bunkers. Of particular interest is the contrast between the dark Cold War narrative and the narrative concerning the security and comfort provided by the welfare state. Finally, the thesis argues that the journal and its work can be seen in the context of militarization of everyday life. It tried to spread its militarizing vision in society, and did – incomparison to other countries – succeed in that pursuit. Militarization played a vital role in reaching out to the public, and in disseminating the idea of a welfare state that takes good care of its citizens, even during the hardest of times.

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Ahmed, Shamila Kouser. "The impact of the 'war on terror' on Birmingham's Pakistani/Kashmiri Muslims' perceptions of the state, the police and Islamic identities". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3635/.

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This thesis explores British Muslims’ counter discourse to the ‘war on terror’ through revealing the impact of the dominant ‘war on terror’ discourse created by the state. The research explores the counter discourse through investigating the impact of the ‘war on terror’ on Birmingham’s Pakistani / Kashmiri Muslims’ perceptions of the state, the police and Islamic identities before the ‘war on terror’ and since the ‘war on terror’. The theoretical perspectives of cosmopolitanism and citizenship are used as a foundation from which the ‘war on terror’ and the role of the state and the police in the ‘war on terror’ can be deconstructed, critiqued and reconstructed according to Muslim citizens’ perceptions. In particular attention is paid to the challenges and difficulties the 32 respondents interviewed for the research have faced since the ‘war on terror’. Many themes emerged through this framework and the core themes were injustice, legitimacy and human rights. The impact of the ‘war on terror’ showed the battle for Islamic identity construction versus resistance and the negative impact of regulatory discourses on perceptions of commonality, unity and shared identities.

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Carlén, Stefan. "Staten som marknadens salt : en studie i institutionsbildning, kollektivt handlande och tidig välfärdspolitik på en strategisk varumarknad i övergången mellan merkantilism och liberalism 1720-1862". Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Ekonomisk-historiska institutionen, 1997. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-48410.

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This dissertation studies public institutional arrangements on the Swedish salt market 1720-1862. Crucial issues are how an why these arrangements emerged and were changed as well as they were used. The arrangements were erected in order to realize economic and social goals. In this respect, the policy persued by the Swedish government differed from those of most other governments, where policies concerning salt primarily meant tax policies. Government policies in Sweden were firstly external and had a long-term orientation. The aim was to import as much salt as possible to Sweden. The government also pursued a short-term policy in order to cope with short-term shorages. Overall, these policies were successful. Contrary to what has been stated in earlier Swedish research, the protectionist shipping policies did not lead to shortages of salt and high saltprices. Instead, the Swedish shipping and freight manufacture was stimulated, and Sweden became independent of foreign merchant fleets. The mercantilist aim of building a large merchant fleet, independent of potential enemy nations, was achieved without any negative effects on prices or supply on the Swedish salt market. Shortages of salt were not caused by a generally low yearly supply of salt. On the contrary, Sweden consistently had a surplus of salt and re-exported every year salt to other countries. The shortages of salt was rather regional and temporary, due to unexpected shocks on the supply side (wars, buccaneering, shipwrecks, persistent head winds, crises of production) and on the demand side (abundant fishing, cattle diseases and forced slaughter etc.). Costly and slow transports and communication meant that unexpected shortages could not be solved through trade. To solve these problems different institutional arrangements were created. These arrangements emerged in an evolutionary process of institutional change characterized by significant random elements. Severe shortages caused large changes in relative prices which acted as triggering factors in the process of institutional formation. Three more elaborated institutional arrangements having welfare purpuses were established, but disappeared in a rather short time. In 1774 a system of State Salt Stores were established in all staple towns. This arrangement proved to be very efficient as an insurance system, and the Salt Stores were frequently used to avert temporary shortages until new cargos of salt had arrived. The active state policy was a prerequisite for the markets to function satisfactory under mercantilism. But public stockpiling came to an end because the need for this insurance services diminished. But new technologies in saltproduction and shipping, increases in security and improved communications, a more efficiently-functioning market structure caused a significant long run decline i saltprices in relation to other prices and wages. Consequently, the need for public arrangements on the saltmarket decreased.

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Teses / dissertações sobre o tema "Welfare state – canada – history"

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