Siga este link para ver outros tipos de publicações sobre o tema: Various revolutionary oppositional movements.
Artigos de revistas sobre o tema "Various revolutionary oppositional movements"
Crie uma referência precisa em APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, e outros estilos
Veja os 50 melhores artigos de revistas para estudos sobre o assunto "Various revolutionary oppositional movements".
Ao lado de cada fonte na lista de referências, há um botão "Adicionar à bibliografia". Clique e geraremos automaticamente a citação bibliográfica do trabalho escolhido no estilo de citação de que você precisa: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
Você também pode baixar o texto completo da publicação científica em formato .pdf e ler o resumo do trabalho online se estiver presente nos metadados.
Veja os artigos de revistas das mais diversas áreas científicas e compile uma bibliografia correta.
1
Brown, Nik. "Hope Against Hype - Accountability in Biopasts, Presents and Futures". Science & Technology Studies 16, n.º 2 (1 de janeiro de 2003): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.23987/sts.55152.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
We are today wholly accustomed to being daily bombarded with (often competing) claims about the seemingly limitless potential and promise of transgenics, predictive medicine, reproductive science, bioinformatics and much else besides. Stories of new breakthroughs and advances mesh with ‘our’ culturally embedded sense of the steady march of enlightenment progress. Each announcement seems to index a sequential pulse in the accomplishment of the ‘biotechnology revolution’. In more grounded terms, the talking-up of biotechnology prizes open the accounts of funding agencies and investors, in addition to winning the necessary support of various critical allies (patients, publics, regulators, etc). In equal measure, hyper-expectations feed into and fuel the complex counter concerns of oppositional cultures (new social movements, NGOs, etc). And yet these accounts of revolutionary potentially sit uncomfortably alongside our equally familiar experiences of unfulfilled promises, the awkward absence of future benefits, treatments, rewards and profits. This is not always the case, but more often than not, early hopes are rarely proportionate to actual future results. This paper charts key features in the ‘dynamics of expectations’, documenting the relationships between new hopes and emerging disappointments. It explores the routes of agency in the construction of the present’s future and touches on the possibilities for greater accountability in the political economy of biotechnological expectations.
2
Lipold, Patrycja. "Antropologia rewolucji w RFN i Polsce w latach 1970–1979 w perspektywie porównawczej i historycznej". Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, n.º 22 (30 de abril de 2014): 99–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2014.22.05.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The nineteen seventies number among the most interesting periods of post-war times. They included the Vietnam war, the Hippie movement in the United States, the Socialist movement in Western Europe and the policy of ‘Détente’ in the East-West relationships. It was the extra-parliamentary opposition that gave birth to the extreme-left (terrorist) movements in Germany and worker protests in Poland, which, in turn, set about fighting the authorities and changing the relationships in their country. It was a time of rapid, dynamic changes and involvement. In the opinion of the participants in those processes themselves, they brought about a release, they constituted an apotheosis of a freedom such as they would probably never again experience in their lifetimes. These were the years of anti-authoritarian rebellion, of risking one’s own life and of international contacts of various kinds; they were the years which were to change the two countries and their history forever. The Rote Armee Fraktion (Red Army Faction) in Germany and the Workers’ Defence Committee in Poland were the two groups which spurred the great mobilisation of the societies in both countries. They provoked the events which were talked about, which were lived, the events which, transforming themselves into a great cause-and-effect machine, introduced changes that gave rise to effects, we have continued to experience to this day. Both groups had a similar genesis; they were rooted in political opposition and revolutionary purpose and they brought about immense consequences for the two societies, for politicians and for history.
3
Bayu, Takele Bekele. "Fault Lines within the Ethiopian People Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF): Intraparty Network and Governance system". International Journal of Contemporary Research and Review 10, n.º 02 (7 de fevereiro de 2019): 20592–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.15520/ijcrr.v10i02.662.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Ethiopia People Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRD) is a political party in charge of government power since 1991. EPRDF is established in 1989 out of Rebel group to party transformation with the view to oust the military government called Derg. It is a coalition of four parties political organization i.e. Tigray People Liberation Front (TPLF)- which is an architect of EPRDF, Amhara National Democratic Movements (ANDM) in 1980, Oromo People Liberation Organization (OPDO ) and Southern Ethiopian People Democratic Movement ( SEPDM) However, in spite of the nominally coalition structure of the EPRDF, from the beginning the TPLF provided the leadership and ideological direction to other members of the coalition. To maintain the dominant position within the coalition the TPLF has transferred its rebel time internal governance network that focuses on traditional Marxist Leninist organizational lines, with an emphasis on “democratic centralism”; and a tradition of hierarchically organizational structure to the newly established political organization i.e. EPRDF. Consequently, the EPRDF intraparty network and governance system is dominated by the use of ML (Marxist-Leninist) authoritarian methods and hegemonic control, rigid hierarchical leadership; Democratic centralism, the dominance of the party apparatus behind the façade of regional and local autonomy, an extensive patron-client mechanisms; the use of force to silence opposition within and outside the party; intertwined State institutions and the party system and excessive reliance on party entity instead of state administration units; and gim gema (self-evaluation) are worth mentioning. These intraparty network and governance system have severely limited genuine democratization within the party as well as hampered the democratization process in the country. The party is facing increasing pressure and challenge from within the party and the public at large demanding equal status and fair political economic representation. In effect, EPRDF is in deep crisis shattered by internal divisions, crises as well as external public pressure forcing the party to entertain democratic principles and culture. Hence, it is recommended that the organizational structure and the values and principles governing the organization should be revisited within the framework of democracy which allows adaptability and flexibility given the various change agents in the socio-cultural, economic, political environment.
4
Dudouet, Véronique. "Dynamics and factors of transition from armed struggle to nonviolent resistance". Journal of Peace Research 50, n.º 3 (maio de 2013): 401–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343312469978.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The dynamics of conflict (de)escalation by social movements or political opposition groups have attracted cross-disciplinary interest among social scientists, but there remain several knowledge gaps to be filled. On the one hand, there is already extensive research on the shifts from unarmed expressions of collective grievances to the adoption of violent strategies by oppressed constituencies or ‘minorities at risk’, as well as on the transition from armed insurgency to negotiations, demobilization, reintegration and conventional politics. However, there is scarce scholarship on the phenomenon of armed groups shifting their conflict-waging strategies from violent to nonviolent means, especially in contexts which cannot be resolved by force but are also ‘unripe’ for conventional de-escalation methods through negotiation and political integration. This article offers a first attempt to fill this conceptual and empirical gap, by investigating the nature and the drivers of transitions from armed strategies to nonviolent methods of contentious collective action on the part of non-state conflict actors. It focuses in particular on the internal and relational/environmental factors which underpin their decisionmaking process, from a change of leadership and a pragmatic re-evaluation of the goals and means of insurgency, to the search for new local or international allies and the cross-border emulation or diffusion of new repertoires of action. This multilevel analysis draws from past research on various self-determination or revolutionary movements which fit the scope of analysis (i.e. Nepal, Egypt, Palestine, West Papua, East Timor, Mexico and Western Sahara). The article also points to the need for more systematic enquiry on these cases through in-depth comparative empirical analysis.
5
Volkova, Irina. "Against the Current: Schoolchildren’s Informal Organizations in the 1930s and Early 1940s". Antropologicheskij forum 19, n.º 56 (2023): 62–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31250/1815-8870-2023-19-56-62-92.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The article is devoted to the schoolchildren associations of the 1930s and early 1940s, which were created as grassroot initiatives, bypas sing—and often standing in opposition to—the pioneers and the Komsomol. These forms of activity make it possible to see adolescents in an unusual light—as the subjects of history—and to imagine how the socio-political realities and ideology of this period were refracted in their minds. The above material shows that, as in other periods, children’s amateur activity in the 1930s and early 1940s grew out of needs that were not met within the state system of education and upbringing. The political repressions that swept the country in the second half of the 1930s did not become an obstacle for these movements. However, a strong “formatting” effect was exerted by the focal points of the policy aimed at children of that time. The tightening of school discipline and normative pressure on the recalcitrant, ideological pressure with emasculated revolutionary meanings provoked reactions like Merton’s retreats and rebellion. Their organizational projections were, respectively, interest clubs, sometimes with a delinquent bias, and protest groups of various kinds. The weakening of Soviet isolationism and the decrease in ideological pressure during the war years stimulated the emergence of gaming communities to model state activities through the perspective of the rapprochement of nations.
6
Sergeev, Sergey Alexeevich. "Русский оппозиционный внепарламентский национализм: все цвета спектра?" Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 42, n.º 3 (19 de outubro de 2015): 298–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763324-04203005.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This article examines various types of Russian oppositional extra-parliamentary natio- nalism from the 1990s to the 2010s, such as imperial national conservatism, monarchy- Black Hundreds nationalism, revolutionary nationalism, Russian Nazism, and National Democrats. It analyzes major Russian oppositional nationalist organizations as well as their transformations and evolution. The author gives particular attention to revolutionary nationalism (National Bolshevism) and National Democracy.
7
BREWSTER, CLAIRE, e KEITH BREWSTER. "‘Patria, Honor y Fuerza’: A Study of a Right-Wing Youth Movement in Mexico during the 1930s–1960s". Journal of Latin American Studies 46, n.º 4 (11 de agosto de 2014): 691–721. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x14001102.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
AbstractThis article focuses on the intricate and developing nature of official politics and grassroots activism in post-revolutionary Mexico. It does so by tracing the trajectory of the Pentathlón Deportivo Militar Universitario, a right-wing youth movement that emerged in Mexico in 1938. By locating the group within both the international and domestic emergence of youth movements in the early twentieth century, the article shows how the study of Pentathlón's formation, objectives and later evolution can significantly enrich our understanding of an important phase in Mexico's post-revolutionary history. Within the context of right wing oppositional politics, analysis of the movement provides a fascinating insight into both the emerging Mexican state's ability to appropriate the radical impulses of the younger generation and the Pentathlón's willingness to accommodate such strategies in order to ensure its own survival.
8
BREWSTER, CLAIRE, e KEITH BREWSTER. "‘Patria, Honor y Fuerza’: A Study of a Right-Wing Youth Movement in Mexico during the 1930s–1960s". Behavioral and Brain Sciences 38, n.º 01 (dezembro de 2014): 130–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0140525x13009849.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
AbstractThis article focuses on the intricate and developing nature of official politics and grassroots activism in post-revolutionary Mexico. It does so by tracing the trajectory of the Pentathlón Deportivo Militar Universitario, a right-wing youth movement that emerged in Mexico in 1938. By locating the group within both the international and domestic emergence of youth movements in the early twentieth century, the article shows how the study of Pentathlón's formation, objectives and later evolution can significantly enrich our understanding of an important phase in Mexico's post-revolutionary history. Within the context of right wing oppositional politics, analysis of the movement provides a fascinating insight into both the emerging Mexican state's ability to appropriate the radical impulses of the younger generation and the Pentathlón's willingness to accommodate such strategies in order to ensure its own survival.
9
Alemu, Amsale. "Demystifying the Image". Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 42, n.º 2 (1 de agosto de 2022): 442–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-9987931.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Abstract While opposition to the Ethiopian monarchy was an immediate imperative of the Ethiopian revolutionary movement, self-professed “anti-feudalism” was but one part of the political-economic object of revolutionary critique. Originating from a country famous for its legacy of African independence, and against a monarch who was a global pan-African icon, Ethiopian revolutionary opposition to Haile Selassie would require not only a politics of dissent, but also an anti-colonial framing. This article centers anti-imperialism—specifically challenges to US neo-imperialism in Ethiopia—among Ethiopian student revolutionaries in the United States during the late 1960s and early 1970s. Examining organizational writing and direct action, as well as editorials in Muhammad Speaks and The Black Panther, this article argues that US-based Ethiopian students employed demystification as a signature revolutionary tactic. They attempted to reframe Ethiopian exceptionalist narratives as currency of US neo-imperialism, drawing on arguments strengthened by engaging Black Power concepts and thinkers. Demystification, while rooted in narrative modes and historical tropes specific to Ethiopian students' location in the United States, offers a concept to think through other oppositional movements as generative of global theoretical critique. Ethiopian students not only demanded the overthrow of the monarchy, but also joined anti-colonial appeals for the structural transformation of the world.
10
Anfertiev, I. A. "Memorandum of the Leader of the “Workers’ Opposition” Gavriil Myasnikov to the Central Committee of the RCP(b): Source Study Potential". Modern History of Russia 13, n.º 3 (2023): 648–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2023.308.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Using the methods of interpreting historical sources, the article analyzes the memorandum of one of the leaders of the “Workers’ Opposition” G. I. Myasnikov, sent to the Central Committee of the RCP(b) on the eve of the X Party Congress. The novelty of the study lies in the fact that referring to the source analysis of the memorandum allows us to expand the chronological framework of the initial stage of the formation of the workers’ opposition movement within the RCP(b), to attribute its origin to the middle of 1920, about six months before the end of the X Party Congress, at which, As you know, factional activity in the RCP(b) was officially banned. In the memorandum of G. I. Myasnikov, according to the researcher, various aspects of the intra-party struggle for power between a group of emigrants led by V. I. Lenin and those members of the RCP(b) with pre-revolutionary experience who were subjected to repression for revolutionary activities in the Russian Empire are reflected, served their sentences in prisons and hard labor. The study reveals the desire of the opposition leader to enlist support not only within the ruling RCP(b), but also outside it, among the “deprived” of power working class. In the memorandum of G. I. Myasnikov, according to the researcher, various aspects of the intra-party struggle for power between a group of emigrants led by V. I. Lenin and those members of the RCP(b) with pre-revolutionary experience who were subjected to repression for revolutionary activities in the Russian Empire are reflected, served their sentences in prisons and hard labor.
11
Foran, John. "Beyond Insurgency to Radical Social Change: The New Situation". Studies in Social Justice 8, n.º 1 (2 de abril de 2014): 5–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v8i1.1036.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The Arab Spring and U.S. Occupy movements surprised the world in 2011, showing that movements for radical social change remain viable responses to the intertwined crises of globalization: economic precarity, political disenchantment, rampant inequality, and the long-term fuse of potentially catastrophic climate change. These movements possess political cultural affinities of emotion, historical memory, and oppositional and creative discourses with each other and with a chain of movements that have gathered renewed momentum and relevance as neoliberal globalization runs up against the consequences of its own rapaciousness.Three paths to radical social change have emerged that differ from the hierarchical revolutionary movements of the twentieth century: 1) the electoral path to power pursued by the Latin American Pink Tide nations, 2) the route of re-making power at the local level or seeking change at the global level, both by-passing the traditional goal of taking state power, and 3) the occupation of public space to force out tyrants, as in Tunisia and Egypt.This paper assesses the strengths and limitations of each path, arguing that social movements and progressive parties together may possess the best chances for making radical social change in this new situation. These threads of resistance may also point toward a future of radical social change as we imagine their enduring results, self-evident and more subtle.
12
Mirzekhanov, Velikhan. "Ideological Trends in European Colonisation in the 1920s – 1930s". ISTORIYA 14, n.º 10 (132) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840028764-9.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The author focuses on the analysis of ideological trends of European colonisation in the 1920s – 1930s in the context of the emerging transformation of colonial policy in general. After the Great War, the European colonial empires were experiencing greater challenges in governing their colonies and were threatened by various revolutionary and anti-colonial movements. Colonial officials and propagandists along with the European political class hoped to meet the challenges that arose by reforming colonial policies. By and large, the key tenet of colonial ideology remained the following formula: achievements to demonstrate the practices of the colonisers and backwardness to characterise the local population. The colonial discourse of the 1920s and 1930s became more complex and was an apologia of European institutions and values. It explicitly posited the validity of the ideals of progress supposedly inevitably brought about by colonisation. Discussions and propaganda were dominated by the idea of 'humanist colonisation'. The ideologues and inspirers of colonial policy downplayed the real benefits that justified continued domination and emphasised, if not the complete unselfishness, then at least the great generosity of the colonisers' mission, which went beyond the interests of the imperial nation. They tried to soften the memory of the bloody events of the conquests by presenting them as a necessary price to pay for development and progress. The most significant contribution to the development of colonial ideology between the two world wars was the notion of the dual mandate formulated by Lord Lugard. According to this doctrine, the colonial power exercises the powers of the trustee and Europeans are entrusted with a dual mission: to improve the lives of subjugated peoples and to develop the capabilities of these countries for the benefit of humanity. This concept was a fictitious and artificial one, yet it made it possible to present colonisation as compatible with democratic imperatives, highlighting the possibility of evolution from colonial dependency to freedoms and representative institutions. The author concludes that in the 1920s – 1930s, colonial powers gradually shifted to a humanitarian rhetoric of colonial rule that was more in keeping with the spirit of the times. However, ideas and practices of differentiation and exclusion towards the indigenous population of the colonies continued to be normative. Thus, the opposition between Europeans and local populations remained a fundamental feature of colonial societies.
13
Bhat, Rashid Manzoor, e Silllalee A/L S. Kandasamy. "Revolutionary Trends in Indian History: Ideological Diversity and Collective Resistance". Journal of Social Science (JoSS) 2, n.º 7 (25 de julho de 2023): 614–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.57185/joss.v2i7.98.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
In this study an attempt has been made to explore the revolutionary trends in India, exploring their ideological diversity, historical contexts, motivations, organisational structures, impact and influence, and forms of collective resistance. The study employs an analytical and exploratory approach, combining historical, and qualitative research methods. It aims to give readers a thorough comprehension of the ever-changing character of Indian revolutionary movements by drawing on a wide variety of primary and secondary sources, as well as archival records. This study aims to chart the ideological terrain, place contemporary events in their proper historical context, examine organisational structures, evaluate the influence and effect of revolutionary movements, and investigate different types of collective resistance. The methodology involves a systematic analysis of scholarly works, historical records, and firsthand accounts. The findings reveal the diverse range of ideological frameworks adopted by revolutionary movements in India, the socio-political conditions shaping their emergence, the motivations behind participation, the organisational strategies employed, the transformative impact on society, and the various forms of collective resistance utilised.
14
Batrawy, Mustafa. "The Political Positions of the Algerian Elite at The Beginning of The 20th Century". Journal of AlMaarif University College 34, n.º 1 (27 de fevereiro de 2023): 134–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.51345/.v34i1.663.g333.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The beginning of the twentieth century in Algeria witnessed the decline and decline of popular resistance with the crystallization of the demands of the Algerian youth, especially after the year 1912, when their demands and discourses began to take a political character by rejecting the exceptional measures related to forced conscription while demanding equality and inclusion in the hope of improving the general conditions of Algerians. The problem of this research falls within the first axis of the forum, which revolves around the classical political discourse and the historical study in its part related to the similarities of political discourse and the revolutionary movement in Algeria before independence. In research on the nature of the political discourse of the national elite in its opposition to the French colonial authorities Especially when she expressed her position on forced conscription and the extent of its impact on the political discourse that the national movement will adopt in its various directions later on.
15
Rahman, Md Mizanur. "The making of an Islamist public sphere in Bangladesh". Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 4, n.º 4 (21 de novembro de 2018): 330–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891118811952.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The article examines the process of making an Islamist public sphere in Bangladesh and identifies the actors involved. It argues that Islamist social Islamization movements in the form of various da’wa (preaching) activities, madrassah activisms, and Islamist political parties’ Islamization projects collectively contribute to the making of an Islamist public sphere. It shows how da’wa movements’ everyday living experiences, madrassah’s absolute authority over public Islam, and Islamist political parties’ social welfare, and associated activities construct an Islamist imagination. A parallel counter Islamist discursive arena with secular discourse is in construction and circulation that formulates oppositional interpretations based on Islamist identities, interests, and needs. The article argues that instead of explicitly challenging the secular hegemonic discourse, Islamist social movements engage in a contested relationship with it, and gradually claim their separate position. It further maintains that although these Islamist movements differ ideologically, and vary the ways they perform and propagate Islam, they invariably contribute to the rise of an Islamist public sphere in Bangladesh.
16
Rocchi, T. "The Western Provinces of the Russian Empire in the Revolution of 1905-1907: Elements of Regional Uniqueness and Civil War". Izvestiya of Altai State University, n.º 3(131) (11 de julho de 2023): 28–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/izvasu(2023)3-04.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This article examines the elements of regional identity and civil war in nine western provinces of the Russian Empire during the Revolution of 1905-1907. Unlike the inner Russian provinces, the western provinces were multinational and polyconfessional, despite the fact that Russian nationalists considered them to be native Russian lands. On the territory of the western provinces, mass protest movements took place, combining ethnic, religious and social conflicts, often leading to outbreaks of terrorism. The lands that were part of the Commonwealth in the historical past were perceived as a kind of transit zone between Russia and the Kingdom of Poland (Vistula provinces), and their integration into the Russian Empire was not completed. Numerous revolutionary, anti-revolutionary and counter-revolutionary movements with the participation of many political parties and movements of various kinds had a strong influence on the socio-political development of nine provinces. Attempts by the central and local authorities to suppress conflicts by various methods and the scale of manifestations of violence were inherent in the outskirts of the Empire during the revolution, as a result of which features of originality appeared in the western provinces. In addition, historical parallels can be drawn with regional outbreaks of violence during the French Revolution. The author offers the opportunity to compare the western provinces as the "Black Hundred Vendee" of the period of the revolution of 19051907. on the types of conflicts and the level of violence with the south of France (Midi) of the French Revolution and compare the social, ethnic and religious conflicts of the western provinces of the period of the revolution of 1905-1907. with the events in the Austrian Empire during the revolutionary period of 1848-1849.
17
Edwards, Kyle A. "“Those Deluded, Ill-Starred Men”: Frederick Douglass, the New National Era, and the Paris Commune". New North Star: A Journal of the Life and Times of Frederick Douglass 4, n.º 1 (19 de dezembro de 2022): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.18060/26926.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The Paris Commune was the apotheosis of what unfolded in the 1848 European Revolutions, the first time the working class actually took political power, although briefly. Frederick Douglass covered the events of the Paris Commune closely in his newspaper, the New National Era. Douglass’s views on the Paris Commune, as of yet unexplored in detail by scholars, illuminate his relationship to democratic and social movements both abroad and in the United States. This essay examines in-depth the writings in Douglass’s newspaper on the Paris Commune and argues Douglass’s commitment to mass movements and oppositional politics did not necessarily extend to oppressed wage workers and was therefore situational, specifically as it related to class, labor, and republicanism. The Commune abroad and labor unrest at home motivated Douglass to examine the “labor question” for his readers. This brought to light his free labor prescription, with its assumption of a harmony of interests between capital and workers, to the problem of inequality and the exploitation of labor. Douglass supported, at key junctures, revolutionary movements and action both in Europe and at home, but his reaction to the Paris Commune exposes the limitations of his liberal political thought to take on an internationalist analysis of class conflict and labor struggles, especially when compared to contemporaries such as Benjamin Butler, Wendell Phillips, and Karl Marx. This study offers a unique contribution to Douglass scholarship while also building on research on Americans’ views of the Paris Commune and the retreat from Reconstruction. Douglass’s writings on the Paris Commune and the labor movement deserve more attention. They provide opportunities for historians, political theorists, and labor activists to augment our understanding of Douglass’s post-war career.
18
Lescu, Artur. "The struggle of the gubernatorial Direction of the Independent Corps of Gendarmes of Bessarabia with the Russian Social-Democratic Labor Party (RSDLP)". Akademos, n.º 1(68) (junho de 2023): 88–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.52673/18570461.23.1-68.11.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Among the existing institutions in the Russian Empire, responsible for the security of the autocratic regime, the Independent Corps of Gendarmes stood out. Its members were obliged to combat and annihilate various socio-political movements with a pronounced anti-government character. Among such movements and parties was the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party, which was also active in Bessarabia. From the moment of its emergence until the abolition of the monarchy in February 1917, this party had some influence on the revolutionary movement in the region. Organizationally structured on two levels – legal and illegal (the Combat Organization of the Revolutionary Socialist Party), the party represented a real danger to the autocratic regime. The party’s activity was closely monitored by the Regional Directorate of Gendarmes, which managed to infiltrate inside the organization a number of secret agents, who reached positions of responsibility within the committee and who kept the authorities informed of all party movements and plans. With some rare exceptions, the indigenous population remained outside the Party’s sphere of influence.
19
Barinov, D. A. "Path to opposition: the motives of the student protest in Leningrad in the 1920-ies". Vestnik of Samara University. History, pedagogics, philology 28, n.º 3 (14 de outubro de 2022): 52–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.18287/2542-0445-2022-28-3-52-61.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Students have traditionally been a breeding ground for political protest. This tradition was formed back in the pre-revolutionary period, when students of universities and institutes were active participants in both the work of political parties of various persuasions and the all-university struggle for expanding the autonomy of higher education. In the first period after the revolution, the students continued to be one of the most active protest groups, which was most clearly manifested during the intra-party struggle of the 1920-ies. Continuing the theme of the student movement in the early USSR, which we touched upon in previous publications, in this article we turned to the problem of motivating opposition university students. To do this, we used materials from the Control Commissions of the CPSU (b) and personal party files, which make it possible to compensate for the small number of sources of personal origin related to the history of the Left Opposition. Despite the great growth of interest in the topic of the anti-Stalinist alternative in the CPSU(b), this valuable range of sources was not included in the existing studies. The article provides a grouping of the main motives and reasons for involvement in opposition work, as well as an assessment of how they coincided with the content of program documents prepared by the leaders of the movement. Among the main reasons that we have identified are: disagreements with the Central Committee on the peasant and Chinese issues, suppression of inner-party democracy, the search for thrills, the protection of the authority of the Bolshevik leaders (G.E. Zinoviev, L.D. Trotsky), etc. We will also describe the path of involvement of students in the opposition struggle, and the role of informal and family ties in this process will be determined as well
20
Gungwu, Wang. "Student movements: Malaya as outlier in Southeast Asia". Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 44, n.º 3 (outubro de 2013): 511–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463413000374.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
For the past three decades, student movements in most countries in the world have been beaten back, but there are signs that some may be returning. In response to the Arab Spring, students participated fully in Tahrir Square and beyond. The student elections in Egypt that followed, however, seem to have been divided according to the various links that each student group had with the political groups contending for state power, like the Muslim Brotherhood and other Islamists on the one side, against secular and revolutionary groups on the other. It is not certain if the student elections really reflected the overall mood of the country or whether they were simply shaped by political protagonists outside the campuses.
21
Kuzmin, М. R. "EXISTENTIAL PARADIGM OF B. ANTONENKO-DAVIDOVICH PROSE". PRECARPATHIAN BULLETIN OF THE SHEVCHENKO SCIENTIFIC SOCIETY Word, n.º 3(55) (12 de abril de 2019): 470–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.31471/2304-7402-2019-3(55)-470-479.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The article outlines the most characteristic features of existentialism as an artistic phenomenon in the world literature, emphasizes the features of Ukrainian existentialism, which is characterized by its national peculiarity. The special attention is devoted to the particularities of the perception of revolutionary reality by various types of characters of B. Antonenko-Davidovich's early period creativity. A separate emphasis is placed on the contrast between the two types of consciousness, which in the author’s works forms a kind of opposition and is the link that connects the works of the early and post-rehabilitation periods of the author's prose. On the background of the “Vartovyi Chapenko” (“Guard Chapenko”) essay, a transitional element between the two types formed by the revolutionary heroes is drawn, whose tragedy determined the misunderstanding of the true essence of the Bolshevik system. On the basis of the “Synia Voloshka” (“Blue Flute”) story an existential model of self-understanding in the world is analyzed; it was discovered that such a way of self-identification is oppositional to the requirements of the contemporary society; it focuses on the destruction of the bright ideals and the appeal of hero-defenders to such existential categories as "alienation", "death", "absurdity". It has been proved that existential motives become distinctive markers of B. Antonenko-Davidovich's prose.
22
Benson, Koni. "Graphic Histories of Solidarity, in Solidarity". Kronos 50, n.º 1 (26 de junho de 2024): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2309-9585/2024/v50a13.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Revolutionary experiments require building revolutionary relationships. This praxis of material and social creativity to reorganise power dynamics and weave connections across weaponised divides, are evident in the content, the form and the backstory woven into Janet Biehl's Their Blood Got Mixed: Revolutionary Rojava and the War on ISIS. Written and illustrated by Janet Biehl, it is a graphic memoir that can be read as both an historical narrative and a blueprint of a contemporary revolutionary experiment that combines political theory and graphic art to tell the story of how ISIS has been driven back in Northern Syria by people fighting for a society based on principles of direct democracy, political secularism, gender equality, and ecological sustainability. Whereas in the past, after the liberation of Rojava in 2012, Biehl spent time interviewing leadership, this book relays her interviews with women across the region and across the various projects of reorganising and defending social, political, cultural and economic life in 2019 after four years of warfare against ISIS and the Turkish state. Reflecting on the relationships that make revolutionary history, and that produce artistic histories of revolutionary experiments, this review article considers the history in this book and of this book, in conversation with recently published graphic non-fiction, and draws on engaged scholarship concerned with the politics of collective knowledge production in and for movements of solidarity urgently needed in the face of the imploding crisis of colonial borders.
23
Omel'yanchuk, Igor' V. "Political terror and the right-wing movement (The case of Vladimir Governorate)". Historia provinciae – the journal of regional history 5, n.º 3 (2021): 690–742. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2021-5-3-2.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The article examines the street confrontation of October 1905 which went down in history as Jewish pogroms. The source base of the work comprises the documents of the police department deposited in the State Archive of Vladimir Oblast and the materials from periodicals of various political leanings. After the publication of the Manifesto of the 17th of October, 1905, in the streets of Russian cities, the revolutionary demonstrations whose participants viewed the Manifesto as a signal for a decisive assault on the autocracy clashed with the patriotic manifestations held by those who wanted to defend their familiar world. The defiant behavior of opposition supporters who preached their political ideals and in doing so insulted national and religious feelings of the conservative strata of population provoked street excesses, which then turned into bloody clashes. The situation was aggravated by the inaction of the local authorities who had not received timely instructions from St Petersburg and showed confusion during the first “days of freedom.” Thus, the pogroms of October 1905 which took place outside the Pale of Settlement were directed not so much against the Jews as against the revolutionaries (a considerable part of them were Jews). Contrary to the idea prevailing in historiography that the clashes of October 1905 were organized, the pogroms arose spontaneously. Neither the government, which was prostrate, nor the right-wing parties, the numerical composition of which in Russia at that time was measured by several thousand people, initiated or organized those events. In October 1905, there were no monarchist organizations in Vladimir Governorate at all. However, the supporters of autocracy are responsible for two political murders which occurred after the pogroms in November–December 1905. In Ivanovo-Voznesensk the crowd infuriated with the events of recent months tore to pieces a revolutionary woman who was transporting weapons, and in the village of Undol workers killed an agitator who called for the overthrow of autocracy. After the foundation of monarchist organizations in Vladimir Governorate, street clashes between the opponents and the supporters of autocracy gradually died down because the monarchists got an opportunity to defend their political convictions in a more civilized form. Although the conflicts between persons of opposite political views continued for some time, they were more like domestic quarrels and had no victims. Both sides were equally responsible for those incidents.
24
Zhezhko-Braun, Irina. "The New Upper Class: Revolutionary Elite Rotation in the USA". Ideas and Ideals 12, n.º 4-1 (23 de dezembro de 2020): 162–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.17212/2075-0862-2020-12.4.1-162-190.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The article analyzes the emergence of a new political class or elite in the United States, which is called the minority elite. This article is the first in a series dedicated to this topic. The author formulates three interrelated prerequisites that have caused the emergence of the new elite: the spread of the Affirmative Action (AA) to all spheres of public life and, above all, to the education system; the phenomenon of “woke” capitalism; a long history of minority protest movements. Experts take the current protests for a revolution; the author proves the opposite statement: protests are a direct consequence and one of the stages of a step-by-step revolution. Its roots lie in the long-term training of personnel for the revolution and social technologies for it, in the creation of financial, informational and organizational infrastructures of protest movements, and in moral defeat and the surrender of the intellectual class. Over the decades, hundreds of protest movements of various sizes have been co-organized in the United States and dozens of professional protest organizations have been formed. One of them, Black Lives Matter, has its own program, strategy, tactics and a solid budget. The goal of the organization is to create its own ruling elite. The Protestant (WASP) elite ruled the country for more than two centuries, in the second half of the 20th century it was replaced by the so-called intellectual elite. Harvard University, by its decision to raise the level of acceptance tests in the 1960s, spawned new, intellectual elite, California universities, by abolishing tests in the 2010-2020s, bring to power a new social group – the beneficiaries of the AA. The black movement is confidently entering the final phase of its development – the placement of its representatives in state and federal authorities, political parties and other social institutions. Ideologues of identity politics, primarily racial, have arrogated to themselves the position of mentors and experts on social justice and the protectors of civil rights in society. Other protest organizations have joined the BLM, with socialist-oriented organizations in the lead. These organizations have effectively “hijacked” a wave of protests and are already working on a socialist agenda for the Biden-Harris administration, if elected.
25
Gigantino II, James J. "William Livingston and New Jersey’s Revolutionary Environment". New Jersey Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 3, n.º 1 (11 de janeiro de 2017): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.14713/njs.v3i1.63.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
<p><em>The impact of the environment on the American Revolution in New Jersey cannot be understated as environmental factors ranging from climate to crop yields to geography all intensely impacted the course of the Revolution. This talk, delivered on November 18<sup>th</sup> at the opening reception of the NJ Historical Commission’s 2016 NJ Forum, explores the relationship between the natural environment and military and political policies through the eyes of William Livingston, New Jersey’s first governor. Throughout the conflict, the environment became a constant actor and foil to Livingston, forcing him to make political decisions in tandem with not only British movements but more frequently, owing to climatic, geographic, or agricultural factors. In addition to looking at Livingston, the article examines the interplay between Livingston and his own conceptions on the environment from his pre-revolutionary past. Finally, the article discusses how average New Jerseyans understood the role of his revolutionary government in the context of various environmental factors. Most Jersey farmers and landless laborers based their support for the revolutionary movement not on ideology but on environmental factors that constantly challenged their loyalty to both sides.</em></p>
26
Hawes, Gary. "Theories of Peasant Revolution: A Critique and Contribution from the Philippines". World Politics 42, n.º 2 (janeiro de 1990): 261–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010466.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This article examines three models—moral economy, rational choice, and class structure—that have been applied to rebellions and revolutionary movements in Southeast Asia. All three are found lacking in various ways and unable to provide convincing explanations for the growth and continuing strength of the contemporary revolutionary movement in the Philippines. The Aquino government is challenged by a movement that has a mass base of roughly ten million and fields a fighting force of twenty thousand to twenty-five thousand men and women. It is active in virtually every province and city of the nation. Based on the present case study, suggestions are made both for ways in which the insights of extant theories can be synthesized and ways in which these theories must be revised if they are to be made more generally applicable to today's revolutions.
27
Carvalho, Luhuna. "A Violence Other than Violence". South Atlantic Quarterly 122, n.º 1 (1 de janeiro de 2023): 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00382876-10242658.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This article looks at several attempts to conceptualize a legitimate use of revolutionary violence in the anti-authoritarian revolutionary movements of the 1960s and 1970s. The central problem confronting the repertoire of action in this period lay in understanding how a violence deployed to fight power could avoid reproducing instances of this same power. Some, like Guy Debord, proposed a framework in which the revolutionary subject employs violence without becoming subject to such violence itself. Others, like Antonio Negri, sought to distinguish among various regimes of violence, arguing that true state violence was modally distinct from revolutionary violence, or the concrete materialization of a proletarian potentiality. Although opposed, both of these perspectives strive to mitigate or restrain the brutal subjectivation attending the exercise of violence. Placing this debate against the background of Walter Benjamin's claim, in his “Critique of Violence,” that a “divine violence” that would neither sustain nor uphold law is “undisclosed to human beings,” this article argues that the Autonomia movement in 1970s Italy reveals how such undisclosedness, such invisibility, becomes incarnated in a social form. If it is only by abandoning a concept of sovereign victory that a form of divine violence can appear, this is because its appearance coincides with the destitution of the cohesion of the social body upholding state sovereignty. Revolutionary violence is not nonviolence but, rather, a violence other than violence, a form of power whose content is a subjectivation beyond the problematic of sovereignty.
28
Denis, Philippe. "MEMORY AND COMMEMORATION AS A SUBJECT OF ENQUIRY FOR AFRICAN CHRISTIANITY SCHOLARS". Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 41, n.º 3 (19 de abril de 2016): 4–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2412-4265/450.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Little attention has been paid to the Christian churches in memory studies in southern Africa. Using new and existing research, the paper proposes a first approach to this new field of enquiry, with special reference to southern African Christianity. The churches embody their memories in liturgies, canonisations, monuments, commemorative events and name-giving practices. They utilise what French historian Pierre Nora calls lieux de mémoire (sites of memory). Commemorations reinforce identity, especially when identities are threatened by external forces, and they create social cohesion. By pointing at the past, they create meaning for the present. Churches, ecumenical bodies, religious movements and theological institutions articulate their memories in various ways. Memories can be lost and retrieved, contested or marginalised. When the context changes, in church as in society, memories which were oppositional at one point can become dominant or vice versa.
29
Knox, Robert, e Ashok Kumar. "Reexamining Race and Capitalism in the Marxist Tradition – Editorial Introduction". Historical Materialism 31, n.º 2 (3 de agosto de 2023): 25–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-bja10012.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Abstract The question of capitalism’s relationship to issues of race, racism and processes of racialisation has become increasingly prominent in contemporary debates. This special issue of Historical Materialism on ‘Race and Capital’ seeks to intervene in these debates. In this Introduction, we situate the special issue within this wider political, historical and theoretical context. We begin by reconstructing some of the key tensions and fault lines within contemporary discussions of race and racism, particularly in relation to the Marxist tradition. Against those who claim a primarily oppositional relationship between the Marxist tradition and anti-racist thinking, we chart a historical account of key moments in which Marxist movements and thinkers have attempted to articulate distinctively historical-materialist accounts of race and racism. We then situate the key themes of the special issue – and the various articles that compose the issue – against this background.
30
Сарнацький, О. "THE FIGHTING OF THE CARALIAN AUTHORITIES OF CZARISM WITH THE UKRAINIAN POLITICAL PARTIES OF THE ADVENTURES IN THE YEARS OF THE FIRST THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION". Problems of Political History of Ukraine, n.º 15 (5 de fevereiro de 2020): 84–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.33287/11930.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The actions of the juridicalbranch of power of the autocracyin relationto the activity of oppositional political parties founded at the end of the 19-th – beginning of the 20-th centuries in Russian Empire and headed liberatoryand national-liberatorymovement in the country, whichwere aimed at ceaseof their politicalactivity and occurred simultaneously with administrative repressions over political opponents of the existing system.After all, the law in force in the empire until October 1905 did not allow the existence and activity of any political partiesin the country. In the conditions of the lawfulness proclaimed by tsarism (even with all its limitations), the authorities were forced to resort to court assistance. The accusatory verdict was the most severe punishment.During the First Russian Revolution, which began at this time, the judiciary in every way promoted the local administrative authorities in defining its properties of the committed «criminal acts» and punishing the perpetrators. More or less «condescending» sentences of judges against representatives of the revolutionary and national liberation movements in 1905 forced the tsarist judiciary to review such a judicial procedure and strengthen its harshness on defendants who committed crimes against the authorities. Subsequently, the Ministry of Justice issued a variety of secret circulars, aimed at intensifying the struggle of the courts against the revolutionary movement, and the court machine of the tsar began to increase pressure. The law of March 18, 1906, restricted the publicity of the court and the timeframe for hearing cases, abolished the requirement to record witnesses’ statements in the minutes and to motivate sentences. On May 11, 1906, the Ministry of Justice issued a circular to the courts No. 2015, which stated that cases of the most serious state crimes should be heard in the special presence of the court chamber behind closed doors. It consisted of a provincial nobleman, a mayor, and state representatives. The judicial power of the autocracy was actively “working”, punishing representatives and supporters of Ukrainian political parties when their activities were related to elections to the Second State Duma. At the same time, the royal court severely punished representatives of Ukrainian political parties, even if they were considered underage by the laws of the Russian Empire, without even considering some of them as guilty.
31
Navaro-Yashin, Yael. "Uses and Abuses of “State and Civil Society” in Contemporary Turkey". New Perspectives on Turkey 18 (1998): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600002867.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The categories of “state” and “civil society” have too often been used as oppositional terms in the social sciences and in public discourse. This article aims to problematize the concepts of “state” and “civil society” when perceived as separate and distinct entities in the discourses of social scientists as well as of members of contemporary social movements in Turkey. Rather than readily using state and society as analytical categories referring to essential domains of sociality, the purpose is to transform these very categories into objects of ethnographic study. There has been a proliferation of discourse on “the state” and “the civil society” in Turkey in the 1980s and 1990s. This article emerges out of an observation of the peculiar coalescence of social scientific and public usages of these terms in this period. It aims to radically relativize and to historically contextualize these terms through a close ethnographic study of the various political domains in which they have been discursively employed.
32
Ben Yakoub, Joachim. "Turning a City Inside-Out." Manazir Journal 4 (24 de outubro de 2022): 55–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.36950/manazir.2022.4.4.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Abstract The spatial dynamics were difficult to overlook during the 2011 movements of revolt in Tunisia, pushing the damned in the center of public attention in the concerted effort of turning prevailing authoritarian politics inside–out. Venturing in the spatial contestation central in these revolts, the mesmerizing occupation and re-appropriation of symbolic places, such as the Kasbah Square or Bourguiba Avenue takes center stage. These movements of occupation and re-appropriation of spatial power produced momentous heuristic enclaves of another order, projecting dreams of a renewed inclusive free and dignified body politic. Based on a long-term research in the field of visual arts in Tunisia between 2011 and 2017 and combining various postcolonial critiques, this article proposes to show how violent processes of destruction preceding these processes of re-appropriation and occupation are too often overlooked. Police stations, the presidential personality cult and the private estate of the authoritarian regime will be identified and treated as spatial nodes that maintain the compartmentalization and fragmentation of urban space in place. Moreover, by including in the analysis the often-omitted Islamist occupation and re-appropriation of mosques and public space contesting the ongoing constitutional political dynamics, this article hopes to elucidate why the revolutionary process failed in the production of a long aspired liberated and dignifying space, as the revolutionary re-appropriation of these symbolic nodes of power was not included in any political agenda.
33
Palma, Pedro, e Gricel Labbé Céspedes. "Geographies of violence: the Chilean police militarization and surveillance methods". Revista de Historia y Geografía, n.º 49 (26 de dezembro de 2023): 179–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.29344/07194145.49.3637.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The direct targeting of protesters’ eyes during the October 18, 2019, is an example of the systematic policy of violence carried out by the Chilean state against the protest. The abuses by the shock forces extend beyond causing blindness to the protesters and encompass a range of physical and psychological abuses. These abuses are a legacy of the institutional tools of the Chilean dictatorship, designed to depoliticize revolutionary movements. From a geographical, institutional, and anarchist perspective, the research sought to understand, through the analysis of data and content from over 3,000 files, the actions of the police from the period of 1973 to the present, which promote the dismantling of revolutionary movements, thus historically reproducing connected acts of violence in areas of popular conflict. This phenomenon is recognized as “violent geographies”. The research revealed that institutions, organizations, and coercive agencies, through their process of militarization and politicization, employ various mechanisms of social control. On the one hand, there are tangible aspects, such as armament and the militarization of spaces, as well as confrontations. On the other hand, there are intangible factors, such as administrative vices, categorizations, and stigmatizations. These mechanisms contribute to discrediting organized groups and territories and foster both direct and indirect forms of violence, which can be more insidious and ongterm. Nonetheless, within these violent geographies, “protest geographies” also emerge, representing collective actions of mutual support and cooperation. These actions keep the flame of the uprising alive continuously.
34
Bamanikar, Prof Ashvini. "Phishing Attack Detection on Text Messages Using Machine Learning Algorithms". International Journal for Research in Applied Science and Engineering Technology 11, n.º 5 (31 de maio de 2023): 6285–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.22214/ijraset.2023.53177.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Abstract: A revolutionary method that enables users to write in the air using hand gestures and precisely recognizes finger movement is the air writing and recognition system using the MediaPipe module. A new method that enables users to write in the air using hand movements while AWS Textract accurately translates and converts the written language is to use AWS Textract for air writing detection and recognition. It uses machine learning techniques to examine how the hand landmarks move over time and recognize various gestures. The system is an effective and user-friendly solution for jobs requiring text input and air writing due to its real-time tracking and precise recognition capabilities.
35
Bamanikar, Prof Ashvini. "Air Writing and Recognition System". International Journal for Research in Applied Science and Engineering Technology 11, n.º 5 (31 de maio de 2023): 6291–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.22214/ijraset.2023.53178.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Abstract: A revolutionary method that enables users to write in the air using hand gestures and precisely recognizes finger movement is the air writing and recognition system using the MediaPipe module. A new method that enables users to write in the air using hand movements while AWS Textract accurately translates and converts the written language is to use AWS Textract for air writing detection and recognition. It uses machine learning techniques to examine how the hand landmarks move over time and recognize various gestures. The system is an effective and user-friendly solution for jobs requiring text input and air writing due to its real-time tracking and precise recognition capabilities.
36
Dias, Rafael. "O percurso do Movimento Federalista Português- Partido do Progresso". História: Revista da Faculdade de Letras da Universidade do Porto 14, n.º 1 (2024): 308–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.21747/0871164x/hist14_1a15.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This article aims to explain the journey of a relevant actor on the political right in the post-revolutionary context of 1974: the Portuguese Federalist Movement-Party of Progress. For this purpose, the party's official weekly newspaper, Tribuna Popular, is taken as a reference, as well as testimonies from former leaders and founders, with other periodical sources of the time and various printed sources as counterparts. The MFP-PP is analyzed by jointly relating the historical-political era with the vicissitudes of the movement, with a particular focus on its relationship with the institutions of revolutionary power, its relationship with other political parties, as well as the structuring of the MFP-PP. In this way, the article is based between the moments following the coup d'état of April 25, 1974 and the political-military movements of September 28, 1974 linked to the intention of the “silent majority”, to which a detailed analysis is provided, regarding the involvement of the MFP-PP, due to its inextricable connection with the dismantling of the party.
37
Cohen, Michael. "“Cartooning Capitalism”: Radical Cartooning and the Making of American Popular Radicalism in the Early Twentieth Century". International Review of Social History 52, S15 (21 de novembro de 2007): 35–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859007003112.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
During the first two decades of the twentieth century, a mass culture of popular radicalism – consisting of various socialist, industrial unionist, anarchist, Progressive, feminist, black radical and other movements – arose to challenge the legitimacy of corporate capitalism in the United States. This article considers the role of radical cartoonists in propagandizing for, and forging unity within, this culture of popular radicalism. By articulating a common set of anti-capitalist values and providing a recognizable series of icons and enemies, radical cartoonists worked to generate a class politics of laugher that was at once entertaining and didactic. Through a discussion of the works of Art Young for The Masses, Ryan Walker's cartoons for the socialist newspaper, Appeal to Reason, and the proletarian humor of Joe Hill and the IWW, this article argues that radical cartooning did not merely provide comic relief for the movements, but was an active force in framing socialist ideology and goals in a revolutionary age.
38
Ryabchikova, Natalie S. "Early Film Work of Vitold Akhramovich. 1913–1918". ТЕАТР. ЖИВОПИСЬ. КИНО. МУЗЫКА, n.º 2 (2022): 81–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.35852/2588-0144-2022-2-81-103.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The article examines the various activities of Vitold Akhramovich (Ashmarin) in early Russian cinema – from his work as one of the first professional film reviewers to that of a screenwriter and even a director. Through the lens of biography and cultural studies, the article traces the general context in which pre-revolutionary Russian cinema existed. Its employed people who came to cinema from journalism, literature and theatre and were closely associated with various artistic movements of their time. This, in turn, could not but influence the plots and the style of Russian cinema. Thus, Vitold Akhramovich brings to his work in cinema the experience of a journalist and an employee of the Musaget Symbolist publishing house, which affects his work as a film reviewer, screenwriter, and editor, while his translations from Polish make it possible to make a screen adaptation of one of the scandalous novels of the early 20th century. – “The Strong Man” (Mocny człowiek). It also laid the foundation for his attempts to move from screenwriting and administrative work in cinema to directing. Among the names that are connected through the figure of V. Akhramovich in the pre-revolutionary years are Stanisław Przybyszewski, Maxim Gorky and Maria Andreeva, and Vsevolod Meyerhold.
39
Khdir, Kwestan Ahmad, e Hewa Hamed Shareef. "Simko's Political and Military Movements from the Beginning Till the end of World War 1 (1909-1918)". Journal of University of Raparin 9, n.º 2 (29 de março de 2022): 182–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(9).no(1).paper8.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This research is an attempt to concentrate on the Simko’s political and military movements from his initial revealing as a regional leader until the end of the First World War (1918). Simko, the son of Ali Agha, was an indigenous people belonging to the Ps Agha tribes from Abdo Congregation in the Shkak Tribe. After his father was died, he officially has been elected as the leader of Shkak tribes in 1909 due to a having a predominant power of his family and good historical relationship of his ancestors in the region. The aforementioned leader has developed the movement on the basis of the military proficiency and retaliation principle during the preliminary stages and he has been in a continuous conflict with the Iranian authority during that time. Whereas, Iran in general and the Eastern Kurdistan in particular, were passing in the worst and the most deteriorating circumstances due to existence of the western forces in the region and initiating the conditional revolution which had a long and varied history from ideological and political perspective. Moreover, this stage was an important phase for Simko Shkak so as to reveal him and his followers as outstanding revolutionary forces in the region as he could understand from his militants, mitigated the congregational ideology and increased his requirements. Undoubtedly, his authority (Simko Shkak’s Power) has been gradually empowered due to having a cluster of expectation and variation in the initial stages of the movement; however, he had no clear situation and perspective for the Ottoman Empire and the Russian forces during the different stages of the war in the region. According to the historical documents despite of starting as an oppositional forces to the Iranian, Russian and Ottoman Empire, Simko has also faced to conflict with Benjamin Marshamoon, who was an Assyrian leader from Hakary region in 1915 who has been supported by the Russian forces and settled under the Simko’s authoritative districts in the East of Kurdistan. This situation has increased the disagreements of Simko’s forces and had bad consequences on the unity of the Kurdish forces at that time and resulted in the killing of the Benjamin Marshamoon by Simko, and this was led to declining the Kurdish revolution in the East and empowered the Iranian governmental systems.
40
Khdir, Kwestan Ahmad, e Hewa Hamed Shareef. "Simko's Political and Military Movements from the Beginning Till the end of World War 1 (1909-1918)". Journal of University of Raparin 9, n.º 2 (29 de março de 2022): 182–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(9).no(2).paper8.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This research is an attempt to concentrate on the Simko’s political and military movements from his initial revealing as a regional leader until the end of the First World War (1918). Simko, the son of Ali Agha, was an indigenous people belonging to the Ps Agha tribes from Abdo Congregation in the Shkak Tribe. After his father was died, he officially has been elected as the leader of Shkak tribes in 1909 due to a having a predominant power of his family and good historical relationship of his ancestors in the region. The aforementioned leader has developed the movement on the basis of the military proficiency and retaliation principle during the preliminary stages and he has been in a continuous conflict with the Iranian authority during that time. Whereas, Iran in general and the Eastern Kurdistan in particular, were passing in the worst and the most deteriorating circumstances due to existence of the western forces in the region and initiating the conditional revolution which had a long and varied history from ideological and political perspective. Moreover, this stage was an important phase for Simko Shkak so as to reveal him and his followers as outstanding revolutionary forces in the region as he could understand from his militants, mitigated the congregational ideology and increased his requirements. Undoubtedly, his authority (Simko Shkak’s Power) has been gradually empowered due to having a cluster of expectation and variation in the initial stages of the movement; however, he had no clear situation and perspective for the Ottoman Empire and the Russian forces during the different stages of the war in the region. According to the historical documents despite of starting as an oppositional forces to the Iranian, Russian and Ottoman Empire, Simko has also faced to conflict with Benjamin Marshamoon, who was an Assyrian leader from Hakary region in 1915 who has been supported by the Russian forces and settled under the Simko’s authoritative districts in the East of Kurdistan. This situation has increased the disagreements of Simko’s forces and had bad consequences on the unity of the Kurdish forces at that time and resulted in the killing of the Benjamin Marshamoon by Simko, and this was led to declining the Kurdish revolution in the East and empowered the Iranian governmental systems.
41
Elmgren, Ainur. "“The Jesuits of our time”: The Jesuit Stereotype and the Year 1917 in Finland". Journal of Jesuit Studies 5, n.º 1 (21 de dezembro de 2018): 9–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00501002.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The tenacious negative stereotypes of the Jesuits, conveyed to generations of Finnish school children through literary works in the national canon, were re-used in anti-Socialist discourse during and after the revolutionary year of 1917. Fear of the Bolshevik revolution in 1917 paradoxically strengthened the negative stereotype of “Jesuitism,” especially after the attempted revolution by Finnish Socialists that led to the Finnish Civil War of 1918. The fears connected to the revolution were also fears of democracy itself; various campaigning methods in the new era of mass politics were associated with older images of Jesuit proselytism. In rare cases, the enemy image of the political Jesuit was contrasted with actual Catholic individuals and movements.
42
ŞENEL, Elif. "PHILIP GUSTON’UN GEÇ DÖNEM FİGÜRASYONLARINI SANATIN MUHALİF KARAKTERİ ÜZERİNDEN OKUMAK". SOCIAL SCIENCE DEVELOPMENT JOURNAL 7, n.º 33 (15 de setembro de 2022): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.31567/ssd.711.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The purification, purity and limitation imposed by high-art values and modernism have exposed art to a distance from social issues, life and the reality of the world. The fact that art, whose scope has narrowed with the idea of modern art, moves away from the subjects that can have a human and social benefit and is meaningful only through aesthetics of form has brought a formalist understanding of art to the agenda. This understanding was manifested even at the end of the modern art period and found a response especially in American abstract art. The language of the new art, which excludes socio-political issues along with content and narrative, has also fallen away from figurative expressions in this context. In this period, although a desire for purity and purification prevailed through abstract art, various art movements and tendencies that turned their direction back to life itself and figuration attracted attention. Philip Guston has been among the leading artists of this orientation. Guston, who developed a critical language on social, vital and political issues, drew attention to the oppositional character of art and blessed the possibilities of figurative expression in this direction. In this research, it is aimed to deal with Philip Guston's late period figurations through the oppositional character of art. Emphasis is placed on the influence of the artist, who exhibited an extraordinary attitude with his caricature-like and grotesque expressions, on the art circles of his period. In addition to this, attention has been drawn to the controversial nature of his works, which are examples of the historical relationship of art with the opposition, which continues to be effective even today. Keywords: Philip Guston, Figuration, Art and Opposition
43
Alka e Prof. Sanjay Kumar Misra. "The Dual Legacy: Mahasweta Devi as a Reformer and Revolutionary". Creative Launcher 8, n.º 2 (30 de abril de 2023): 101–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.53032/tcl.2023.8.2.13.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This article presents an in-depth exploration of Mahasweta Devi’s multifaceted persona— a celebrated author, social activist, and a prominent figure in the realm of socio-political reforms in India. She is known for her rich literary contributions. Her works primarily emphasized the plight and the struggles of the marginalized sections of the society, often acting as a bridge between them and the wider world. For Mahasweta Devi the creation of literature is a solemn and responsible vocation. She uses her art as a weapon to fight against the socio-economic injustice meted out to the marginalized in Indian society. Literature is intrinsic to her advocacy for social justice, establishing Devi as a thoughtful, committed reformer and revolutionary. Her writings are imbued with calls for change and revolution, exhibiting her profound abilities as a writer equipped with a reformist vision and revolutionary determination. Devi is not merely a writer, but a crusader with a mission— a social commitment to the upliftment of tribal communities. Her narratives hold significant social relevance, pushing the contours of contemporary Indian literature with their often radical and provocative themes. Yet, Devi’s influence transcends her literary contributions, reflecting her intense passion as a reformer and revolutionary. Her untiring activism targeted the systemic oppressions entrenched in the Indian society, particularly towards tribals and Dalits. She exposed the blatant violation of human rights, often confronting the authorities, embodying the spirit of a revolutionary. Drawing a trajectory of her influence, the article suggests that Devi’s radicalism, uncompromising in its advocacy for the dispossessed, established her as a reformer, pushing for change at both grassroots and policy levels. Her relentless pursuit for social justice and equality, while shedding light on how her literary works served as tools of resistance and activism. Drawing upon various examples from her seminal works like Draupadi, Rudali, and Mother of 1084, it unravels how her narratives portrayed the unvarnished reality of the oppressed, compelling her readers to confront uncomfortable truths. The article also examines her influence on various contemporary movements and how her ideologies continue to inspire activists and reformers today. It highlights the life and works of Mahasweta Devi, not only as a celebrated author, but also as a fearless reformer and revolutionary activist whose enduring legacy continues to inspire generations of activists and writers in their fight against social injustices.
44
TITORENKO, Marina F. "TO THE ISSUE OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR". Historical and social-educational ideas 11, n.º 2 (16 de maio de 2019): 118–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908-2019-11-2-118-124.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The author referred to the issue of “forgotten” war in the proposed article, reflects little-known facts from the daily life of the Kuban Cossacks, who took a direct part in the fighting, their Patriotic sentiments, fidelity to the monarch. Author shows the reverent attitude of Cossacks to St. George's award, the deepest sense of duty to the Homeland, high moral qualities, change of optimistic moods in the Cossack formations by disappointment with policy of Nicholas II, and also strengthening of oppositional moods, deterioration of a social and economic situation, confrontation between supporters and opponents of the new power. The researcher notes that honor and dignity in the Cossack formations were developed by a set of living conditions and historical events, and the war and requisitions undermined the economic condition and led to riots in the Cossack villages. Examines the influence of Bolshevik propagandists on the army and civilians, the formation of a negative attitude to the Cossacks, who did not support the Soviet government, from various social strata, the commitment of most of the Cossacks to the old order at a time when the revolutionary was “put at the forefront”. It concerns the human losses of the Kuban Cossacks during the First World War, the difficult way of turning millions of Russians into an antisocial mass on the eve of the October revolution of 1917.
45
Tsipko, Alexander. "Why the “True” Philosophy of Valisiy Rozanov Is So Consanguineal for Me". Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 60 (12 de dezembro de 2019): 237–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2019-0-4-237-261.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The author of the article analyzes the key directions of Russian philosophic thought starting with the end of the 19th century, as well as the course of Russian political history in the 19th century, and using his fist-hand experience gives his own interpretation of the phenomena of Russian nihilism, Russian socialism and Russian messianism. In particular the author discusses the ascetic Orthodoxy idea of “rich people being worse than poor”, that during long periods united the narratives of various, and very often oppositional to each other, directions of the Russian thought, as well as the purposes of intelligentsia on the whole. That attitude to “richness” according to the author was based on the long-standing tradition of the mobid attitude to asceticism, and he develops Rozanov’s idea that there is no proof of the postulate that a suffering proletarian is closer to spiritual perfection than a so-called “exploiter”. At the bottom of Russian nihilism was the total denial of life, that later led the attitude to any individual as just means in the revolutionary doctrine and in post-revolutionary political practices. On the contrary, the acknowledgement of the world intrinsic value can serve as philosophical prerequisite of the opposition to the interpreting of an individual as “just means”. V.V. Rozanov supported that idea of intrinsic value connecting the divine with the living in his “philosophy of the mundane”, thus defending the right of any Russian man to the joys of commonness. On the basis of that position the author of the article discredits the Russian messianism that was understood as socialist world mission by some thinkers at the beginning of the 20th century. According to the author the paradox lies in the fact that Russian messianism was generated in reality not by the love to Russia, but by the lack of national feelings, he also states that all these problems are still relevant in contemporary Russia.
46
Shulzhenko, Yuriy L. "ISSUES OF CONSTITUTIONALISM IN THE CONSTITUTIONAL PROJECTS OF THE XIX CENTURY IN RUSSIA". Proceedings of the Institute of State and Law of the RAS 15, n.º 1 (30 de abril de 2020): 27–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.35427/2073-4522-2020-15-1-shulzhenko.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The article is devoted to domestic constitutional projects of the XIX cen tury and above all, the practically unexplored issue of the nature of the regulation of the institutions of constitutionalism in them. We also note that these issues were in the focus of attention of foreign scientists. But they also did not concentrate on reflecting the problems of constitutionalism in them. It is indicated that, unlike some constitutional projects of the second half of the XVIII century. 19th century projects were voluminous, fundamental, prepared at a higher theoretical level. All these documents reflected the interests of various segments of the population, representatives of various kinds of legal thought, and mainly monarchy, liberalism, and revolutionary movements. Hence, in principle, there was a different approach to the regulation of constitutionalism, although at that time they did not think about it. In this regard, the conclusion is drawn that monarchist projects were embellished with tsarism. Only some of them mentioned such institutions of constitutionalism as representation, status of an individual, and law. Most of them are only proposals for the creation of various kinds of deliberative bodies, which were not endowed with any authority. Liberals are also advocates of only restricting the monarchy peacefully. They are for the constitution, constitutional monarchy, popular representation. Representatives of the revolutionary movement called for the elimination of serfdom, tsarism, the republican form of government. Their projects featured such institutions of constitutionalism as the constitution, separation of powers, popular representation, the individual and, above all, its rights and freedoms, legality, and self-government. In preparing the article, three main scientific methods were primarily used — dogmatic, historical-legal, comparative-legal.
47
Zaytsev, Vladislav. "Young People in Iranian Socio-Political Landscape of the Modernization Era: 20th –21st Centuries". Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, n.º 1 (2023): 126. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640021349-1.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The article, based on materials from various sources and studies in Russian, English, French, and Persian, considers for the first time in modern Iranian studies in Russia the place and role of youth in the socio-political life of Iran in 20th–21st centuries. This period of the country's history was marked by a consecutive modernization of all the foundations of the state and society, in which the author identifies three stages: the struggle for the restoration of sovereignty and choosing ways to renew the country (1905-early 60s); modernization via “revolution from above” (early 60s – 1979); systemic crisis, social explosion, change of the State system; continuation of modernization under external pressure (1979 – early 20s of the XXI century). Contradictions and conflicts generated by this long and uneven process stimulate mass involvement of the younger generation of Iranians in political struggle, where they generally choose the most radical ways of civic self-realization. They played a prominent, sometimes crucial part in major events of Iran’s modern history, such as the movement for natinalization of the Iranian petroleum Industry (1949–1953); engagement in several reforms of 1960s–70s; revolutionary actions that brought to an end the Iranian monarchy; the Iran-Iraqi War. The young people’s potential for political activism to a considerable extent is due to their large and steadily growing share of population and relatively high level of education and professional competence of many among them. The literate and active young people still remain both the main generator of opposition sentiments and а basic resource of Iran’s dynamic development.
48
Schelchkov, A. A. "University Reform of 1918: Establishment of the Continental Network of Scientific, Educational and Student Community in Latin America". Concept: philosophy, religion, culture 5, n.º 4 (22 de dezembro de 2021): 79–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2021-4-20-79-95.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The transformation of the university system in Latin America, initiated by the reform in Argentina in 1918, marked the beginning of a period of democratization and modernization of society. The university reform was the result of a stubborn and dramatic struggle of students against the clerical-aristocratic order in the universities of Argentina. Ideologically, the movement was based on radical anti-clericalism, on the ideas of the conflict of generations, the special role of the young, on the Kulturtraegerism, on the concept of Arielism — a term coined by Enrique Rodo. The student movement, supported by progressive intellectuals and left-wing political parties, almost from the point of its inception, created a network of contacts and solidarity with other countries of the continent, which showed its high efficiency in disseminating ideas, political programs, and forms of struggle. This ability of the intellectual movements to create cross-border networks of influence and activism is relevant today and not only in Latin America. Thanks to this, the reform spread throughout the continent with various and sometimes contrary results, somewhere very successfully, and somewhere met with fierce resistance. The further ideological evolution of the movement and its leaders led to the emergence of new ideological and political currents, such as revolutionary nationalism, which became the dominant political trend in Latin America in the 20th century world. The spread of revolutionary nationalism, the main ideologist of which was the student leader in Peru, Victor Raul Haya de la Torre, relied on the same network of youth structures that led to the spread of the movement for university reform. The reform movement also resulted in the emergence of powerful left-wing movements of the intellectuals, such as the Latin American Union, closely associated not only with the student movement, but also with the labor movement. University reform was not only a political, but also a cultural phenomenon that marked a profound change in Latin American society, which chose the path of modernization of all spheres of life. This work is devoted to the study of this process.
49
Scalia, Antonino. "The Manifold Partisan". Radical History Review 2020, n.º 138 (1 de outubro de 2020): 11–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-8359235.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Abstract This article examines how the Italian Communist Party and the Italian revolutionary Left connected internationalism to anti-fascism in the main internationalist campaigns that marked the high point of internationalist mobilizations between the mid-1960s and the mid-1970s, and considers to what extent this tradition is still relevant today. In particular, this article focuses on the movements of solidarity with the Vietnamese and Palestinian national liberation struggles and against the Greek and Chilean dictatorships. At various moments in time and depending on the particular campaign, multiple leftist actors bridged the gaps between anti-fascism and anti-imperialism in a variety of ways by relying on their peculiar relationships with the anti-fascist tradition. Furthermore, the actions of international and foreign individuals and organizations, the activities of anti-fascist veterans and neofascists, and the specific context of Italian and international political conjunctures influenced the nature of such “bridging” and the resonance between these frames of anti-fascism and anti-imperialism.
50
Архангельская, Н. О. "DIALECTICS AND POSITIVISM IN THE PHILOSOPHY OF RUSSIAN PEASANT DEMOCRATS (by the example of the analysis of the essence of religious movements)". Вестник Тверского государственного университета. Серия: Философия, n.º 2(64) (25 de agosto de 2023): 95–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.26456/vtphilos/2023.2.095.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
В статье рассматривается различие понимания социальной сущности религиозных движений представителями русской крестьянской демократии. Революционные демократы использовали диалектический метод, что давало возможность определить социальную сущность этих движений как выражения интересов различных общественных групп. Ими также ставился вопрос о влиянии религиозной формы выражения взглядов на содержание учения. Т.Н. Грановский, чья позиция по данному вопросу была сходной, также использовал диалектику. Идеологи народничества, опираясь на идеи позитивизма, утратили достижения своих предшественников и в ряде случаев продемонстрировали упрощенный подход к религии. Одной из причин этого был отказ от использования диалектики в качестве метода анализа общественных явлений. The article examines the difference in understanding of the social essence of religious movements by representatives of the Russian peasant democracy. The revolutionary democrats used the dialectical method, which made it possible to define the social essence of these movements as expressions of the interests of various social groups. They also raised the question of the influence of the religious form of expression of views on the content of the teaching. T.N. Granovsky, whose position on this issue was similar, also used dialectics. The ideologists of narodniks, relying on the ideas of positivism, lost the achievements of their predecessors and in some cases demonstrated a simplified approach to religion. One of the reasons for this was the refusal to use dialectics as a method of analyzing social phenomena.