Literatura científica selecionada sobre o tema "Various revolutionary oppositional movements"
Crie uma referência precisa em APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, e outros estilos
Consulte a lista de atuais artigos, livros, teses, anais de congressos e outras fontes científicas relevantes para o tema "Various revolutionary oppositional movements".
Ao lado de cada fonte na lista de referências, há um botão "Adicionar à bibliografia". Clique e geraremos automaticamente a citação bibliográfica do trabalho escolhido no estilo de citação de que você precisa: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
Você também pode baixar o texto completo da publicação científica em formato .pdf e ler o resumo do trabalho online se estiver presente nos metadados.
Artigos de revistas sobre o assunto "Various revolutionary oppositional movements"
1
Brown, Nik. "Hope Against Hype - Accountability in Biopasts, Presents and Futures". Science & Technology Studies 16, n.º 2 (1 de janeiro de 2003): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.23987/sts.55152.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
We are today wholly accustomed to being daily bombarded with (often competing) claims about the seemingly limitless potential and promise of transgenics, predictive medicine, reproductive science, bioinformatics and much else besides. Stories of new breakthroughs and advances mesh with ‘our’ culturally embedded sense of the steady march of enlightenment progress. Each announcement seems to index a sequential pulse in the accomplishment of the ‘biotechnology revolution’. In more grounded terms, the talking-up of biotechnology prizes open the accounts of funding agencies and investors, in addition to winning the necessary support of various critical allies (patients, publics, regulators, etc). In equal measure, hyper-expectations feed into and fuel the complex counter concerns of oppositional cultures (new social movements, NGOs, etc). And yet these accounts of revolutionary potentially sit uncomfortably alongside our equally familiar experiences of unfulfilled promises, the awkward absence of future benefits, treatments, rewards and profits. This is not always the case, but more often than not, early hopes are rarely proportionate to actual future results. This paper charts key features in the ‘dynamics of expectations’, documenting the relationships between new hopes and emerging disappointments. It explores the routes of agency in the construction of the present’s future and touches on the possibilities for greater accountability in the political economy of biotechnological expectations.
2
Lipold, Patrycja. "Antropologia rewolucji w RFN i Polsce w latach 1970–1979 w perspektywie porównawczej i historycznej". Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, n.º 22 (30 de abril de 2014): 99–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2014.22.05.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The nineteen seventies number among the most interesting periods of post-war times. They included the Vietnam war, the Hippie movement in the United States, the Socialist movement in Western Europe and the policy of ‘Détente’ in the East-West relationships. It was the extra-parliamentary opposition that gave birth to the extreme-left (terrorist) movements in Germany and worker protests in Poland, which, in turn, set about fighting the authorities and changing the relationships in their country. It was a time of rapid, dynamic changes and involvement. In the opinion of the participants in those processes themselves, they brought about a release, they constituted an apotheosis of a freedom such as they would probably never again experience in their lifetimes. These were the years of anti-authoritarian rebellion, of risking one’s own life and of international contacts of various kinds; they were the years which were to change the two countries and their history forever. The Rote Armee Fraktion (Red Army Faction) in Germany and the Workers’ Defence Committee in Poland were the two groups which spurred the great mobilisation of the societies in both countries. They provoked the events which were talked about, which were lived, the events which, transforming themselves into a great cause-and-effect machine, introduced changes that gave rise to effects, we have continued to experience to this day. Both groups had a similar genesis; they were rooted in political opposition and revolutionary purpose and they brought about immense consequences for the two societies, for politicians and for history.
3
Bayu, Takele Bekele. "Fault Lines within the Ethiopian People Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF): Intraparty Network and Governance system". International Journal of Contemporary Research and Review 10, n.º 02 (7 de fevereiro de 2019): 20592–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.15520/ijcrr.v10i02.662.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Ethiopia People Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRD) is a political party in charge of government power since 1991. EPRDF is established in 1989 out of Rebel group to party transformation with the view to oust the military government called Derg. It is a coalition of four parties political organization i.e. Tigray People Liberation Front (TPLF)- which is an architect of EPRDF, Amhara National Democratic Movements (ANDM) in 1980, Oromo People Liberation Organization (OPDO ) and Southern Ethiopian People Democratic Movement ( SEPDM) However, in spite of the nominally coalition structure of the EPRDF, from the beginning the TPLF provided the leadership and ideological direction to other members of the coalition. To maintain the dominant position within the coalition the TPLF has transferred its rebel time internal governance network that focuses on traditional Marxist Leninist organizational lines, with an emphasis on “democratic centralism”; and a tradition of hierarchically organizational structure to the newly established political organization i.e. EPRDF. Consequently, the EPRDF intraparty network and governance system is dominated by the use of ML (Marxist-Leninist) authoritarian methods and hegemonic control, rigid hierarchical leadership; Democratic centralism, the dominance of the party apparatus behind the façade of regional and local autonomy, an extensive patron-client mechanisms; the use of force to silence opposition within and outside the party; intertwined State institutions and the party system and excessive reliance on party entity instead of state administration units; and gim gema (self-evaluation) are worth mentioning. These intraparty network and governance system have severely limited genuine democratization within the party as well as hampered the democratization process in the country. The party is facing increasing pressure and challenge from within the party and the public at large demanding equal status and fair political economic representation. In effect, EPRDF is in deep crisis shattered by internal divisions, crises as well as external public pressure forcing the party to entertain democratic principles and culture. Hence, it is recommended that the organizational structure and the values and principles governing the organization should be revisited within the framework of democracy which allows adaptability and flexibility given the various change agents in the socio-cultural, economic, political environment.
4
Dudouet, Véronique. "Dynamics and factors of transition from armed struggle to nonviolent resistance". Journal of Peace Research 50, n.º 3 (maio de 2013): 401–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343312469978.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The dynamics of conflict (de)escalation by social movements or political opposition groups have attracted cross-disciplinary interest among social scientists, but there remain several knowledge gaps to be filled. On the one hand, there is already extensive research on the shifts from unarmed expressions of collective grievances to the adoption of violent strategies by oppressed constituencies or ‘minorities at risk’, as well as on the transition from armed insurgency to negotiations, demobilization, reintegration and conventional politics. However, there is scarce scholarship on the phenomenon of armed groups shifting their conflict-waging strategies from violent to nonviolent means, especially in contexts which cannot be resolved by force but are also ‘unripe’ for conventional de-escalation methods through negotiation and political integration. This article offers a first attempt to fill this conceptual and empirical gap, by investigating the nature and the drivers of transitions from armed strategies to nonviolent methods of contentious collective action on the part of non-state conflict actors. It focuses in particular on the internal and relational/environmental factors which underpin their decisionmaking process, from a change of leadership and a pragmatic re-evaluation of the goals and means of insurgency, to the search for new local or international allies and the cross-border emulation or diffusion of new repertoires of action. This multilevel analysis draws from past research on various self-determination or revolutionary movements which fit the scope of analysis (i.e. Nepal, Egypt, Palestine, West Papua, East Timor, Mexico and Western Sahara). The article also points to the need for more systematic enquiry on these cases through in-depth comparative empirical analysis.
5
Volkova, Irina. "Against the Current: Schoolchildren’s Informal Organizations in the 1930s and Early 1940s". Antropologicheskij forum 19, n.º 56 (2023): 62–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31250/1815-8870-2023-19-56-62-92.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The article is devoted to the schoolchildren associations of the 1930s and early 1940s, which were created as grassroot initiatives, bypas sing—and often standing in opposition to—the pioneers and the Komsomol. These forms of activity make it possible to see adolescents in an unusual light—as the subjects of history—and to imagine how the socio-political realities and ideology of this period were refracted in their minds. The above material shows that, as in other periods, children’s amateur activity in the 1930s and early 1940s grew out of needs that were not met within the state system of education and upbringing. The political repressions that swept the country in the second half of the 1930s did not become an obstacle for these movements. However, a strong “formatting” effect was exerted by the focal points of the policy aimed at children of that time. The tightening of school discipline and normative pressure on the recalcitrant, ideological pressure with emasculated revolutionary meanings provoked reactions like Merton’s retreats and rebellion. Their organizational projections were, respectively, interest clubs, sometimes with a delinquent bias, and protest groups of various kinds. The weakening of Soviet isolationism and the decrease in ideological pressure during the war years stimulated the emergence of gaming communities to model state activities through the perspective of the rapprochement of nations.
6
Sergeev, Sergey Alexeevich. "Русский оппозиционный внепарламентский национализм: все цвета спектра?" Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 42, n.º 3 (19 de outubro de 2015): 298–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763324-04203005.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This article examines various types of Russian oppositional extra-parliamentary natio- nalism from the 1990s to the 2010s, such as imperial national conservatism, monarchy- Black Hundreds nationalism, revolutionary nationalism, Russian Nazism, and National Democrats. It analyzes major Russian oppositional nationalist organizations as well as their transformations and evolution. The author gives particular attention to revolutionary nationalism (National Bolshevism) and National Democracy.
7
BREWSTER, CLAIRE, e KEITH BREWSTER. "‘Patria, Honor y Fuerza’: A Study of a Right-Wing Youth Movement in Mexico during the 1930s–1960s". Journal of Latin American Studies 46, n.º 4 (11 de agosto de 2014): 691–721. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x14001102.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
AbstractThis article focuses on the intricate and developing nature of official politics and grassroots activism in post-revolutionary Mexico. It does so by tracing the trajectory of the Pentathlón Deportivo Militar Universitario, a right-wing youth movement that emerged in Mexico in 1938. By locating the group within both the international and domestic emergence of youth movements in the early twentieth century, the article shows how the study of Pentathlón's formation, objectives and later evolution can significantly enrich our understanding of an important phase in Mexico's post-revolutionary history. Within the context of right wing oppositional politics, analysis of the movement provides a fascinating insight into both the emerging Mexican state's ability to appropriate the radical impulses of the younger generation and the Pentathlón's willingness to accommodate such strategies in order to ensure its own survival.
8
BREWSTER, CLAIRE, e KEITH BREWSTER. "‘Patria, Honor y Fuerza’: A Study of a Right-Wing Youth Movement in Mexico during the 1930s–1960s". Behavioral and Brain Sciences 38, n.º 01 (dezembro de 2014): 130–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0140525x13009849.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
AbstractThis article focuses on the intricate and developing nature of official politics and grassroots activism in post-revolutionary Mexico. It does so by tracing the trajectory of the Pentathlón Deportivo Militar Universitario, a right-wing youth movement that emerged in Mexico in 1938. By locating the group within both the international and domestic emergence of youth movements in the early twentieth century, the article shows how the study of Pentathlón's formation, objectives and later evolution can significantly enrich our understanding of an important phase in Mexico's post-revolutionary history. Within the context of right wing oppositional politics, analysis of the movement provides a fascinating insight into both the emerging Mexican state's ability to appropriate the radical impulses of the younger generation and the Pentathlón's willingness to accommodate such strategies in order to ensure its own survival.
9
Alemu, Amsale. "Demystifying the Image". Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 42, n.º 2 (1 de agosto de 2022): 442–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-9987931.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Abstract While opposition to the Ethiopian monarchy was an immediate imperative of the Ethiopian revolutionary movement, self-professed “anti-feudalism” was but one part of the political-economic object of revolutionary critique. Originating from a country famous for its legacy of African independence, and against a monarch who was a global pan-African icon, Ethiopian revolutionary opposition to Haile Selassie would require not only a politics of dissent, but also an anti-colonial framing. This article centers anti-imperialism—specifically challenges to US neo-imperialism in Ethiopia—among Ethiopian student revolutionaries in the United States during the late 1960s and early 1970s. Examining organizational writing and direct action, as well as editorials in Muhammad Speaks and The Black Panther, this article argues that US-based Ethiopian students employed demystification as a signature revolutionary tactic. They attempted to reframe Ethiopian exceptionalist narratives as currency of US neo-imperialism, drawing on arguments strengthened by engaging Black Power concepts and thinkers. Demystification, while rooted in narrative modes and historical tropes specific to Ethiopian students' location in the United States, offers a concept to think through other oppositional movements as generative of global theoretical critique. Ethiopian students not only demanded the overthrow of the monarchy, but also joined anti-colonial appeals for the structural transformation of the world.
10
Anfertiev, I. A. "Memorandum of the Leader of the “Workers’ Opposition” Gavriil Myasnikov to the Central Committee of the RCP(b): Source Study Potential". Modern History of Russia 13, n.º 3 (2023): 648–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2023.308.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Using the methods of interpreting historical sources, the article analyzes the memorandum of one of the leaders of the “Workers’ Opposition” G. I. Myasnikov, sent to the Central Committee of the RCP(b) on the eve of the X Party Congress. The novelty of the study lies in the fact that referring to the source analysis of the memorandum allows us to expand the chronological framework of the initial stage of the formation of the workers’ opposition movement within the RCP(b), to attribute its origin to the middle of 1920, about six months before the end of the X Party Congress, at which, As you know, factional activity in the RCP(b) was officially banned. In the memorandum of G. I. Myasnikov, according to the researcher, various aspects of the intra-party struggle for power between a group of emigrants led by V. I. Lenin and those members of the RCP(b) with pre-revolutionary experience who were subjected to repression for revolutionary activities in the Russian Empire are reflected, served their sentences in prisons and hard labor. The study reveals the desire of the opposition leader to enlist support not only within the ruling RCP(b), but also outside it, among the “deprived” of power working class. In the memorandum of G. I. Myasnikov, according to the researcher, various aspects of the intra-party struggle for power between a group of emigrants led by V. I. Lenin and those members of the RCP(b) with pre-revolutionary experience who were subjected to repression for revolutionary activities in the Russian Empire are reflected, served their sentences in prisons and hard labor.
Livros sobre o assunto "Various revolutionary oppositional movements"
1
DiNunzio, Mario R. Franklin D. Roosevelt and the Third American Revolution. ABC-CLIO, LLC, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798400653599.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This book argues that Franklin D. Roosevelt's work—of which the New Deal was a prime example—was rooted in a definitive political ideology tied to the ideals of the Progressive movement and the social gospel of the late 19th century. Roosevelt's New Deal resulted in such dramatic changes within the United States that it merits the label "revolutionary" and ranks with the work of Washington and Lincoln in its influence on the American nation. The New Deal was not simply the response to a severe economic crisis; it was also an expression of FDR's well-developed political ideology stemming from his religious ideas and his experience in the Progressive movement of Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson. Franklin D. Roosevelt and the Third American Revolution describes the unfolding of his New Deal response to the crisis of the Depression and chronicles the bitter conservative opposition that resisted every step in the Roosevelt revolution. The author's analysis of Roosevelt's political thought is supported by FDR's own words contained in the key documents and various speeches of his political career. This book also documents FDR's recognition of the dangers to democracy from unresponsive government and identifies his specific motivations to provide for the general welfare.
2
Takeyh, Ray, e Nikolas K. Gvosdev. The Receding Shadow of the Prophet. www.praeger.com, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798216005858.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The tragic events of September 11, 2001, in the United States renewed fears of an Islamist wave destabilizing the countries of the Muslim world. Yet the alarm raised over a previous wave of Islamism in the early 1990s, which threatened to overwhelm Egypt and Algeria and spill into the Balkans and Central Asia, proved to be unfounded. Takeyh and Gvosdev assert that while Islamism has been successful as an oppositional ideology of wrath, it has failed to provide Islamic societies with any feasible alternative to undertaking fundamental political and economic reforms. By detailing the defeat of Islamist movements in the Middle East, the Balkans, and Central Asia over the last decade, this book encourages us not to overestimate the Islamist threat in the current climate and the years to come. Radical Islamists have been successful in mobilizing opposition to corrupt regimes, yet they have failed to translate their utopian vision into reality. Furthermore, their emphasis on violence alienates and frightens the middle class and other potential allies. Iran's revolution failed to create a model Islamic republic, and its government is increasingly losing legitimacy to demands for genuine democracy. Islamist governments in Afghanistan and Sudan relied upon violence to remain in power and ultimately collapsed. Islamist movements proved unable to dislodge the existing regimes in Egypt and Algeria. In the Balkans and Central Asia, Islamism has had little attraction for Western-oriented populations. Indeed, throughout the entire Islamic world, former radicals are seeking a new accommodation between Islamic values and liberal democracy. Takeyh and Gvosdev succinctly and accessibly explore the rise of radical Islam, as well as its ultimate demise in various nations.
3
Tremain, Shelley Lynn, ed. The Bloomsbury Guide to Philosophy of Disability. Bloomsbury Publishing Plc, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350268937.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The Bloomsbury Guide to Philosophy of Disability is a revolutionary collection encompassing the most innovative and insurgent work in philosophy of disability. Edited and anthologized by disabled philosopher Shelley Lynn Tremain, this book challenges how disability has historically been represented and understood in philosophy: it critically undermines the detrimental assumptions that various subfields of philosophy produce; resists the institutionalized ableism of academia to which these assumptions contribute; and boldly articulates new anti-ableist, anti-sexist, anti-racist, queer, anti-capitalist, anti-carceral, and decolonial insights and perspectives that counter these assumptions. This rebellious and groundbreaking book’s chapters–most of which have been written by disabled philosophers–are wide-ranging in scope and invite a broad readership. The chapters underscore the eugenic impetus at the heart of bioethics; talk back to the whiteness of work on philosophy and disability with which philosophy of disability is often conflated; and elaborate phenomenological, poststructuralist, and materialist approaches to a variety of phenomena. Topics addressed in the book include: ableism and speciesism; disability, race, and algorithms; race, disability, and reproductive technologies; disability and music; disabled and trans identities and emotions; the apparatus of addiction; and disability, race, and risk. With cutting-edge analyses and engaging prose, the authors of this guide contest the assumptions of Western disability studies through the lens of African philosophy of disability and the developing framework of crip Filipino philosophy; articulate the political and conceptual limits of common constructions of inclusion and accessibility; and foreground the practices of epistemic injustice that neurominoritized people routinely confront in philosophy and society more broadly. A crucial guide to oppositional thinking from an international, intersectional, and inclusive collection of philosophers, this book will advance the emerging field of philosophy of disability and serve as an antidote to the historical exclusion of disabled philosophers from the discipline and profession of philosophy. The Bloomsbury Guide to Philosophy of Disability is essential reading for faculty and students in philosophy, disability studies, political theory, Africana studies, Latinx studies, women’s and gender studies, LGBTQ studies, and cultural studies, as well as activists, cultural workers, policymakers, and everyone else concerned with matters of social justice. Description of the book’s cover: The book’s title appears on two lines across the top of the cover which is a salmon tone. The names of the editor and the author of the foreword appear in white letters at the bottom of the book. The publisher’s name is printed along the right side in white letters. At the centre, a vertical white rectangle is the background for a sculpture by fibre artist Judith Scott. The sculpture combines layers of shiny yarn in various colours including orange, pink, brown, and rust woven vertically on a large cylinder and horizontally around a smaller cylinder, as well as blue yarn woven around a protruding piece at the bottom of the sculpture. The sculpture seems to represent a body and head of a being sitting down, a being with one appendage, a fat person, or a little person.
4
Obaid, Nawaf. The Failure of the Muslim Brotherhood in the Arab World. ABC-CLIO, LLC, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798400649530.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This book is an indispensable resource for anyone looking to understand the Muslim Brotherhood; Qatar's role in promoting the group; and the ideological, social, and religious factors that have led to its ultimate failure. The book begins by looking at the birth of the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) in 1928 in Egypt. It then traces its ideology and expansion via the various affiliate organizations in the Arab world as well as its international presence up to the present day. Throughout this historical analysis, evidence is presented linking the MB again and again to political violence and a lack of a coherent policy. The book weaves into this history the influence of Qatari support, a clarification of the division between true Salafism and the MB's radical ideology, an explanation of how Jamal Khashoggi was a living metaphor for this misunderstanding, and the role the MB has played in various revolutionary movements throughout the Middle East. The book concludes with a current geopolitical outlook on the MB itself and the Arab world in which it resides. The book is extensively sourced with first-hand primary source quotes from numerous exclusive personal interviews conducted by the author, with both experts on the subject and officials in the region.
5
Goyens, Tom. Johann Most and the German Anarchists. University of Illinois Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252041051.003.0002.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This essay tells the story of the first instance of a revolutionary anarchist movement in New York City, and the role of radical immigrant Johann Most in shaping and dividing the movement. This urban, immigrant movement pioneers several features that will be part of various subsequent movements and expressions of anarchism in the city. For example, Germans grounded their community in beerhalls and other meeting places in specific neighborhoods. They built cultural and recreational spaces and groups as if to live anarchism now, while advocating for it in public. The German anarchists also maintained an international profile through periodicals, and experienced the downside of ethnic insularity. Most added an ideological element when he advocated social revolution, propaganda by deed, and arming the working classes. The image of the anarchist bomb thrower was born and lingers to this day in the minds of mainstream observers.
6
Monaville, Pedro. Students of the World. Duke University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/9781478022985.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
On June 30, 1960—the day of the Congo’s independence—Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba gave a fiery speech in which he conjured a definitive shift away from a past of colonial oppression toward a future of sovereignty, dignity, and justice. His assassination a few months later showed how much neocolonial forces and the Cold War jeopardized African movements for liberation. In Students of the World, Pedro Monaville traces a generation of Congolese student activists who refused to accept the foreclosure of the future Lumumba envisioned. These students sought to decolonize university campuses, but the projects of emancipation they articulated went well beyond transforming higher education. Monaville explores the modes of being and thinking that shaped their politics. He outlines a trajectory of radicalization in which gender constructions, cosmopolitan dispositions, and the influence of a dissident popular culture mattered as much as access to various networks of activism and revolutionary thinking. By illuminating the many worlds inhabited by Congolese students at the time of decolonization, Monaville charts new ways of writing histories of the global 1960s from Africa.
7
Haverty-Stacke, Donna T. The Fierce Life of Grace Holmes Carlson. NYU Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479802180.001.0001.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
On December 8, 1941, Grace Holmes Carlson, the only female defendant among eighteen Trotskyists convicted under the Smith Act, was sentenced to sixteen months in federal prison for advocating the violent overthrow of the government. After serving a year in Alderson prison, Carlson resumed organizing for the Socialist Workers Party (SWP) and ran for vice president of the United States under its banner in 1948. Then, in 1952, she abruptly left the SWP and returned to the Catholic Church. With the support of the Sisters of St. Joseph, who had educated her as a child, Carlson began a new life as a professor who now advocated for social justice as a Catholic Marxist. The Fierce Life of Grace Holmes Carlson: Catholic, Socialist, Feminist is a historical biography that examines Carlson’s story in the context of her times. Her experiences illuminate the workings of class identity within the context of various influences over the course of a lifespan. Her story contributes to recent historical scholarship exploring the importance of faith in workers’ lives and politics. And it uncovers both the possibilities and limitations for working-class and revolutionary Marxist women in the period between the first- and second-wave feminist movements. The long arc of Carlson’s life (1906–1992) reveals continuities in her political consciousness that transcended the shifts in her partisan commitments, most notably her lifelong dedication to challenging the root causes of social inequality. In that struggle Carlson proved herself to be a truly fierce woman.
Capítulos de livros sobre o assunto "Various revolutionary oppositional movements"
1
Dardi, Marco. "Il fascismo immaginario di Odon Por". In Studi e saggi, 119–48. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-455-7.05.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
A minor but frequent editorialist and contributor to the Fascist press over the 1930s, Odon Por reached the apex of his visibility when he joined Ezra Pound in the attempt to promote policies based on Major Douglas’s Social Credit and Silvio Gesell’s Stamp Scrip. Drawing on various archival sources, the chapter reconstructs Por’s international background, the political protections that allowed him to occupy comfortable positions in the regime’s institutions, and his ideological itinerary from revolutionary syndicalism to guild socialism and from here to a fascism which was more imagined than real. His case is a typical illustration of the appeal that the Italian corporatist model held for anti-capitalist movements in inter-war Europe.
2
Cunneen, Chris. "The protest movement never stopped: from Black Power to zero tolerance". In Defund the Police, 63–86. Policy Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447361664.003.0004.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The demonstrations, protests, and uprisings against police internationally, and the rise of the BLM movement, are inextricably connected to police violence and deaths in custody, and especially the deaths of Indigenous, Black, and people of colour. While there is a long history to policing as the violent arm of colonialism and slavery as discussed in Chapter 2, the more recent history of the struggle against police violence arises in the global revolutionary movements of the 1960s and 1970s. The anti-imperialist struggles against the US war in Vietnam and opposition to its interventions and support for dictatorships in Latin America and elsewhere, the anti-apartheid movement, the civil rights movements, the rise of worker’s and student’s militancy, and the women’s rights and gay rights movements, brought a generation of people into direct contact with the ferocity of state power. Police in various countries were at the forefront of often violent repression of these popular movements. The other important lesson from the resistance to police violence is that the popular movements were not simply oppositional – they were concerned with responding to the needs of communities in areas such as access to health, education, legal services, and housing, and in building solidarity across groups. Taking Australia and the US as examples, the struggle against police and state violence was central to the radical politics of the Black Panther and Indigenous liberation movements. The Chapter also explores the Black struggle against police violence in the UK and the various strategies that developed as a result. The chapter concludes that new forms of community-based organisations and resistance grew out of the activist movements which developed in opposition to police violence and racism.
3
Richards, Imogen. "‘Islamic State’ and the Neoliberal War Machine: Power, Resistance and Revolution". In Revolutionaries and Global Politics, editado por Ondrej Ditrych, Jan Daniel e Jakub Záhora, 89–108. Edinburgh University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781399505550.003.0006.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Revolutionary movements throughout modern history have often mirrored the authoritarian, autocratic, and corrupt state institutions they initially overthrew. Various non-state resistance movements, driven by feminist, post-colonial, labour, and ecological agendas, have been co-opted, diluted, and repurposed in ways that ultimately reinforced the forms of power they originally responded to. From an epistemological viewpoint where ‘terrorism’ represents a form of resistance, albeit frequently characterised by the abuse of power, this chapter explores how the so-called Islamic State (IS) movement reciprocally interacts with its sovereign, state-based, and late capitalist adversaries. In managing territory, employing violence, fundraising, and striving for legitimacy through governance, the chapter builds on the volume’s interpretation of IS as a hybrid revolutionary actor, influenced by both the movement and its counterterrorist opponents’ engagement with the apparatus and demands of a wider neoliberal ‘war machine’. With reference to IS’s statements and behaviour, the chapter discussion begins from the premise that ‘power and resistance’ discourses— spanning debates among liberals, monarchs, and sovereigns, through international colonialism, anarchism, communism, and the emergence of late modern capitalism—have delineated the boundaries of possible opposition to oppressive political, social, and economic conditions.
4
Griffin, Roger. "Fascism as an Opposition Movement". In Fascism, 15–20. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192892492.003.0003.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Abstract The first part of this section (Ai) opens with a flavour of the various brands of ultra-nationalism with their own project for the renewal ofltaly which came together in the interventionist campaign that helped generate support for the government’s decision to enter the war on the side of the Entente powers in May 1915. It samples the nationalism formulated by G. Papini and his entourage (notably Prezzolini and Corradini) ever since the founding of the periodicals ll Leonardo and La Voce, here expressed in the Futurist magazine Lacerba on the eve of the war (Text 1); revolutionary syndicalist thought in the manifesto of the main organization of interventionism, the Fascio rivoluzionario d’ azione internazionalista: the ‘international’ was soon dropped, but the term ‘Fascio’ became closely associated with the interventionist spirit (Text 2); Marinetti’s characteristic brand of political Futurism (Text 3), and Mussolini’s call for intervention published in the first issue of his newly founded n Popolo d’Italia, which went on to be the main daily newspaper of official Fascism (Text 4). The way these components of political myth converged on the idea of the war as the catalyst to national renewal and thereby prefigured Fascism is discussed in an important article by Adamson (1992).
5
Thayer, Willy. "The Destruction of Theater". In Technologies of Critique, traduzido por John Kraniauskas, 107–11. Fordham University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5422/fordham/9780823286744.003.0035.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This chapter discusses how the destruction of the metaphysics of right is at the same time the destruction of the metaphysics of representation. It explains how the destruction of the metaphysics is involved in the destruction of metaphysical theater and Western theater. Strikes and progressive, foundational revolutionary movements have happened and left the marks of both critique and crisis on theater. The chapter analyzes strikes and movements that have nourished the abstract principle of representation and its oppositional dialectic, the topos, dynamic and transferential economy between stage and stalls, state and people. It mentions the Benjaminian pure strike, which is involved in the unworking of theatre, the fetish of revolution, and sovereign strikes whose evangelist version of the extinction of bourgeois theatre has constituted ratification in the negative.
6
Bakhshizadeh, Marziyeh. "Gender equality in different readings of Islam in post-revolutionary Iran". In Women and Religion, 21–39. Policy Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447336358.003.0002.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This chapter offers an understanding of women's rights and gender equality based on three interpretations of Islam within the context of post-revolutionary Iran. The debate among different interpretations of Islam provides a foundation for the investigation of women's rights and gender equality in various readings of Islam not only in the regional dimensions of Iran, but also in the Islamic world. While some studies and academic discussions tend to use the term fundamentalism to refer to religious revival movements, particularly within Islamic traditions, such discussions often fail to distinguish reformist and other movements within Islam, therefore identifying all Islamic revival movements as fundamentalist or as part of fundamentalist movements.
7
Schiller, Dan. "Communication and Labor in Late 19th Century". In Theorizing Communication, 3–38. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195101997.003.0001.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Abstract In the 19th-century United States, criticism of communication institutions and practices was rife and often sharp. The widest and most significant antipathetic current, during the century’ s final decades, streamed through labor organizations and oppositional political movements. Lodging repeated protests against the accelerating integration of major media-both the press and the wireline systems of telegraphy and telephony-into the expanding circuits of corporate capital, a broad span of reform groups proposed various collectivist and mutualistic alternatives for the ownership and operation of communications.
8
Hardt, Michael. "Laboratory Italy". In The Subversive Seventies, 109–46. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197674659.003.0010.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Abstract In the late 1960s and early 1970s, industrial workers were widely viewed as the protagonists of revolutionary struggles. The workers’ organizations were thought to be able to extend outside the factories to organize and lead a social revolution. In the middle of the 1970s, however, as capitalist restructuring began to undermine the power of the factories, the revolutionary movements began to recognize that industrial workers could no longer serve as central protagonists. Subsequently there developed attempts to create a network of liberation movements that included various segments of the labor force along with student movements, feminist movements, and others. These organizational attempts were cut short by intense state repression in the latter half of the 1970s.
9
Williams, Dana M. "Anti-state political opportunities". In Black Flags and Social Movements. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526105547.003.0005.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The anarchist movement utilizes non-statist and anti-statist strategies for radical social transformation, thus indicating the limits of political opportunity theory and its emphasis upon the state. Using historical narratives from present-day anarchist movement literature, I note various events and phenomena in the last two centuries and their relevance to the mobilization and demobilization of anarchist movements throughout the world (Bolivia, Czech Republic, Great Britain, Greece, Japan, and Venezuela). Labor movement allies, failing state socialism, and punk subculture have provided conditions conducive to anarchism, while state repression and Bolshevik triumph in the Soviet Union constrained success. This variation suggests that future work should attend more closely to the role of national context, and the interrelationship of political and non-political factors. Additionally, the key question of what constitutes movement “success” for revolutionary movements that “move forward”, yet do not achieve revolutionary transformation (indeed, who conceive of a final, complete transformation to be theoretically impossible), seems to be a problem faced uniquely by anarchist movements. Instead, thinking of opportunity as being global, non-politically-based, and unattached to “ultimate objectives” like revolution, help to make these ideas more useful for understanding anarchist mobilization.
10
Beck, Colin J., Mlada Bukovansky, Erica Chenoweth, George Lawson, Sharon Erickson Nepstad e Daniel P. Ritter. "The Domestic-International Dichotomy". In On Revolutions, 106–28. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197638354.003.0006.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This chapter challenges the domestic-international dichotomy. Many established theories of revolutionary emergence focus on domestic factors such as economic downturns, elite conflict and defection from the state, and the mobilizing capacity of opposition forces. This dichotomy makes the international influence on all of these domestic factors opaque. Domestic economic conditions are heavily shaped by international markets. Elite decisions about whether to support or oppose the state are linked to alliances with other nations and international organizations. And oppositional organizing capacity is enhanced by support from transnational movements (such as the influx of resources from diaspora supporters) and the transmission of tactics and strategies from revolutionaries in one region of the world to another. In short, there are no fully domestic revolutions; revolutions are always influenced by international factors. Yet all too often, revolutionary scholarship has seen international factors as a backdrop to domestic factors, which are perceived as having the real explanatory power. Researchers have grafted international factors onto existing models in an “add and stir” approach, rather than examining how international dynamics permeate and shape domestic dynamics “all the way down.” The chapter proposes an alternative “inter-social” approach. It highlights how international dynamics help to constitute revolutionary situations, trajectories, and outcomes through an analysis of the 1977–79 Iranian revolution.