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Artigos de revistas sobre o assunto "War and unification (1859-1860)"
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O’Brien, Jennifer. "Irish public opinion and the Risorgimento, 1859–60". Irish Historical Studies 34, n.º 135 (maio de 2005): 289–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002112140000448x.
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In 1859–60 the Risorgimento culminated in the unification of Italy under King Victor Emmanuel II of Piedmont-Sardinia. Irish public opinion watched the process of unification with intense interest, largely because of the papacy’s involvement. The movement for unification directly threatened Pope Pius IX’s hold over the Papal States, and by 1860 he had lost all his dominions but Rome. As a result, Irish public opinion on the Risorgimento divided along the religious fault-line. Protestant identification with the struggle for unification was mirrored by passionate Catholic support for Pius IX, and Ireland’s longstanding religious animosities were projected onto the struggle between the pope and the Piedmontese. Perugia became Scullabogue, Spoleto Limerick. This sense of identification explains why events in Italy resonated so powerfully in Ireland. For religious ultras on both sides, the Risorgimento was essentially a religious struggle, a strategically important battle in the ongoing war between true religion and the powers of darkness.
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CIORBEA, Valentin. "THE UNIFICATION AND MODERNIZATION OF THE ARMY DURING THE RULE OF ALEXANDRU IOAN CUZA (1859-1866)". Annals of the Academy of Romanian Scientists Series on History and Archaeology 12, n.º 1 (2020): 83–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.56082/annalsarscihist.2020.1.83.
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The double election of Colonel Alexandru Ioan Cuza as ruler of the United Principalities of Moldova and Wallachia also opened for the army the process of unification, modernization and progress. New structures were created, new weapons, the army broadened. Military legislation strengthened order and discipline. The training and preparation of the army changed. The military service became compulsory. It was a beneficial stage for the country's army, on the basis of which the army was prepared to cover itself with glory in the War of Independence in 1877-1878.
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Sprengel, Peter. "Nicht für den Kladderadatsch geeignet: ein ‚kleindeutsches‘ Ghasel Georg Herweghs von 1859". Internationales Archiv für Sozialgeschichte der deutschen Literatur 45, n.º 1 (4 de junho de 2020): 54–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/iasl-2020-0002.
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AbstractAustria’s defeat in the Sardinian War of 1859 triggered renewed debates about the right path to German unification as well as a satirical campaign in Berlin’s Kladderadatsch in which the emigrant Herwegh also tried to participate. However, a ghazel written by him for this campaign proved to be too complex even for the taste of the editorial staff. The poem’s coded statement in opposition to the Austrian government and in support of Duke Ernst II of Coburg-Gotha, or rather, for the Deutsche Nationalverein is made comprehensible here for the first time on the basis of historical documents.
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Baran, Dana. "The Society of Physicians and Naturalists of Iași and the Union of the Romanian Principalities". Jurnalul de Chirurgie 17, n.º 1 (20 de abril de 2021): 63–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.7438/jsurg.2021.01.09.
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The Union of the Romanian Principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia has been an ideal of the nation for centuries, expressed by its intellectuals and policy makers. Its fulfillment was rendered possible in the enlightened era of the nineteenth century, following the Crimean War (1853-1856) and the Peace of Paris. The Peace Treaty of 1856, involving Russia, the Ottoman Empire, France, Great Britain and the Kingdom of Sardinia, and then the Paris convention of 1858, enabled the Union of the Principalities in 1859. In this context, the progressive Romanian intellectuals played an essential role in awakening the national consciousness of the masses called upon to vote, as well as in the elaboration of the strategy to be implemented, both internally and internationally. The Society of Physicians and Naturalists of the Principality of Moldavia (SPN), the first scientific society not only in the Romanian Principalities but also in Southeast Europe (1830), got involved in this national unification process, seen as a condition of emancipation, stability and European integration of their country. SPN was therefore not only the seat where Colonel Alexandru Ioan Cuza was appointed as the sole candidate for the Reign of Moldavia on January 3rd , 1859, but also a nucleus of struggle for the Union. It is plausible that, due to the participation of some of the leading SPN members, ideological confrontations took place within this scientific forum and tactics were envisaged meant to achieve the Union of the Principalities through the victory of the Unionist Party. Ever since SPN remained linked to the memory of Cuza's election in Moldavia, and this constituted another fundamental contribution of this academic institution to the overall establishment of modern Romania. Immediately after the Union, in 1860 the Society of Physicians and Naturalists of the Principality of Moldavia became the Society of Physicians and Naturalists of Iași and kept on integrating both national and international personalities from the entire world.
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Körner, Axel. "Local Government and the Meanings of Political Representation: A Case Study of Bologna between 1860 and 1915". Modern Italy 10, n.º 2 (novembro de 2005): 137–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940500284168.
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SummarySince the early nineteenth century political opposition became a central concept of political representation in constitutional monarchies. While this concept marked the political language of unified Italy on the national level, in local administration the legitimacy of political opposition remained an issue of dispute, as illustrated in this analysis of the political language in Bologna's local council. Local perceptions of national events, like the government's reaction to Garibaldi's unsuccessful Mentana-campaign, assumed major symbolic meaning in local politics and challenged traditional understandings of municipal administration by introducing the concept of political opposition. In Bologna, after Rome the second city of the former Papal State, the Moderates were able to grow into a position of political hegemony after the Unification of Italy and remained the predominant political force also after Italy's “parliamentary revolution” of 1876 and the electoral reforms of the 1880s. As a consequence of its limited influence on the local administration, Bologna's Left defined its ideological profile earlier and more clearly than the Left in other parts of Italy and integrated issues of national importance into local political discourse. Analysing the relationship between central administration and periphery, the article reveals the development of political language and the changing meanings of political representation between Unification and World War One and explains on this basis the escalation of social and political conflict in Finesecolo Italy.
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Douglas, Christopher. "“Bodies and Things, Both Putrid and Corrupt”: Miasma and Racial Anxiety in Hawthorne's The Marble Faun". Nathaniel Hawthorne Review 47, n.º 1 (1 de maio de 2021): 101–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/nathhawtrevi.47.1.0101.
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Abstract As the forces of racial anxiety and pandemic combined in America in 2020 in the BLM protests and COVID-19 outbreak, so too they combine in Nathaniel Hawthorne's The Marble Faun (1860) in the form of antebellum racism and malaria. Written shortly after his European tour, Hawthorne's final novel, which is packed with comments about the poisonous Roman air, features New England artists Hilda and Kenyon who must navigate Italy without becoming degraded, while Italians Miriam and Donatello belong to the corruption that Italy breeds. The pestilence oozing between the lines of this novel is born out of racial transgressions; though different in scope from America's enslavement of Africans, the tension between white, Protestant American culture and Catholic Italy speaks to the same neuroses haunting the American psyche of not only the 1850s but also the twenty-first century. The American characters' separation from the Roman atmosphere mirrors the growing separation between North and South during the runup to the Civil War. Like America, Italy was on the verge of war, although as a force of unification instead of dissolution; yet for both, Hawthorne subverts the open discussion of any political tension to the level of a diseased atmosphere.
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King, R. L. "Regional Government: The Italian Experience". Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 5, n.º 3 (setembro de 1987): 327–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c050327.
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This paper is a review of Italy's stuttering progress towards regional autonomy. At the unification of Italy in 1860, a centralised administrative structure was adopted, as prescribed by the Piedmontese Constitution of 1848. Centralisation of political power reached its apogee during the Fascist period. Regionalist sentiment resurfaced strongly after the last war and gained formal expression in the 1948 Republican Constitution, which provided for the creation of five ‘special’ and fourteen (later fifteen) ‘ordinary’ regions. The special regions—regions of special linguistic or political sensitivity (Valle d'Aosta, Trentino-Alto Adige, Friuli-Venezia Giulia, Sicily and Sardinia)—were established between 1948 and 1963, but delays orchestrated by the Christian Democrat-dominated central government, reluctant to relinquish its power, postponed the establishment of the ordinary regions until the 1970s, when pressure from the Socialist Party prevailed. The legislative powers of the regions are of three forms: Exclusive (available only to the special regions), complementary, and integrative, the order representing progressively diminishing elements of decisionmaking autonomy. Several regions in central Italy have elected Communist regional governments. However, hopes that the regional governments would be instrumental in ending corrupt and inept government and eradicating regional disequilibria, have mostly been misplaced, although some progress has been made, especially in the northern regions, in the fields of administrative reform, social service organisation, and regional economic planning. The principal reason for lack of progress is the continuing central government control over regional government funds. In many regions considerable amounts of unspent funds have accumulated owing to a combination of political stalemate at the regional level and central government veto. Special attention is given in this paper to the relationship between regional autonomy and (1) local government, and (2) regional planning. To conclude, the present state of play represents an uneasy compromise between the two contradictory historical forces of centralism and regionalism, present since unification. Although there has been a significant departure from the rigid centralisation of the past, the retention of most of the important powers by the central government frustrates the ambitions of the regions to really organise their own affairs.
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Véliz Rojas, Claudio Andrés. "Diálogo transatlántico y heterocaracterización de "lo español" en el periódico chileno "La Semana" (1859-1860)". Tropelías: Revista de Teoría de la Literatura y Literatura Comparada, n.º 27 (26 de setembro de 2016): 308. http://dx.doi.org/10.26754/ojs_tropelias/tropelias.2017271204.
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El periódico literario chileno La Semana (1859-1860) desde un espacio político cultural tenso como lo fue el término de la guerra civil de 1859, reafirmó un modelo de heterocaracterizaciones para la representación de la literatura española en su campo intelectual. A través de frases tales como: Siglo de oro español escuela para América, Espronceda símbolo de la literatura hispana del siglo XIX y España como representación de un igual/padre para los americanos, esta prensa fundacional y raciocinante (Ossandón B., 1998: 42-47) consolidó una imagen de ‘lo español’ involucrando un diálogo transatlántico entre la unidad cultural americana respecto a la producción literaria española. The Chilean literary journal La Semana (1859-1860) from a tense cultural political space, as it was the end of the civil war of 1859, reaffirmed a model of heterocaracterizations for the representation of Spanish literature in its intellectual field. Through phrases such as: Spanish Golden Century School for America, Espronceda symbol of 19th century Hispanic literature and Spain as a representation of an equal / father for Americans, this foundational and reasoning press (Ossandón B., 1998: 42 -47) consolidated an image of 'the Spanish' involving a transatlantic dialogue between American cultural unity and Spanish literary production.
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Kühne, Ina. "Die Konstruktion katalanischer Identität in der Literatur zur <i>Guerra d’Àfrica</i> (1859–1860) und die Wahrnehmung der Katalanen durch deutsche Kriegsberichterstatter". Zeitschrift für Katalanistik 32 (1 de julho de 2019): 289–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/zfk.2019.289-318.
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Summary: The Spanish-Moroccan War of 1859/60 is of great importance for the development of Catalan identity. During the war an immense amount of patriotic literature in Catalan language was published in Catalonia, in which the authors glorified the deeds of the Catalan general Joan Prim i Prats and the Catalan volunteers who fought in this war. The present article intents to illustrate on the basis of the analysis of poems, theatre plays, a patriotic song and a report written by Catalan authors the importance of the First Spanish-Moroccan War for the development of Catalan identity and to demonstrate that the authors used the literature about the war to diffuse Catalan national myths and symbols and to construct a Catalan national identity. Based on chronicles of German war correspondents the article points out that the military deeds of general Prim and the Catalan volunteers were admired not only in Catalonia and Spain but also in Germany and that the Catalan soldiers achieved to cause Catalan language and culture to become known even in foreign countries. Keywords: Spanish-Moroccan War of 1859/60, construction of Catalan identity, General Prim, battalion of Catalan volunteers, chronicles of German war correspondents
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Dadaev, Yu U. "PEOPLE’S LIBERATIONSTRUGGLE UNDER BAISUNGUR’S COMMAND (1860-18". History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Caucasus 13, n.º 1 (15 de fevereiro de 2017): 28–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.32653/ch13128-35.
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Abstract: The author of the article analyzes life and activity of Imam Shamil’s legendary Naib after his captivity in August 1859, the activity of one-eyed, one-armed and one-legged brave Baisungur within the period from 1859 till his captivity by Russian soldiers in the Benoy society in February 1861. Basing on archival documents, published sources and field data collected by the author and Chechen researchers in the mountains of Dagestan and Chechnya, the author considers the main reasons for the rise and development of the people’s liberation movement of the mountaineers of the Benoy society under the command of Baisungur from Benoy, which in official documents of the Caucasian command was called Benoy or Ichkeria uprising. The author emphasizes that the main reason for the Benoyers’ uprising was harsh resettlement policy of the Caucasian command that did not take into account the socio-economic conditions and traditions of the Chechens. Baisungur, who headed the Benoy society for more than 30 years and was Imam Shamil’s Naib, was not the initiator of the renewal of military confrontation with the Russian authorities in the North-East Caucasus, but the fate of the Chechen society, which for the years of the Caucasian war sustained enormous human and moral losses, was the main factor for him. On the basis of analysis of the information published in the newspaper “Caucasus”, the author traces the course of the uprising in 1860 and the last period of life and activity of Baisungur and his relatives until his captivity in late February 1861 and his execution in Khasavyurt Square in March.
Teses / dissertações sobre o assunto "War and unification (1859-1860)"
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Pepe, Armando. "Conflit civil dans le Midi de l’Italie à l'aube du Risorgimento : le cas de la Terre de Labour (1806-1825)". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Université Grenoble Alpes, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024GRALH017.
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La thèse de doctorat d'Armando Pepe s’intitule « Conflit civil dans le sud de l’Italie à l’aube du Risorgimento : le cas de la Terre de Labour (1806-1825) » et vise à enquêter sur la lutte contre le brigandage tant à l’époque napoléonienne, pendant la Décennie française, qu’au cours de la première Restauration Bourbon.En ce qui concerne la période napoléonienne, apparaissent de nombreux brigands, certains connus, comme Fra’ Diavolo, d’autres moins connus sinon inconnus, comme Vincenzo Matera, de Viticuso, les cousins Saltarelli, de Castelforte, et les frères Giannantonio, originaires de Guardiaregia, dans le Comté du Molise, mais fortement opérationnels des deux côtés des montagnes du Matese.Aux brigands s’opposèrent des hommes tenaces, comme le capitaine Antonio Acciaioli, commandant des gardes civiques provinciales du district de Venafro, tué dans une embuscade avec seize gardes par Vincenzo Matera, Benedetto Panetta et d’autres brigands.De nombreux soldats d’origine corse participèrent activement à la lutte contre le brigandage, dont le major Natale Amici, engagé dans les zones montagneuses de la Terre de Labour, notamment dans la chaîne des Mainarde.Les journaux de guerre de 1806 du général français Antoine Girardon, restitués pour la première fois en transcription, constituent la suite de ceux, datant de 1799, déjà publiés par Critelli et Segarini. Le général Girardon contracta le paludisme dans les marais de Minturno et mourut en 1806.On voit explicitement dans la thèse le rôle joué par l’Armée française dans la lutte contre le brigandage et les directives données par le ministre Antoine-Christophe Saliceti, qui a suivi la situation au quotidien.Non moins intéressantes sont les initiatives prises après le retour de la dynastie des Bourbons sur le trône pour réprimer le brigandage, notamment dans les zones frontalières avec l’État pontifical, où opérait la bande de Michele Macaro, connu sous le nom de « Mezzapenta ».La thèse se déroule en six chapitres en plus des conclusions.Par commodité, la division en chapitres est rapportée : 1) Chapitre I, Le Royaume de Naples entre la Révolution et la Restauration (1799-1825) ; 2) Chapitre II, Brigands de l’époque napoléonienne dans la zone de juridiction de la Commission Militaire de Castellone (Nord de la Terre de Labour, 1806) ; 3) Chapitre III, Les actions de brigandage de l’époque napoléonienne dans la zone de juridiction de la Commission militaire de Capoue (Sud de la Terre de Labour, 1807-1810) ; 4) Chapitre IV, Une tentative de coordination entre États : extraditions de brigands et enjeux diplomatiques avec l’État pontifical et avec le Premier Empire français (1806-1811) ; 5) Chapitre V, Les bandes de brigands de l’époque napoléonienne dans la zone de juridiction de la Commission militaire de Capoue (1807-1810) ; 6) Chapitre VI, Le brigandage pendant la deuxième Restauration des Bourbons (1815-1825).Viennent ensuite les conclusions. La thèse est accompagnée de cinq cartes géographiques, de 215 annexes, presque toutes inédites, et d’index des noms de personnes et de lieuxArmando Pepe’s doctoral thesis is entitled «Civil conflict in Southern Italy at the dawn of the Risorgimento: the case of Terra di Lavoro (1806-1825)» and aims to investigate the fight against brigandage both in Napoleonic, during the French Decade, and during the first Bourbon Restoration.As regards the Napoleonic period, numerous brigands appear, some known, such as Fra’ Diavolo, others less known if not unknown, such as Vincenzo Matera, from Viticuso, the Saltarelli cousins, from Castelforte, and the Giannantonio brothers, from Guardiaregia, in Molise earldom, but strongly operational on both sides of the Matese mountains.The brigands were opposed by tenacious men, such as Captain Antonio Acciaioli, commander of the provincial civic guards of the Venafro district, killed in an ambush together with sixteen guards by Vincenzo Matera, Benedetto Panetta and other brigands.Many soldiers of Corsican origin actively participated in the fight against banditry, including Major Natale Amici, who were engaged in the mountainous areas of Terra di Lavoro, especially in the Mainarde chain.The war diaries of 1806 of the French general Antoine Girardon are returned in transcription for the first time, which constitute the sequel to those, dating back to 1799, already published by Critelli and Segarini. General Girardon contracted malaria in the Minturno marshes and died in 1806.We can explicitly see the role played by the French army in combating brigandage and the directives given by the minister Antoine-Christophe Saliceti, who monitored the situation daily.No less interesting are the initiatives taken upon the return of the Bourbon dynasty to the throne to repress brigandage, particularly in the border areas with the Papal State, where the group of Michele Macaro, known as «Mezzapenta», operated.The thesis is divided into six chapters in addition to the conclusions.For convenience, the division into chapters is reported: 1) Chapter I, the Kingdom of Naples between the Revolution and the Restoration (1799-1825); 2) Chapter II, Brigands of the Napoleonic era in the area of jurisdiction of the Military Commission of Castellone (North of Terra di Lavoro, 1806); 3) Chapter III, The brigandage actions of the Napoleonic era in the area of jurisdiction of the Military Commission of Capua (South of Terra di Lavoro, 1807-1810); 4) Chapter IV, An attempt at coordination between states: extraditions of brigands and diplomatic issues with the Papal State and with the First French Empire (1806-1811); 5) Chapter V, The groups of brigands of the Napoleonic era in the area of jurisdiction of the Military Commission of Capua (1807-1810); 6) Chapter VI, Brigandage during the second Bourbon Restoration (1815-1825).Then the Conclusions follow. The thesis is accompanied by geographical maps, 215 appendices, almost all unpublished, and indexes of places and names of person
Livros sobre o assunto "War and unification (1859-1860)"
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Rey, Miguel del. La guerra de África, 1859-1860. Madrid: Grupo Medusa Ediciones, 2001.
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Penas, Alfredo Redondo. Voluntarios catalanes en la Guerra de África (1859-1860). [Ceuta]: Ciudad Autónoma de Ceuta, Archivo General, 2010.
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Penas, Alfredo Redondo. Guerra d'Àfrica (1859-1860): Els 466 del general Prim. Valls: Cossetània Edicions, 2008.
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Penas, Alfredo Redondo. Guerra d'Àfrica (1859-1860): Els 466 del general Prim. Valls: Cossetània Edicions, 2008.
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Galdós, Benito Pérez. Aita Tettauen. Madrid: Información e Historia, 1995.
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1838-1874, Fortuny Mariano, ed. Marià Fortuny i la descoberta d'Àfrica: Els dibuixos de la Guerra Hispanomarroquina, 1859-1860. Barcelona: Diputació de Tarragona, Museu d'art modern, 1999.
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Rey, Manuel Chaves. Sevilla en la Guerra de Africa, 1859-1860: La calle Genova de Sevilla ; El primer año de feria en Sevilla, 1847. Alcalá de Guadaira, Sevilla: Editorial Guadalmena, 1990.
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Quílez i Corella, Francesc M., author e Sánchez i Cervelló, Josep, 1958- author, eds. La Batalla de Tetuán de Fortuny. Barcelona: MNAC, Museu Nacional d'Art de Catalunya, 2013.
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Angotti, Franco, Giuseppe Pelosi e Simonetta Soldani, eds. Alle radici della moderna ingegneria. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-6453-142-7.
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The subject around which the contributions in this volume gravitate is the creation of a higher institute of engineering studies in Florence in the late nineteenth-century. On the eve of the unification of Italy, Florence was a promising centre for a Polytechnic, in view of the experience of the Corpo di Ingegneri di Acque e Strade, the precocious railway building, the importance of the mining sector and the solidity of the Istituto Tecnico Toscano. Despite this, unlike what took place in Milan and in Turin, the Istituto Tecnico Toscano was not transformed into a Polytechnic for the training of engineers. The reasons for this non-development can be traced to the lack of "industrialist" propensities in the managerial group that emerged victorious from the "peaceful revolution" of 1859, to a desire for independence from the national academic system built on the Casati law, and to a local demand for engineering skills that was less dynamic than expected. Consequently, the prevailing winds were those of "normalisation" blowing from the government, the universities and the most prestigious Colleges of Engineers. Nevertheless, Florence continued to represent an important technological centre, especially in relation to railway infrastructures, public works, and the mechanical engineering industries (for example Pignone and Galileo). In the end it was not until one hundred years after unification that the city finally became the seat of a Faculty of Engineering.
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Fernandez, Clemente Cerdeira. Traducciones y conferencias. Ceuta: Archivo Central, 2006.
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Pallarés, Jordi Àngel Carbonell. "Fortuny and the Spanish-Moroccan War (1859–1860)". In The Routledge Hispanic Studies Companion to Nineteenth-Century Spain, 91–105. London; New York, NY: Routledge/Taylor & Francis Group, 2020. | Series: Routledge companions to Hispanic and Latin American studies: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351122900-8.
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Sharman, Nick. "Britain, Spain and the War of Africa, 1859–1860". In Britain’s Informal Empire in Spain, 1830-1950, 65–84. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-77950-4_3.
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Cove, Patricia. "Wounded Utterance: Trauma and Italy’s Second War of Independence in Elizabeth Barrett Browning’s Poems Before Congress and Last Poems". In Italian Politics and Nineteenth-Century British Literature and Culture, 125–56. Edinburgh University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474447249.003.0005.
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Chapter 4 traces the traumatic impact of the 1859 Second Italian War of Independence in Elizabeth Barrett Browning ’s Poems Before Congress (1860) and Last Poems (1862). Despite voicing enthusiastic support for unification, Barrett Browning’s poems also recognise the Risorgimento’s failures and costs. ‘Napoleon III. in Italy’, ‘Mother and Poet’, ‘Died . . .’, ‘The Forced Recruit’ and ‘A Tale of Villafranca Told in Tuscany’ explore the uses and limits of lyric utterance, using familial and intergenerational motifs to demonstrate how a performative poetic voice that ushers Italy into being conflicts with the historical trauma that precludes speech and severs the correspondence between words and deeds. EBB attempts a kind of wounded utterance, exploring a poetics of recognition that acknowledges the deep roots of political trauma embedded in the nation-making process while accepting and respecting the wartime suffering and grief that are beyond the powers of poetic convention and speech.
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Griffin, Roger. "Giovanni papini, The War as a Source of National Renewal". In Fascism, 23. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192892492.003.0004.
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Abstract A great power, but the weak.est of all; armed, but incapable of waging war; full of social unrest, but with no serious will to change regime; conservative, but spineless whenever there was a hint of threat to stability. Cavour had understood the situation well: nothing great can be made with shit. Italy of 1860 had been shit dragged kicking and screaming towards unification by a daring minority, and shit it remained throughout fifty years of unification, urged on by the occasional outbursts of zeal from small minorities either in favour of an imperial mission in Africa or of a liberating transformation in its domestic politics.
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Zamagni, Vera. "The Economic Policies of Fascism,1922—1943". In The Economic History of Italy 1860—1990, 243–71. Oxford University PressOxford, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198287735.003.0009.
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Abstract Mussolini’s coming to power marked the beginning of a period in the economic history ofltaly which is sadly noted for a number of dramatic episodes, from the international crisis of 1929 to imperialism, from the war economy to the collapse in production and consumption. The following three chapters will try to throw some light on this period in order to understand how the country’s economic structure had changed from that of the first 50 years of unification. Despite this dramatic period of war and economic crisis, the process of industrialization that had begun earlier did not come to a halt, although it almost certainly followed a different path from the expected one.
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Körner, Axel. "Unveiling Modernity: Verdi’s America and the Unification of Italy". In America in Italy. Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691164854.003.0005.
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This chapter examines the creation of Giuseppe Verdi's American opera Un ballo in maschera, first performed around the time of Italy's Second War of Independence, in 1859. Un ballo in maschera was the first modern Italian opera set across the Atlantic. The history of its creation and the subsequent debate around it serves as a classic example of the cultural imagination surrounding life in the New World as well as the wider social impact of political ideas in nineteenth-century Italy. The chapter first considers Un ballo's close connection to the Unification of Italy before offering a reading of the opera. It also explores how Verdi depicted America in his opera and how his depiction relates to Italian debates about America at the time. Finally, it assesses the impact of censorship on the plot of Un ballo.
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Anton, Manuela. "Relations between Romanian Orthodox Church and Patriarchate of Constantinople in 1860–1880". In 1821 in the History of Balkan Peoples (On the 200th anniversary of the Greek Revolution), 203–14. Institute of Slavic Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences; Hellenic Cultural Center, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/0469-5.12.
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The autocephaly of the Romanian Orthodox Church was recognized by the Patriarchate of Constantinople on April 25, 1885. The issue of the relations between Romanian Church and Ecumenical Patriarchate was raised by the clergy and lay deputies at the legislative and consultative assembly (ad-hoc divan) of the Principality of Moldavia in the autumn of 1857. In the state-building programme and memoranda addressed to the representatives of the Great Powers, there were presented historical and canonical arguments in favour of the inherent independence of the Romanian Church, and the repeated violations of its rights by the Patriarchate of Constantinople. According to the demands of the Romanian ecclesiastical and political elites, the hierarchical relations between Romania and Constantinople should have been built on the basis of the model of relations established between the Patriarchate and the new church of the Greek state. The unification of the Romanian Principalities in 1859 and the creation in 1862 of a unified political and administrative system also made the ecclesiastical unification of Romania necessary. Thus, on December 3, 1864, an Organic Decree was promulgated on the establishment of a central synodal body, supplemented by the Regulation on the election of members of the General Synod of the Romanian Orthodox Church and the internal regulations of this General Synod. The adoption of the Synodal law meant not only church unification, but in essence an affirmation of church independence or autocephaly. This chapter focuses on the issue of the church reform introduced during the formation and consolidation of the modern Romanian state. The dispute between the institution of the Church and the state led to the subordination of the former to national political power and at the same time to its autonomy in relation to foreign ecclesiastical authority. We show the efforts of the Romanian Orthodox hierarchs and politicians aimed at establishing correct canonical relations with the Patriarchate of Constantinople, while avoiding the isolation of the Romanian Church from other autocephalous Orthodox Churches.
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Hertner, Peter. "Foreign Capital in the Italian Banking Sector". In International Banking 1870-1914, 345–50. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195062717.003.0016.
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Abstract The development of the Italian banking sector in the years between the unification of Italy and the outbreak of World War I has been described by Jon Cohen in Banking and Economic Development, by Antonio Confalonieri in his monumental contribution, Banca e industria in Italia (beginning in the 1880s), and by the present author in a few essays published since 1978. The following notes concentrate on the specific role of foreign investment in Italian banking between 1860 and 1914 and on the way these foreign investments may have contributed to Italian economic development.
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"Two. Regionalism and Civil War, 1859–1860". In Gabriel García Moreno and Conservative State Formation in the Andes, 31–61. University of Texas Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.7560/719033-005.
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Tauchen, Jaromír, e David Kolumber. "Great Theorists of Central European Integration in the Czech Republic". In Great Theorists of Central European Integration, 273–311. Central European Academic Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.54171/2023.mg.gtocei_8.
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The chapter examines five prominent Czech thinkers whose works contributed to the issue of Central European integration. These key figures are discussed chronologically. First, the life and work of František Palacký (1798–1876) is presented. A politician, writer and the founder of modern Czech history, Palacký contributed significantly to the political life of the nineteenth century through the question of cooperation between the Slavic peoples of the Habsburg Monarchy; the relationship of the Czech lands to German integration; and later to the Compromise of 1867. Another important figure is the politician and Czechoslovak Prime Minister Karel Kramář (1860–1937), who based his ideas on close cooperation with Russia and developed the concept of the Slavic Empire. Although the Czechoslovak President Edvard Beneš (1884–1948) is often mentioned primarily in connection with the events of 1938 (Munich Agreement), the expulsion of Germans from Czechoslovakia and 1948 (Communist putsch), Beneš had advocated the unification of the European area as a barrier against the hardships of war. These concepts were manifested not only in the Paris Peace Conference and proposals within the League of Nations, but also in the formation of the Little Entente during the interwar period and negotiations for the Czechoslovak–Polish Confederation during the Second World War. However, Beneš’s ideas ulti- mately failed thanks to France’s incompetence and the expansionism of the Soviet Union, which he underestimated. Another prominent integrationist theorist was the politician and national economist Jaromír Nečas (1888–1945), who developed the United States of Europe thesis and whose efforts at a peaceful solution to the Sudeten crisis are often overlooked. Czechoslovak and Czech president, playwright, and dissident Václav Havel (1936–2011) provided a philosophical dimension to the integration issue. Havel actively sought the early integration of Eastern Europe into Western European structures and was also the main initiator of close cooperation with Hungary and Poland, understanding the Euro-Atlantic orientation of the former socialist countries as a necessity. He simultaneously pointed out the mistakes that were gaining negative assessments, especially for the European Union. This chapter presents the aforementioned thinkers’ life stories and summarises their crucial works and speeches, illustrating their contribution to Central European integration.