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1

Buzykina, I. N. "Roman Virtues in the Christian Context of St Augustine’s De Civitate Dei". Concept: philosophy, religion, culture 4, n.º 3 (28 de setembro de 2020): 62–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2020-3-15-62-75.

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The topic of this paper is the continuity of major religious, moral and ethical concepts of Roman culture in following periods. These are the virtues of the citizen, namely virtus, fides and pietas — which distinguish the Roman citizen as a brave warrior, honest magistrate and pious pater familias. The central one was the duty to the City. Some traces of this tradition can be observed in the most influental sources of the Christian Patristic period, although the very intention of morals has changed: res publica, a common/communal duty, was replaced by the adoration of God. With the view to a representative research, De Civitate Dei by Saint Augustine, the most famous Christian treatise dealing with the state, civic rights, state religion, authority etc. was analyzed. On the one hand, this great book provides multiple suitable illustrations for almost every feature of the continuity between the Ancient pagan culture and Christian intellectual one. On the other hand, it isn’t just a plain comparison of loci classici in pagan and Christian context, one can find the origins of a completely new approach to the world history, which had had an influence on minds of further generations of Christian theologians in Middle Ages and later periods.
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Noonkester, Myron C. "Gibbon and the Clergy: Private Virtues, Public Vices". Harvard Theological Review 83, n.º 4 (outubro de 1990): 399–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000023865.

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When the inaugural volume of Edward Gibbon'sDecline and Fall of the Roman Empirewas published in February 1776, the English public greeted it with a mixture of veneration and anxiety. Many agreed that it was a classic work, but some critics, mostly clergy, questioned its treatment of Christianity. Scholars have approached the ensuing controversy from several angles: Gibbon's reticence reduced it, theologically speaking, to a sampling of doctrinal viewpoints; considered as a literary phenomenon, the controversy merely provoked Gibbon to relegate his opponents to literary oblivion; historiographically, it affirmed the subordination of religious to civil history and the application of philosophical principles to the study of early Christianity. Though each is valid, none of these approaches accounts sufficiently for the historical context in which the controversy occurred. Yet an appreciation of the historical context of the controversy is necessary if Gibbon's achievement and eighteenth-century England's perspective on the problem of Christian origins are to be understood. This article observes Gibbon as he perfected his approach to religion, pondered the criticisms of his opponents, and sought to vindicate himself. In contrast to previous appraisals, it emphasizes that Gibbon was an occasional polemicist, that the controversy affected him deeply, and that, judged by contemporary standards, his critics successfully exploited their advantages in the debate.
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MacCormack, Sabine. "Sin, Citizenship, and the Salvation of Souls: The Impact of Christian Priorities on Late-Roman and Post-Roman Society". Comparative Studies in Society and History 39, n.º 4 (outubro de 1997): 644–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500020843.

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The impact of Christianity on the functioning of the later Roman empire has been examined by historians ever since Gibbon published his Decline and Fall. Had the Christians hastened the decline and fall of Rome? Outlining some themes of his projected work, Gibbon suggested before 1774 that indeed they had. In 1776, when publishing the first volume of his history, he touched on this same issue with considerable circumspection; but five years later, his earlier opinion appeared in print under the heading of “General Observations on the Decline of the Empire in the West” by way of concluding the third volume of the work. Here, Gibbon stated:As the happiness of a future life is the great object of religion, we may hear, without surprise or scandal, that the introduction, or at least the abuse, of Christianity had some influence on the decline and fall of the Roman empire. The clergy successfully preached the doctrines of patience and pusillanimity; the active virtues of society were discouraged: and the last remains of military spirit were buried in the cloister; a large portion of public and private wealth was consecrated to the specious demands of charity and devotion; and the soldiers' pay was lavished on the useless multitudes of both sexes, who could only plead the merits of abstinence and chastity.
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Penella, Robert J. "Vires/Robur/OpesandFerociain Livy's Account of Romulus and Tullus Hostilius". Classical Quarterly 40, n.º 1 (maio de 1990): 207–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800026902.

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In a recent article I observed that Livy sees a dialectic at work in Roman history over the course of the reigns of the first four kings. The first king, Romulus, is associated with physical (i.e. military) strength and is devoted to war. His successor Numa is devoted to peace and to the advance of religion, law and the civilizing virtues. The Romulean thesis, having been answered by the Numan antithesis, reasserts itself in the reign of the third king, Tullus Hostilius. This time, devotion to war is even more intense: Tullus isferocior(1.22.2) than Romulus. Excessive devotion to war, however, entailed the neglect of other things: towards the end of his reign, during a plague to which he himself eventually fell victim, Tullus turned to religion, hoping that the gods would end the pestilence if he could balance his Romulean devotion to war with a Numan concern forsacra. But his efforts were too late and inept. It was not until the reign of the fourth king, Ancus Marcius, that a synthesis was achieved. Ancus had amedium ingeniumthat fused the Romulean and Numan tendencies. The adoption of theius fetialeby the Livian Ancus symbolizes this synthesis: theius fetialewas a martial (i.e. Romulean) ritual, but it also acknowledged the Numan claims of religion and right.
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Ployd, Adam. "Inseparable virtue and theimago Deiin Augustine: a speculative interpretation ofDe Trinitate6.4". Scottish Journal of Theology 72, n.º 2 (3 de abril de 2019): 146–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930619000024.

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AbstractInDe Trinitate6.4, Augustine compares the inseparability of virtues within the human soul to the divine attributes within the simple divine substance of the Trinity. In this paper, I will suggest that this is more than a convenient analogy. Rather, I contend, the soul's virtues become inseparable as the soul itself conforms to the image of God through the primary virtue of love. My argument includes an analysis of the history of inseparable virtue in Graeco-Roman philosophy and a comparison of Augustine's use of the concept inTrin. 6.4 with his more extended treatment inEpistle167. In the face of a seeming conflict in these two texts, I argue for a ‘soft’ or ‘imperfect’ version of inseparability in Augustine's view of the virtues. Finally, I suggest that the cultivation of the virtues within the unity of love may be understood as the way we come to image the Trinity.
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Decock, Paul B. "VIRTUE AND PHILOSOPHY IN 4 MACCABEES". Journal for Semitics 24, n.º 1 (15 de novembro de 2017): 307–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/1013-8471/3450.

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The first section of this article focuses on the use of the term and theme of ἀρετή in the argument that the Jewish religion can be seen as a most worthy philosophy. The second section shows how 4 Maccabees can be seen as a Jewish version of a philosophical work in the ancient Greco-Roman tradition: it raises the practical question of the noble way of life and shows us inspiring examples of persons who embodied this way by the manner in which they faced their death. The third section explores how a reading of 4 Maccabees can be seen as one of the “spiritual exercises” in the philosophical tradition (Pierre Hadot). The fourth section touches briefly on the issue of the Hellenization of the Jewish religion, of which 4 Maccabees is a strong example.
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Guo, Xiaohua. "On Machiavelli's double Criticism of Christianity". Journal of Education and Educational Research 1, n.º 2 (6 de dezembro de 2022): 73–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/jeer.v1i2.3421.

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In the Treatise on Livy and the Prince, Machiavelli launched a double critique of Christianity. Machiavelli proposed his own new interpretation of religious belief by discussing the characteristics of the enemy of Christianity (Roman religion). He believed that religion was only a political tool manipulated by people and not divine, and criticized Christianity from the opposite side. Machiavelli criticized Christianity from a positive perspective by presenting views contrary to the Christian doctrine on Moses, the sovereign virtue, the origin of religion, the Great Flood, and the Christian Reformation.
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Batten, Alicia. "The moral world of Greco-Roman associations". Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 36, n.º 1 (março de 2007): 135–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000842980703600107.

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This article examines the language and regulations of Greco-Roman associations with a focus upon their moral worlds. Many of the virtues ascribed to the benefactors of and participants in these associations are based more upon their financial and administrative contributions than personal character, but sometimes such virtues are applied to people who do not provide financial assistance, suggesting a democratization of Greek values. Although the evidence indicates that generally ancient associations did not require a moral transformation of their members, nor did they stress moral guidelines beyond activity in the association (for which they were criticized by others), the strictly enforced regulations for life in the association upheld important codes that were connected to broader societal values. Evidence from the associations is thus another important component for the examination of the background and tensions among religions of antiquity.
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Szada, Marta. "The Missing Link: The Homoian Church in the Danubian Provinces and Its Role in the Conversion of the Goths". Zeitschrift für Antikes Christentum / Journal of Ancient Christianity 24, n.º 3 (1 de dezembro de 2020): 549–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zac-2020-0053.

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Abstract Frequently, studies focusing on the fourth-century Trinitarian controversy stop at the 380s and emphasize the importance of the Council of Constantinople and the Council of Aquileia in 381, and the end of Italian rule of the last Homoian emperor, Valentinian II. In very common interpretation, these events mark the virtual end of the Latin Homoianism—its final extirpation. This thesis mightily influenced the modern thinking about Christianization of the Goths and other barbarian peoples. The process was conceptualized as an “ethnic switch” —the people of non-Roman ethnicity embraced the religion while the Romans completely abandoned it. Thereby, the disavowed Roman heresy changed into the creed able to preserve ethnic difference under the Roman pressure of acculturation. In the present paper, I challenge this interpretation. I argue that the Latin Homoian Church survived long into the fifth century and had an active role in the process of converting the Goths into the Homoian Christianity. I also call into question the role of Wulfila as the Apostle of the Goths directly involved in their Christianization in the 370s, the controvertible image created by the fifth-century church historians. By these means, I aim at dismissing a vision of Christianization of the Goths relying on the solitary mission of a single person. The Goths did not cling to Homoianism because it kept them apart from the Roman neighbours and let preserve their traditions. Quite opposite, in the era of the emperor Valens it was an act of political loyalty to the Roman Empire which later under the formative influence of the Latin Homoian Church transformed into the religious identification founded on the concept of Catholicity—quality of being universally right in the matter of faith—and not on ethnic exclusivism.
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Mol, Eva. "Roman Cyborgs! On Significant Otherness, Material Absence, and Virtual Presence in the Archaeology of Roman Religion". European Journal of Archaeology 23, n.º 1 (22 de julho de 2019): 64–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eaa.2019.42.

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In this article I explore different ways archaeologists can contribute to and learn from theorizing the digital world beyond the traditional functionalistic means of applying computational methods. I argue that current digital technologies can be a very constructive tool to create non-human experience and awareness. I pursue this argument by presenting ideas from a work-in-progress project experimenting with the post-human and the virtual, and by exploring significant otherness in Roman religion and the dark spots in human perception, through the analysis of an absent temple in Rome. Applying post-human philosophies and an expanded concept of virtuality beyond the digital makes it possible to change our approach to object/human/divine relations in Roman cults and how we present Roman heritage towards a post-humanist framework. Through this, digital archaeology can become one of the ways of re-examining and reinventing our ideas of the human, the past and the digital.
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Shokhin, Vladimir. "Hindu and Classical Ancient virtues in a comparative perspective". St. Tikhons' University Review 105 (28 de fevereiro de 2023): 49–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturi2023105.49-68.

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The author claims that Graeco-Roman, Hindu and Chinese catalogues of virtues have much more common with each other than what is permitted by contemporary agnosticism in cultural studies which has only the appearance of wisdom. As to the differences, they are connected with the soteriological intention behind the Hindu catalogues while the Greek (before Neoplatonism) and Chinese ones label the development of secular personal dignity and social responsibility. The author does not conceal his preferences as well while asserting that the quadrangle of cardinal virtues as developed in Platonism had evident advantages in consistency over its Aristotelean restructuring via the division of virtues into intellectual and moral ones. He also is sure that this quadrangle was immensely improved in its Latin version by Cicero and Apuleius by means of narrowing the “multi-seated” Greek concept of sophrosyne up to “single-seated” temperantia. The initial Christian receptions of Graeco-Roman cardinal virtues are also estimated, and an alternative of their inbuilding into one of three human vocations in accordance with three Jesus Christ’s ministries is offertd. The author claims that Graeco-Roman, Hindu and Chinese catalogues of virtues have much more common with each other than what is permitted by contemporary agnosticism in cultural studies which has only the appearance of wisdom. As to the differences, they are connected with the soteriological intention behind the Hindu catalogues while the Greek (before Neoplatonism) and Chinese ones label the development of secular personal dignity and social responsibility. The author does not conceal his preferences as well while asserting that the quadrangle of cardinal virtues as developed in Platonism had evident advantages in consistency over its Aristotelean restructuring via the division of virtues into intellectual and moral ones. He also is sure that this quadrangle was immensely improved in its Latin version by Cicero and Apuleius by means of narrowing the “multi-seated” Greek concept of sophrosyne up to “single-seated” temperantia. The initial Christian receptions of Graeco-Roman cardinal virtues are also estimated, and an alternative of their inbuilding into one of three human vocations in accordance with three Jesus Christ’s ministries is offertd.
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Estrada, Rodolfo Galvan. "The Racial Significance of Paul’s Clothing Metaphor (Romans 13:14; Galatians 3:27; Ephesians 4:24; Colossians 3:10)". Religions 14, n.º 6 (23 de maio de 2023): 684. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14060684.

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This essay proposes a new interpretation of the Pauline expression to “clothe” (ἐνδύω) oneself in Christ (Rom 13:14; Gal 3:27; Eph 4:24; Col 3:10). The phrase has been understood in terms of putting on virtues and godly characteristics. Other understandings of this phrase appear in terms of a new identity (Gal 3:27). There has been relatively limited study, however, on the significance of clothing and how different racial groups were known and characterized by their dress. Clothing was not just something that one “puts on” to protect the body from the elements or analogously understood in terms of adopting virtues. Clothing was a racial signifier, and the putting on or taking off of clothing signaled a racial transformation. The ability to “put on clothes” would have been understood in terms of the malleable nature of racial identity. By drawing on the insights of Herodotus, Aeschylus, Plutarch, and other Greek and Roman writers, this reading proposes a racial interpretation of Paul’s “clothing” phrases in Romans 13:14, Galatians 3:27, Ephesians 4:24, and Colossians 3:10. This essay explores the interpretation of these Pauline passages in contemporary scholarship, describes how the changing of clothing also signified a change of racial identity, and lastly, demonstrates how these insights can impact our understanding of the Pauline expression to “clothe oneself in Christ”.
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Drever, Matthew. "Augustine and Roman Virtue. By Brian Harding". Augustinian Studies 44, n.º 1 (2013): 171–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augstudies201344120.

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Holmes, Michael. "Recovering a "Lost" Author: Marcion of Smyrna". Horizons in Biblical Theology 31, n.º 2 (2009): 111–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/019590809x12553238843023.

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AbstractThe Martyrdom of Polycarp, traditionally treated as an anonymous document, is not: it was composed by Marcion of Smyrna. A writer of no small ability, he argues for a particular view of martyrdom on the basis of a sophisticated interpretation of the gospel narrative; portrays Polycarp as the embodiment of both Christian and Greco-Roman virtues and values; and subverts Roman claims to power even as he affirms Christian claims of divine sovereignty. His accomplishments earn him a spot on the roster of second century Christian authors.
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Berry, John Anthony. "Aquinas’s Understanding of Religion". Religions 14, n.º 7 (29 de junho de 2023): 855. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14070855.

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Thomas Aquinas emerges as a remarkable figure whose significant literary contributions have had a profound impact on our understanding of religion. Drawing inspiration from both the Greco-Roman philosophical and legal traditions, particularly the influential works of Cicero and the rich Christian tradition, notably Augustine, Aquinas presents a comprehensive and nuanced approach to the multifaceted concept of ‘religion’. While his analysis often situates ‘religion’ within the moral framework of justice, highlighting its inherent concern with the relationship between humanity and the divine, Aquinas goes beyond mere moral principles in his exploration. His aim is to establish a universal understanding of ‘religion’, offering a well-defined definition and presenting a philosophical and theological doctrine. In this paper, we shall first delve into the foundations and underlying principles that shaped Aquinas’s interpretation of religion. Next, we will undertake a thorough examination of religion as a virtue, highlighting Aquinas’s emphasis on its intrinsic connection to justice rather than confining it to the realm of religious sentiment, piety, or devotion. Finally, our research will explore the specific terminologies employed by Aquinas to elucidate the concept of religion, providing a comprehensive and nuanced approach to the ongoing discourse on this topic. Aquinas’s contribution rests in his defence of religion’s inherent public nature, grounded in its anthropological foundation and its virtuous essence.
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D'Angelo, Mary. "Ευσεβεια: Roman Imperial Family Values and the Sexual Politics of 4 Maccabees and the Pastorals". Biblical Interpretation 11, n.º 2 (2003): 139–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851503765661258.

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AbstractEarly Christian and Jewish texts responded to the “family values” campaigns mounted by successive emperors from Augustus and Hadrian with varying combinations of accommodation and resistance. This dialectic of resistance and accommodation appears in central aspects of 4 Maccabees and the Pastorals, texts that have frequently been assigned to the earlier part of the second century, that is, to the reigns of Trajan and Hadrian, and that foreground martyrs as the exemplars of their teaching. Both the Jewish and the Christian text give the virtue ευσεβεια a central role, constructing that virtue along the lines of the Roman virtue pietas, that is, as duty and devotion not only to the divine, but also to those of one’s household and family. The specifically post-Augustan character of this virtue is manifest in their displays of an a ideal of chastity for women that responds to the Julian laws—not only the avoidance of adultery and stuprum, but also a commitment to marriage and remarriage as long as the woman can bear children. Both likewise espouse the long term Roman idealization of the univira and both are insistent that the husband must be the teacher of the wife. Among the most significant aspects of this comparison are the close correspondences between the exegeses of Genesis 2-3 in 4 Macc.18:7-10 and 1 Tim. 2:13-15.
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Harrison, James R. "Augustan Rome and the Body of Christ: A Comparison of the Social Vision of theRes Gestaeand Paul's Letter to the Romans". Harvard Theological Review 106, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2013): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816012000296.

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A surprising omission in New Testament studies of the imperial world is a comparison of Augustus's conception of rule in theRes Gestae(RG) with Paul's eschatological gospel of grace in his letter to the Romans. Even though each document has been foundational in the history of Western civilization, a comparison of their vastly different social outcomes has not been undertaken. Neil Elliott has made an outstanding contribution in laying the foundations for such a study, offering a scintillating analysis of Paul's letter to the Romans in terms ofiustitia(justice),clementia(mercy),pietas(piety), andvirtus(valor), the four virtues of Augustus inscribed on the Golden Shield erected in the Julian senate house (RG34.2). However, a full-scale investigation of the Augustan conception of rule in theRGwould open up new perspectives on Paul's engagement with the imperial world in Romans, given that Augustus became the iconicexemplumof virtue for his Julio-Claudian successors. Nonetheless, the difference in genre and aims of each document makes such a comparison daunting for New Testament scholars, as does the controversy that each document continues to generate in its own discipline. Further, we are unsure about the extent of the exposure that Paul might have had to theRG, directly or indirectly. Possibly Paul saw a Greek version of theRGtext at Pisidian Antioch, along with the Latin text that still survives there, during his first missionary journey (Acts 13:14–50), even though there are no archaeological remains of the Greek text at Antioch today. Presumably Paul would have been aware that the original Latin copy of theRGwas inscribed in bronze at Augustus's mausoleum at Rome. This article will argue that Paul, in planning to move his missionary outreach from the Greek East to the Latin West (Rom 15:19a–24), thought strategically about how he was going to communicate the reign of the crucified, risen, and ascended Son of God to inhabitants of the capital who had lived through the “Golden Age” of grace under Augustus and who were experiencing its renewal under Nero. What social and theological vision did Paul want to communicate to the city of Rome in which Augustus was the yardstick of virtue to which future leaders of Rome should aspire?
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Mermelstein, Ari. "Emotion, Gender, and Greco-Roman Virtue in Joseph and Aseneth". Journal for the Study of Judaism 48, n.º 3 (11 de agosto de 2017): 331–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12340148.

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Anger, courage, and philanthropia—three important elements of Greco-Roman civic life—figure prominently in the book of Joseph and Aseneth and help us uncover the book’s message. One view within Greco-Roman culture valorized manly anger—at least where appropriate—and manly courage, but, according to Joseph and Aseneth, Jews instead privileged the emotion of pity and the related virtue of philanthropia. The author strategically developed his plot around the experiences of a female convert, whose views on anger, courage, and philanthropia highlight both the distinctiveness and subversiveness of the Jewish position. His message served an important polemical goal, one which highlighted the premium that Jews place on philanthropia and challenged contemporary accusations of Jewish misanthropy.
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Wood, Susan K. "The Shifting Ecumenical Landscape at the 2017 Reformation Centenary". Theological Studies 78, n.º 3 (21 de agosto de 2017): 573–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040563917714623.

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The 2017 Reformation Centenary is the first commemoration to take place during the ecumenical age and marks fifty years of Lutheran–Roman Catholic dialogue. The current ecumenical landscape is a tale of two cities, one of ecclesial fragmentation that exists simultaneously with new relationships of communion and ecumenical progress. The way forward requires the discernment of deeper commonalities among ecclesial tradition, a correlation of doctrines, a “pastoral ecumenism,” and a hierarchy of virtues in addition to a hierarchy of truths.
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David, Edward A. "Church, State, and Virtue in Roman Catholic Diocese of Brooklyn v. Cuomo (2020)". Religions 14, n.º 2 (10 de fevereiro de 2023): 239. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14020239.

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To curb the spread of COVID-19, houses of worship in the State of New York were legally required to limit attendance at religious ceremonies. Two religious communities—the Roman Catholic Diocese of Brooklyn and the Orthodox Jewish organization, Agudath Israel of America—asked the U.S. Supreme Court to intervene. This article provides a theological interpretation of the Court’s decision to grant these communities injunctive relief, thus freeing them from the State’s restrictions on religious attendance. Drawing upon the Catholic tradition, and especially the thought of Saint Thomas Aquinas, the article offers a sustained virtue-based analysis of the Court opinion and of the relationship between church and state more generally.
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List, Nicholas. "Job’s Endurance (Jas 5:11b)". Novum Testamentum 64, n.º 4 (9 de setembro de 2022): 469–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685365-bja10027.

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Abstract Interpreters have often struggled to account for the way in which the author of James employs the figure of Job as an example of ὑπομονή (Jas 5:11). Since a “steadfast” or “patient Job” is clearly incongruous with the book of Job, the Testament of Job is often forwarded as the preferred source of James’ Joban tradition. This article argues that James’ language of ὑπομονή should be read against its wider Greco-Roman literary background, and when done so, the Greek term emerges as an active, aggressive virtue, best rendered “enduring resistance.” The article posits that the author of James has reread the book of Job within this Greco-Roman literary framework, resulting in a congruent, though thoroughly Hellenistic, reading of Septua-gint Job in which the virtue of endurance takes on a newfound centrality.
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Ferrero, Michele. "The First Latin Translation of Li 礼 from the Analects of Confucius: Roman Virtues or Religious Acts?" Religions 15, n.º 4 (19 de abril de 2024): 505. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel15040505.

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This article centers around the early translation of the term Li 礼 in the Analects of Confucius (论语). This Latin translation shows that the interpretation of the Confucian term Li 礼 mostly did not include any religious meaning. This article also centers on the personal formation of the Jesuits of that time. Taking Michele Ruggieri as reference, this article details how studies based on the Latin Classics (especially Cicero) provided them with a reference to interpret this term as unrelated to religious worship. When the Jesuits arrived in China, at the end of the Ming dynasty, strong emphasis was given to the proper etiquette towards state officials. This in turn derived from the situation in the imperial court. In this historical environment, the Confucian rites (Li 礼) were interpreted as “good manners”. This article also presents briefly the question of whether for Christians, Li 礼 as a proper social behavior inspired by a particular cultural tradition has any connection with or can be a problem for the rituals of the Christian tradition instituted by Jesus as vehicles of divine grace.
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Ditchfield, Simon. "Translating Christianity in an Age of Reformations". Studies in Church History 53 (26 de maio de 2017): 164–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2016.11.

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This article argues that the age of the Protestant and Catholic Reformations and the global spread of the latter brought with it the challenge that not only was it necessary to learn new languages in order to communicate the Christian message to non-European peoples encountered during the so-called ‘Age of Discovery’, but some kind of control had to be exercised over the new, global circulation of sacred images and relics. The latter facilitated the visual (and virtual) translation of such holy sites as Jerusalem and Rome and its specific holy treasures in the mental prayers of the faithful. It concludes that it was less Lamin Sanneh's ‘triumph of [linguistic] translatability’ and more the physical translatability of the sacred that made possible the emergence of Roman Catholicism as this planet's first world religion.
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Gleason, Maud W. "Subversive Virtue: Asceticism and Authority in the Second-Century Roman World. James A. Francis". History of Religions 38, n.º 1 (agosto de 1998): 98–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/463529.

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Brooks, Veronica. "The Political Theory of Thomas More’s Epigrammata". Moreana 58, n.º 2 (dezembro de 2021): 188–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2021.0103.

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This essay argues that More’s Epigrammata contains a coherent political theory that is inspired by ancient Roman republicanism. More defines “liberty” as the people’s willing obedience to virtuous leaders who rule for the common good, and he claims that popular opinion is the source of legitimacy rather than divine sanction. In doing so, More critiques the Tudor regime and presents an alternative theory of kingship based on his understanding of liberty. However, More also criticizes hereditary monarchy as such and explicitly prefers a republican regime of elected men who share authority among equal peers. This republican regime more effectively promotes the common good, but it depends upon virtue in the rulers and in the citizens. More’s satirical epigrams on virtue and vice are part of his political teaching insofar as they establish his conception of citizen virtue, which supports his republicanism.
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Moiser, Jeremy. "Rethinking Romans 12–15". New Testament Studies 36, n.º 4 (outubro de 1990): 571–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500019731.

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The bulk of these chapters is invariably understood as a general, or as it were abstract, exposition of Christian virtues, without particular reference to a situation at Rome. We read in Luther, for example, that ‘the apostle is about to teach a Christian ethic’ when he begins chapter 12. Nygren states that none of Romans is aimed at circumstances peculiar to Rome, and that chapters 12–13 contain Paul's ‘central view of the ethical life of the Christian’. Käsemann regards 12–13 as general exhortation, only 14.1–15.3 being directed at problems in Rome. According to E. P. Sanders, nothing in Romans is called forth by the situation of the letter's recipients. ‘It seems best’, he writes, ‘to view Romans as being Paul's reflection on the problem of Jew and Gentile, in the light of the coming encounter in Jerusalem’. There are, however, several difficulties with this view. One is that the chapters do not include areas of Christian ethics with which we know Paul was concerned, such as marriage (1 Cor 7; Col 3.18 ff.), slavery (Col 3.22 ff.; Phlm), slander (1 Cor 6.10), suffering for Christ (2 Cor 1.7), generosity (2 Cor 8.6 ff.), avoiding witchcraft and gluttony (Gal 5.20; Phil 3.19), working hard (1 Thess 4.9–11). If Paul were writing a deliberatelygeneralethic, we should have expected perhaps more system and certainly a greater range of items.6More importantly, the view leads to fussy, artificial or disjointed divisions of the chapters into a multiplicity of exhortations which fail to grasp the broad sweep of Paul's thought. In particular the precise relevance of 13.1–7 is left obscure.
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Hinze, Bradford. "On Fostering Ecclesial Dialogue: Engaging Contrasting Ecclesiologies". Ecclesiology 4, n.º 2 (2008): 166–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/174413608x308609.

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AbstractDialogue is widely acknowledged as a basic practice constitutive of the church's internal and external identity and mission. Advancing ecclesial dialogue by learning from a phenomenology of its practices and cultivating apt virtues is necessary but insufficient. These efforts are often thwarted because divergent ecclesiological approaches to dialogue stand in tension with one another. This paper explores how three trajectories in Roman Catholic ecclesiology develop contrasting approaches to the role of dialogue in the church: personalist, correlationist, and contextual. The final part of the paper proposes three topics where there are convergences about the dialogical mandate amidst these contrasting orientations: the dynamic character of faith and tradition, the synodal imperative, and the need to debate the synodal agenda for the church in response to the global signs of the times.
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Kloppenborg, John S. "Associations, Christ groups, and their place in the Polis". Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft 108, n.º 1 (8 de fevereiro de 2017): 1–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/znw-2017-0001.

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Abstract:Early Christ groups, like Greek and Roman associations, engaged in mimicry of various civic institutions, and for similar reasons: to facilitate the integration of sub-altern groups into civic structures; to create “communities of honour” in which virtue was recognized and rewarded; and to produce small social structures in which the democratic values of autonomy could be performed. While mimicking civic structures, early Christ groups also displayed in varying ways ambivalence toward the city, either declaring themselves to be “resident aliens” or claiming to belong to a different polity.
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Lemos, Izabel Cristina Santiago, Jéssica Pereira de Sousa, Denise Bezerra Correia, Luiz De Beltrão Lima Junior, Marta Regina Kerntopf e George Pimentel Fernandes. "Aspectos Místicos e Científicos Acerca do Uso do Sangue em Diferentes Culturas da Antiguidade e na Contemporaneidade". UNICIÊNCIAS 21, n.º 1 (24 de agosto de 2017): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.17921/1415-5141.2017v21n1p35-38.

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Acerca da utilização do sangue em diversas culturas e etnias desde tempos remotos é notório que este fluido não tem sua importância somente em práticas medicinais, mas também em rituais religiosos. O objetivo do presente estudo é realizar levantamento bibliográfico acerca do uso do sangue em diferentes culturas da antiguidade e descrever o atual uso do sangue como agente terapêutico. O estudo é uma revisão narrativa/ clássica de literatura, em que foi consultada a Biblioteca Virtual de Saúde - BVS, utilizando as bases de dados Medline; Lilacs, Wholis e PAHO. Usando os descritores em Ciências da Saúde - DeCS: História da Medicina; Civilização; Religião e Ciência; Egito; Mundo Grego; Mundo Romano; Mundo Árabe; Medicina Tradicional Chinesa e Sangue. Deste modo, fica claro que o uso do sangue por civilizações antigas esteve relacionado às tradições religiosas, sendo compreendida sua relação direta com a vida humana, embora desconhecidas suas propriedades e composição. Ainda hoje alguns povos guardam esses traços históricos na incorporação de práticas cotidianas relacionadas ao uso do sangue. Conclui-se que esse fluido já foi e continua sendo empregado, em diversas práticas culturais, sendo o objeto de estudo de suma importância para a medicina contemporânea, como evidenciado pelo procedimento de hemotransfusão e de análises laboratoriais.Palavras-chave: Sangue. Religião e Ciência. Conhecimentos. Atitudes. Prática em Saúde.AbstractRegarding the use of blood in various cultures and ethnic groups since ancient times is well known that this fluid is important not only in medical practices, but also in religious rituals. The aim of this study is to accomplish a literature review about the use of blood in different antiquity cultures and describe the current use of blood as a therapeutic agent. The study is a narrative/classical literature review, which Virtual Health Library (VHL) was consulted, using the “databases” Medline; Lilacs Wholis and PAHO and the descriptors in Health Sciences (Decs): Historyof Medicine; Civilization; Religion and Science; Egypt; Greek world; Roman world; Arab world; Traditional Chinese Medicine and Blood. Thus, it becomes clear that the use of blood by ancient civilizations was related to religious traditions, being understood its direct relationship to human life, yet unknown its properties and composition. Even today some people keep these historical traces when incorporation their everyday practices related to the use of blood. It is concluded that this fluid has been and continues to be used in diverse cultural practices, being an important object of study for contemporary medicine, as evidenced by blood transfusion procedure and laboratory analysis.Keywords: Blood. Religion and Science. Health Knowledge. Attitudes. Practice
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EHRENSCHWENDTNER, MARIE-LUISE. "Virtual Pilgrimages? Enclosure and the Practice of Piety at St Katherine's Convent, Augsburg". Journal of Ecclesiastical History 60, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2009): 45–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046908006027.

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For forty years, the sisters of St Katherine's, Augsburg, resisted the introduction of strict enclosure as a consequence of Dominican reform. This article examines the initial reactions of the sisters, explores the Dominican practice of enclosure and its connections with obedience, and the influence it had on the sisters' spirituality. After the community had finally accepted enclosure, they managed to gain a papal privilege granting them all the indulgences usually acquired through pilgrimage to Rome and commissioned a cycle of monumental paintings of the seven Roman pilgrim churches. Thus the sisters could ‘jump’ their convent's walls by embarking on substitute pilgrimages.
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Manuel Corvalán Espina, Juan. "Religión católica, nuevas tecnologías y redes sociales virtuales: ¿Configura populismo la comunicación del Papa Francisco en la era del Internet 2.0?" Populismo(s). Intersecciones en las Ciencias Sociales, n.º 31 (1 de julho de 2019): 339–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.35659/designis.i31p339-357.

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El presente trabajo busca contribuir al estudio del populismo y el liderazgo. Se concentra en el proceso por medio del cual, una institución tradicional como la Iglesia Católica Apostólica Romana adapta sus mecanismos de comunicación a fin de ajustarse a los desafíos que presentan los desarrollos tecnológicos y la utilización de las redes sociales virtuales a nivel mundial. Este artículo examina la evolución de la circulación mediática del mensaje de la Iglesia a través de su órgano gobernante, la Santa Sede, así como también el uso que los distintos pontífices hacen de las nuevas tecnologías, en particular, las redes sociales virtuales. Finalmente, analiza si las practicas comunicacionales digitales del Papa Francisco pueden ser calificadas de populistas.
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Foley, Edward. "Spiritual Communion in a Digital Age: A Roman Catholic Dilemma and Tradition". Religions 12, n.º 4 (30 de março de 2021): 245. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12040245.

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In the midst of this pandemic, most Christian Churches in the United States have been required to limit severely if not suspend face-to-face worship. The responses to this challenge when it comes to celebrating the Eucharist have been multiple. Frequent pastoral responses have included the shipping of consecrated elements to folk for their use during live-stream worship and virtual communion, in which worshippers employ elements from their own households as communion elements during the digitized worship. These options are not permitted for Roman Catholics. Instead, it is most common for Roman Catholics to be invited into spiritual communion. This is often considered a diminished, even ternary form of communing, quickly dispensed when quarantines are lifted and herd immunity achieved. On the other hand, there is a rich and thoughtful tradition about spiritual communion that recognizes it as an essential element in communion even when such is experienced face-to-face. This article intends to affirm the values of spiritual communion as a real, mystical and fruitful action that not only sustains people worshipping from afar, but enhances an authentic eucharistic spirituality.
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Esler, Philip E. "Social Identity, the Virtues, and the Good Life: A New Approach to Romans 12:1–15:13". Biblical Theology Bulletin: Journal of Bible and Culture 33, n.º 2 (maio de 2003): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/014610790303300203.

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Wainwright, Geoffrey. "An Ecclesiological Journey: The Way of the Methodist – Roman Catholic International Dialogue". Ecclesiology 7, n.º 1 (2011): 50–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/174553110x540905.

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AbstractEcclesiology eventually imposed itself as the main theme of the international Methodist / Catholic dialogue by virtue of what have been from the beginning the differences in the respective self-understanding and ecclesial claims of the partners. Confessing that no ecclesiology shaped in a time of division is likely to be entirely satisfactory, the Joint Commission in its Nairobi Report of 1986 ('Towards a Statement on the Church') began exploring 'ways of being one Church' that might obtain in the case of reunion, and the goal of the Methodist / Catholic dialogue was formulated as 'full communion in faith, mission and sacramental life'; and so it has remained, although 'governance' should probably be added as a fourth element in communion. By the time of the Seoul Report of 2006 ('The Grace Given You in Christ: Catholics and Methodists Reflect Further on the Church'), the Commission decided to face head-on the need for 'a mutual reassessment' in the 'new context' set by the ecumenical movement: each partner would look at the other with the eye of faith for what could be discerned there as 'truly of Christ and of the Gospel and thereby of the Church'. The way was thus opened for an 'exchange of gifts' on the road to 'full communion'. The dialogue continues to confront long-standing questions on what may be called 'the instrumentality of grace' as the Joint Commission prepares a Report for Durban 2011 on 'Encountering Christ the Saviour: Church and Sacraments'. The classic Faith and Order themes of baptism, eucharist and ministry remain in need of full settlement, and an ecumenical confession of 'the faith of the Church' would be welcome. Meanwhile, the Joint Commission has produced – under the title 'Together to Holiness'- a thematic synthesis of the first eight rounds of dialogue (1967-2006).
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Carter, Michael S. "Religious Freedom, Catholic Citizenship, and the First U.S. State Constitutions, 1776–1796". U.S. Catholic Historian 41, n.º 4 (setembro de 2023): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cht.2023.a914862.

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Abstract: For most of the past century, historical and legal interpretations of religion in the U.S. founding promoted the notion that all remaining British colonial-era religious restrictions were swept away in a comprehensive, nationwide, secular, Enlightenment-inspired embrace of "religious freedom," including the granting of civil rights and the right to participate at every level of government. However, broad analysis of the Revolutionary-era and post-founding U.S. state constitutions reveals that in most states, while freedom of worship did prevail, restrictions upon full political participation by Roman Catholics were either left in place or, more often, rearticulated in different language that reveals a continuous, at least implied, preoccupation with anti-popery's historical and theological themes. This shift in language is significant because it indicates a desire to promote Protestant Christianity as the unique source of civic virtue, while quietly reaffirming Catholicism's exclusion, thereby linking colonial, Revolutionary, and founding-era state constitutions to later debates over Catholic citizenship. The symbolic role of Catholics and Catholicism in the British historical imagination continued to exert a powerful force on the thinking of the state constitutions' framers across the new republic.
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Bellenger, Dominic Aidan. "Dom Bede Camm (1864-1942), Monastic Martyrologist". Studies in Church History 30 (1993): 371–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400011839.

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One of the soldiers asked him what religion he was of. He readily answered, ‘I am a Catholic’ ‘What!’ said the other, ‘a Roman Catholic?’ ‘How do you mean a Roman?’ said Father Bell, ‘I am an Englishman. There is but one Catholic Church, and of that I am a member.’These words of a Franciscan priest, Arthur Bell, executed at Tyburn in 1643, could have been taken as his own by Dom Bede Camm, the Benedictine martyrologist, who was one of the great propagandists of those English and Welsh Catholic martyrs who died in the period from the reign of Elizabeth to the Popish Plot. The lives of the martyrs were familiar to English Catholics through the writings of Richard Challoner (1691–1781), whose Memoirs of Missionary Priests had been available in various forms since its publication, as a kind of Catholic reply to Foxe’s Book of Martyrs, in two volumes in 1741–2, but in the late nineteenth century, as the English Catholics, reinforced by many converts from the Church of England, grew more combative in controversy following the relative calm of the Georgian period, the martyrs came more to the forefront. The church authorities sought recognition of the English martyrs’ heroic virtue. In 1874 Cardinal Manning had put under way an ‘ordinary process’, a preliminary judicial inquiry, to collect evidence to elevate the ‘venerable’ martyrs to the status of ‘beati’. In 1895, and again in 1929, large batches of English martyrs were declared blessed. In 1935 Thomas More and John Fisher were canonized. It was not until 1970 that forty of the later martyrs, a representative group, were officially declared saints.
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Saeed, Muhammad Hassaan, e Muhammad Umair Raouf. "الٓمٓ غُلِبَتِ الرُّوم کی پیش گوئی اور مستشرقین کے اعتراضات کا تنقیدی مطالعہ A Critical Study of the Orientalists’ Objections Regarding the Quranic Prediction of Dominance of the Roman Empire". Al-Wifaq 5, n.º 1 (30 de junho de 2022): 111–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.55603/alwifaq.v5i1.u7.

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In the Holy Qur’an, Allah Almighty has predicted some events and incidents going to happen in the future. These predictions (Domination of the religion Islam, Attainment of Hudaybiyyah treaty and acquisition of booty, Compilation, and interpretation of the Holy Qur’an) are considered the miracle of the Holy Qur’an. The prediction of “Victory and Domination of Roman Empire over the Persians” is one of such prophecies of the Holy Qur’an which was fulfilled within the period mentioned in the Holy Qur'an and so, deserves to be called a miracle of the Holy Qur'an. This clearest prophecy of the Holy Qur'an has been the subject of research by Western scholars. Well-known western researcher Edward Gibbon has acknowledged this Qur'anic prophecy and acknowledged that it was fulfilled at a time when conditions did not seem to be right. However, some Orientalists such as J.M. Rodwell, Michael Bonner, and E. M. Wherry, etc. have objected to this clear and important prediction and have sought to cast doubt on its status. In this article, the objections of the Orientalists have been critically examined and refuted on the basis of Ahadith and the opinions of Muslim scholars. Hafiz Muhammad Hassaan Saeed * Instructor (Islamic Studies), Department of Islamic Studies, Virtual University of Pakistan. Muhammad Umair Raouf ** Instructor (Islamic Studies), Department of Islamic Studies, Virtual University of Pakistan.
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Buchta, Roman, Wojciech Cichosz e Anna Zellma. "Religious Education in Poland during the COVID-19 Pandemic from the Perspective of Religion Teachers of the Silesian Voivodeship". Religions 12, n.º 8 (17 de agosto de 2021): 650. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12080650.

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The COVID-19 pandemic has influenced all spheres of life. It has an impact on the education of children and youth. The authors’ research focused on religious education during the pandemic by the Roman Catholic Church in Poland in the Śląskie Voivodeship. The criterion for choosing the environment was dictated by demographic conditions. The Śląskie Voivodeship has the highest population density per square kilometer, which contributed to the largest number of virus infections. The principal purpose of the research was to gather religion teachers’ opinions concerning organization and implementation of the remote teaching of religion in the Silesian Voivodeship (Województwo Śląskie). So far, there has been no research conducted in the field of the abovementioned issues in the area chosen by the authors. The authors’ research, carried out from June to August 2020, covered 700 people, which accounts for 18.7% of the religious education teachers working in the Śląskie Voivodeship. The results of the authors’ own research allowed formulating a conclusion that the COVID-19 pandemic contributed to the development of modern information and communication competencies of all participants of religious education. Entities involved in this type of education recognized and used multiple opportunities offered by information and communication technologies, which can be seen in the respondents’ declarations describing various forms of their didactic and educational on-line work. The COVID-19 pandemic has motivated parents to become more involved in the religious education of younger school-age children. The surveyed religion teachers declared that, thanks to the activity and the help of their parents, the children systematically participated in religion lessons and carried out orders and educational tasks without major problems. Thus, indirectly, parents of children of a younger school age were covered by religious education and were subject to pedagogy. Nevertheless, as teachers have pointed out, the virtual world makes it impossible to form authentic interpersonal relationships. The research confirmed the thesis, according to which religious education carried out in distance learning limits the complete implementation of its objectives, since an upbringing in faith calls for community that necessitates direct contact between the pupil and the teacher.
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Anagnostou-Laoutides, Eva. "Theōria as Cure for Impiety and Atheism in Plato’s Laws and Clement of Alexandria". Religions 15, n.º 6 (14 de junho de 2024): 727. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel15060727.

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The article examines the impact of Plato’s views on atheism and impiety, relayed in the Laws, on Clement of Alexandria. Clement employed the adjectives godless (atheos) and impious (asebēs) often in his writings as accusations against pagan philosophers and/or heretics, but also in his defence of Christians against the very charge of atheism on account of their rejection of pagan gods (Stromata 7.1; cf. Tertullian’s Apologia 10). I argue that Clement, perceptive of Plato’s defence of philosophical contemplation (theōria) and its civic benefits in the Laws, reworked the latter’s association of disbelief with excessive confidence in fleshly pleasures (Leges 888A) in tandem with his stipulation of virtue as the civic goal of his ideal colonists of Magnesia who ought to attune to the divine principles of the cosmos. Thus, Clement promoted the concept of citizenship in the Heavenly kingdom, secured through contemplation and its ensuing impassibility. For Plato and Clement, atheism was the opposite of genuine engagement with divine truth and had no place in the ideal state. Although Clement associated the Church with peace, his views were adapted by Firmicus Maternus to sanction violent rhetoric against the pagans in the fourth century when Christianity became the official religion of the Roman Empire.
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Rodrigues de Oliveira, Jefferson. "Territorialidades de la fe en el catolicismo brasileño: espacialidad y temporalidad en las nuevas comunicaciones". Cultura y Religión 10, n.º 2 (31 de dezembro de 2016): 65–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.61303/07184727.v10i2.677.

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A medida que surgen nuevos paradigmas y formas de pensar y actuar en el mundo, la religión, como un fenómeno cultural, debe acompañar estos cambios para su mantenimiento y existencia. Insertadas en un contexto posmoderno de la sociedad, las religiones deben crear mecanismos que permitan continuar el ejercicio de sus territorialidades, manteniendo así sus poderes sobre sus territorios, tanto el físico como los más recientemente territorios virtuales vinculados al ciberespacio. La religión tiene una verdadera necesidad de entrar en estos contextos plurales para no quedar enyesada y cristalizada, sino para continuar con su poder en diferentes escalas a partir de los nuevos paradigmas. En este trabajo se pretende destacar los cambios que se han producido en la Iglesia Católica Apostólica Romana en Brasil, así como sus estrategias de permanencia en el poder y la difusión de la fe a través de las nuevas comunicaciones. Para cumplir con el objetivo propuesto, este artículo se divide en tres partes: a) Territorio y territorialidad de la Iglesia Católica en Brasil; b) La difusión de la fe católica en la hipermodernidad, y c) Renovación carismática católica y las nuevas comunidades.
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Macdonald, Margaret Y. "The Ideal of the Christian Couple: Ign. Pol. 5.1–2 Looking Back to Paul". New Testament Studies 40, n.º 1 (janeiro de 1994): 105–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500020464.

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Reflecting upon ethical ideals upheld by the Apostolic Fathers scholars have noted the presence of a ‘positive attitude towards pagan society’, ‘ideas comparable to those of nineteenth-century petty bourgeoisie’, a vision of the church made up of ‘generous householders, well-disciplined children, submissive wives, and reliable slaves’. Commenting on the renunciation of Paul's preference for virginity by the beginning of the second century, Elizabeth A. Clark concludes that ‘… the ordering of the household deemed normal by late ancient pagan society tended to prevail in Christianity as well’. Recent work on the implications of remaining unmarried for the lives of early Christian women has perhaps allowed the tipping of the scale away from the preference for the privileges of virginity towards the ideal of wifely submission to stand out in even fuller relief. The obvious question is why the Christian ideal of the married couple with its apparent openness to Greco-Roman ethics emerges so boldly at the turn of the century. The attractive solution most frequently proposed is, as Clark puts it, that wives exhibiting the characteristic virtues of good domestic order, discretion and modesty, stood as ‘apologists for the new faith’.
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Bouhafa, Feriel. "New Perspectives on Ethics in Islam [whole issue]". Journal of Arabic and Islamic Studies 21 (3 de janeiro de 2022): 1–364. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/jais.9348.

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Complete volume, containing all articles CONTENTS Introduction: Feriel Bouhafa, Towards New Perspectives on Ethics in Islam: Casuistry, Contingency, and Ambiguity I. Islamic Philosophy and Theology Feriel Bouhafa, The Dialectics of Ethics: Moral Ontology and Epistemology in Islamic Philosophy Frank Griffel, The Place of Virtue Ethics within the Post-Classical Discourse on ḥikma: Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī’s al-Nafs wa-l-rūḥ wa-sharḥ quwāhumā Ayman Shihadeh, Psychology and Ethical Epistemology: An Ashʿarī Debate with Muʿtazilī Ethical Realism, 11th-12th C. Hannah C. Erlwein, The Moral Obligation to Worship God Alone: Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī’s Analysis in the Tafsīr Anna Ayse Akasoy, Philosophy in the Narrative Mode: Alexander the Great as an Ethical Character from Roman to Medieval Islamicate Literature II. Islamic Jurisprudence Ziad Bou Akl, From Norm Evaluation to Norm Construction: The Metaethical Origin of al-Ghazālī’s Radical Infallibilism Felicitas Opwis, The Ethical Turn in Legal Analogy: Imbuing the Ratio Legis with Maṣlaḥa Robert Gleave, Moral Assessments and Legal Categories: The Relationship between Rational Ethics and Revealed Law in Post-Classical Imāmī Shīʿī Legal Theory Omar Farahat, Moral Value and Commercial Gain: Three Classical Islamic Approaches III Hadith, Quran, and Adab Mutaz al-Khatib, Consult Your Heart: The Self as a Source of Moral Judgment Tareq Moqbel, “As Time Grows Older, the Qurʾān Grows Younger”: The Ethical Function of Ambiguity in Qurʾānic Narratives Enass Khansa, Can Reading Animate Justice? A Conversation from Alf Layla wa-Layla (The Thousand and One Nights) Nuha AlShaar, The Interplay of Religion and Philosophy in al-Tawḥīdī’s Political Thought and Practical Ethics William Ryle Hodges, Muḥammad ʿAbduh’s Notion of Political Adab: Ethics as a Virtue of Modern Citizenship in Late 19th Century Khedival Egypt
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Driver, Lisa D. Maugans. "The Cult of Martyrs in Asterius of Amaseia's Vision of the Christian City". Church History 74, n.º 2 (junho de 2005): 236–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700110224.

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For what is worth as much as these festival assemblies? And what is so august and all-beautiful as to see the whole city with one's whole race issuing from the town, occupying a holy place to perform pure mysteries of the most genuine devotion?Few Romans of any era would have disagreed with these exclamations, though earlier generations might have been astonished that such familiar sentiments could issue from the mouth of a Christian bishop. The ideal of civic solidarity through worship and celebration was a familiar concept from ancient times, one which Asterius felt to be entirely in keeping with the practice of Christianity at the end of the fourth century. Asterius's festival homilies reveal part of the process whereby views on society and citizens became informed by Christian belief. First he offers a critique of traditional society and religion. Second he promotes Christianpoliteia, by means of martyr festivals, as the true foundation for social harmony. Three conceptual strategies emerge in Asterius's program for transforming classicalpoliteia: recommending distinctly Christian philosophic virtue, depicting citizenship in terms of familial relationships, and employing an eschatological dimension to patronage.
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Costigane, Helen. "Religious Orders and the Criminal Records Bureau". Ecclesiastical Law Journal 8, n.º 38 (janeiro de 2006): 323–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00006463.

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Recent scandals in the churches relating to the abuse of children and vulnerable adults have led to a desire to protect those to whom the churches minister by putting in place safeguards which screen out those not suitable to work in this capacity. For the Roman Catholic Church, the implementation of the Nolan Report has been a key part of this process, together with the setting up of the Catholic Office for the Protection of Children and Vulnerable Adults(COPCA). The Conference of Religious (the representative body of priests, sisters and brothers who belong to religious orders) has also been involve in ongoing dialogue with diocesan bishops about how the recommendations of the Nolan Report might best be implemented At the same time, concerns have been raised about whether some of the measures being implemented compromise important principles of privacy and confidentiality. This discussion looks at this from the particular viewpoint of a nun1 who does not work with children or vulnerable adults, and explores whether she is required to undergo checks by the Criminal Records Bureau simply by virtue of being a nun.
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45

Bach, Alice, e Jennifer Glancy. "The Morning After in Corinth: Bread-and-Butter Notes, Part I". Biblical Interpretation 11, n.º 3 (2003): 449–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851503322566859.

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AbstractAlthough moralists pined for the days of traditional virtues and simple foodstuffs, the elites of the Roman Empire pursued luxury and excess both in literature and cuisine. Distrust of fancy preparations extended even to the categorization of the constituent elements of diet. James Davidson writes of Greek cuisine, "Victuals were regularly divided into three parts: sitos (the staple, usually bread), opson (whatever one eats with the staple) and poton (drink)." The opson adds nothing and everything, both necessary and unnecessary. No meal is complete without opson, but an ancient proverb held that the very best opson is hunger. Writing to the Corinthian Christians, Paul reminds them that they can fill their bellies at home, with opson, one imagines, and simply gather to share the bread and the wine. Bread and wine suffice. Or do they? Paul proposes a menu: bread, wine, and some words to accompany the sitos and poton. The words of institution serve as an opson; bread and wine are not a banquet without the prescribed words. Paul writes that members of the community have sickened and even died for consuming the Lord's Supper unworthily. Surely it is not the bread and wine that turn their stomachs, but the accompaniment, the opson, the edible words that prove to be lethal. What if the members of the Corinthian community were not, as Paul claims, ill from swallowing the words of institution in an unworthy manner, but rather from the opposite, ingesting the words too literally? An overlooked source of indigestion: the postprandial effects of human flesh and blood.
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46

Lock, Alexander. "Catholicism, Apostasy and Politics in Late Eighteenth-Century England: The Case of Sir Thomas Gascoigne and Charles Howard, Earl of Surrey". Recusant History 30, n.º 2 (outubro de 2010): 275–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200012802.

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Apostasy among the English Catholic gentry in the late eighteenth century was not uncommon. In this period contemporary Catholic observers were concerned by what they perceived to be a great qualitative decrease of English Catholic gentry and they regarded apostasy as ‘a major and catastrophic cause of the decline’. Conformity to the established religion was a social virtue and was rewarded with social advantages; it was part and parcel of one's rise in the social scale and so was a great temptation for gentlemen outside the Anglican fold who were desirous of a service or parliamentary career. In almost every county in England many heads of old English Catholic families conformed. Indeed, in the West Riding of Yorkshire, of the twenty-four Catholic gentry families that existed in the Riding in. 1706 only twelve remained by 1780. Between the years 1754–1790 seven members of the House of Commons had renounced Roman Catholicism in order to pursue political careers and according to the contemporary Catholic priest Joseph Berington, by 1780 there were but 177 landed Catholic families in England ten of which had either died out or recently abjured their faith. Just a few conversions could have devastating consequences for Catholic communities. As David Butler points out, often ‘Catholic missions were over-dependent on the Catholic aristocracy and gentry for the continuance of Catholic worship’ and for Butler, in eighteenth-century London alone, if ‘just eight prominent families had apostatised … the Catholic missions would have lost about half of their numbers’.
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47

Tolonen, Anna-Liisa, e Elisa Uusimäki. "Managing the Ancestral Way of Life in the Roman Diaspora: The Mélange of Philosophical and Scriptural Practice in 4 Maccabees". Journal for the Study of Judaism 48, n.º 1 (14 de fevereiro de 2017): 113–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12341133.

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Portrayals of figures of the Israelite narrative are used in 4 Maccabees 1:1-3:18 to discuss the philosophical nature of Judaism. To illustrate the intellectual cultural milieu of the composition, we analyse the notion of (a) ancient philosophy as a way of life and (b) commentary as an intellectual exercise which are part of the author’s lifestyle. He introduces skills of life management into the lives of past figures to promote his notion of virtue. The author (re)casts familiar stories as descriptions of situations in which characters are challenged both rationally and emotionally; thus, he provides the audience with an opportunity for spiritual exercise by means of identification with these characters. This mélange of philosophical and scriptural practice shows that the principles of 4 Maccabees cannot be reduced to either Greek philosophy or Jewish law. Rather, they constitute a philosophical lifestyle which is aligned with both divine law and lived experience.
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48

Linebaugh, Jonathan A. "Announcing the Human: Rethinking the Relationship Between Wisdom of Solomon 13–15 and Romans 1.18–2.11". New Testament Studies 57, n.º 2 (4 de março de 2011): 214–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688510000330.

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Although the relationship between Rom 1.18–2.5 and Wisdom of Solomon 13–15 is variously interpreted, those who detect a level of textual engagement tend to agree that while Rom 2.1–5 critiques Wis 15.1–4, Rom 1.18–32 stands as a compressed yet theologically consistent restatement of Wis 13.1–14.31, 15.7–19. This paper challenges this virtual consensus by rereading Rom 1.18–32 in light of the rhetorical turn at Rom 2.1. The kerygmatic location of Paul's polemic, together with a series of alterations to the Hellenistic Jewish polemical tradition, suggest an interpretation of Rom 1.18–32 that runs directly counter to Wisdom of Solomon's rhetorical and theological purposes in chs. 13–15. Whereas Wisdom of Solomon's polemic functions to reinforce the anthropological distinction between Jew and Gentile on the basis of true and false worship, Paul reworks the aniconic tradition to establish the essential unity of humanity.
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49

Pibaev, Igor A. "Autonomy of religious organizations and freedom of religion in the context of the spread of COVID-19 (experience of Russia and Italy)". Gosudarstvo i pravo, n.º 12 (2022): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s102694520017733-7.

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The situation in the world caused by the spread of the new coronavirus infection forced the executive authorities in many countries to issue acts that provided for strict restrictions on constitutional rights, in particular, freedom of religion. First of all, we are talking about the prohibition of worship, religious rituals and coram populo ceremonies, the use of a truncated burial format in order to protect public health. The article aims to investigate the measures taken by state authorities and religious organizations in Russia and Italy, to assess their validity and proportionality, based on the standards of the Council of Europe. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the mechanisms of interaction between the authorities of various levels and religious leaders in order to develop acceptable solutions, identified the similarities and differences of the relevant legal regulation in these states. Author of the article tries to answer the question of a fair balance of constitutional values in emergency conditions - the protection of public health and the ability to manifest one's religious beliefs through external actions (forum externum). Revealing the influence of digital technologies on the transformation of worship and religious rituals in conditions of isolation of citizens, the author draws attention to the fact that in the Roman Catholic and Orthodox Churches, “virtual faith” cannot replace Eucharistic communion in the temple, which should be taken into account when developing and applying regulatory legal acts. As a result, the author comes to the conclusion about the importance of finding compromise solutions and notes that the distortion of understanding of the norms on the autonomy of religious organizations and the fundamental provisions of the secular nature of the state leads to a disproportionate restriction of the constitutional rights and freedoms of citizens: the arbitrary administrative closure of religious buildings, the involvement of believers and clergymen in criminal proceedings. and administrative responsibility.
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WELTON, MEGAN. "THE CITY SPEAKS: CITIES, CITIZENS, AND CIVIC DISCOURSE IN LATE ANTIQUITY AND THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES". Traditio 75 (2020): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tdo.2020.2.

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This article investigates how civic discourse connects the virtue of citizens and the fortunes of cities in a variety of late antique and early medieval sources in the post-Roman west. It reveals how cities assume human qualities through the rhetorical technique of personification and, crucially, the ways in which individuals and communities likewise are described with civic terminology. It also analyzes the ways in which the city and the civic community are made to speak to one another at times of crisis and celebration. By examining a diverse range of sources including epideictic poetry, chronicles, hagiographies, and epigraphic inscriptions, this article addresses multiple modes of late antique and early medieval thought that utilize civic discourse. It first explores how late antique and early medieval authors employed civic discourse in non-urban contexts, including how they conceptualized the interior construction of an individual's mind and soul as a fortified citadel, how they praised ecclesiastical and secular leaders as city structures, and how they extended civic terminology to the preeminently non-urban space of the monastery. The article then examines how personified cities spoke to their citizens and how citizens could join their cities in song through urban procession. Civic encomia and invective further illustrate how medieval authors sought to unify the virtuous conduct of citizens with the ultimate fate of the city's security. The article concludes with a historical and epigraphic case study of two programs of mural construction in ninth-century Rome. Ultimately, this article argues that the repeated and emphatic exhortations to civic virtue provide access to how late antique and early medieval authors sought to intertwine the fate of the city with the conduct of her citizens, in order to persuade their audiences to act in accordance with the precepts of virtue.
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