Artigos de revistas sobre o tema "Urban leftover spaces"

In a metropolis and metropolitan public space, increased attention has recently been given to overlooked and uncontrolled spaces. Considered as spatial 'voids,' 'idle spaces,' 'interstices,' and 'in-between' spaces, they all have one characteristic in common: 'the waiting for use' potential that can be ignited by users' creativity and tenacity, and with designers taking the role of 'enablers' rather than 'deciders'. Hence, urban leftover space becomes meaningful place with a strong local identity, enabling new connections and maximising its socio-spatial potential. This paper analyses Tokyo as a paradigmatic case study to investigate the roles of local spatial practices in the process of leftovers' identity (re)construction. More so than other global metropolises, the city represents a living laboratory for experimentation due to its compactness and the variety of small-scale urban patterns. A combination of ethnographic observations and visual analysis is applied as a trans-disciplinary method to investigate small-scale urban leftovers in Tokyo's traditional urban tissue of the shitamachi districts. This approach allows an understanding of how individuals transform and utilise leftovers, which become a dispersed constellation of tangible spaces of identity. Extrapolation of home into a public zone of liminal leftover space, through appropriation and care, becomes the key to the resilience of local identities.

Cities worldwide are urgently moving towards a more resilient and sustainable future. On this quest, national, regional, and local governments apply a combination of socio-spatial tools that regenerate and transform the city’s leftover spaces. There is an abundance of community gardens, cultural centers, and large-scale urban developments that, through programmed activities, reactivate underused spaces. The bearers of this process are professionals and individuals who have become aware of their actions in the contemporary urban landscape. This paper highlights possible design strategies that domesticate leftover spaces of diverse scales by injecting creative and playful programs, using Tokyo as a paradigmatic case study. More so than other global metropolises, the city represents a living laboratory for experimentation due to its compactness and the variety of urban patterns. Its leftover spaces demonstrate how play positively affects everyday life in public spaces, and how it enables extraordinary uses. A combination of ethnographic observations and spatial analysis is applied as a trans-disciplinary method. This approach allows an understanding of how people use playfulness to transform, appropriate, and utilize leftover spaces, which serves as guidance for urban planners and designers.

The construction of urban highways within and around the city has resulted in a significant amount of residual spaces, which are rarely incorporated into official planning and design efforts. This literature review paper provides an overview of space underneath elevated highways delivered by urban leftover space: What types of leftover space have been discussed? Which underneath elevated highways have been identified in leftover space? 112 scientific papers were analyzed for their 1) leftover space terms applied, 2) space underneath elevated highways studied, 3) current or potential underneath elevated highways discussed. Through the review, we found that although different types of space have been identified in leftover space, most studies did not consider underneath elevated highways synergies and trade-offs. The literature review highlights two knowledge gaps for future research: Firstly, the existing research on residual space under urban viaducts has been exhaustive in terms of connecting with environmental attributes. Secondly, the content of the social interaction and use of the remaining space under the viaducts can be connected to the content of the environmental attributes. The existing gaps in the research indicate the importance of exploring the potential impacts aimed at utilizing leftover spaces. By highlighting the value of the environmental attributes of under-bridge spaces, the literature study promotes the recognition of the association of social interactions with the environmental attributes of under-bridge spaces and further outlines future research directions for the remaining under-bridge spaces in the urban design process.

The built environment, urban processes, and experience all work together to create the spatial environment of a city. Many urban spaces, especially those that appear to be ‘leftover’, do not reflect a set concept but are constantly questioned and recreated. Recognizing leftover spaces in an urban environment is an important aspect of the urban redevelopment process. Researchers have highlighted the difficulties, circumstances, and relevance of making good use of leftover space. To accomplish environmental and social benefits, these places can be created, changed, and incorporated into the main urban fabric; however, there is a scarcity of knowledge on how to go about constructing such environments. This study explores the visual perception of two groups of people, those with knowledge of the built environment and those with other educational backgrounds regarding leftover spaces in Wellington City. The research, which employs a mixed approach, consists of three studies, beginning with a visual preference study to better understand human perceptions, which might lead to better design solutions. The second study looked at differences in design preferences across the built environment and non-built environment participants. Finally, individuals from the built and non-built environments participants were invited to a focus group discussion for study three. To summarize, the findings demonstrated that adding vegetation is a crucial design feature. The findings refute the hypotheses of non-built environment specialists have different design perceptions for a built environment.

Residual spaces are the leftover spaces such as the spaces under flyovers. These spaces further act as physical barriers in the city’s urban form.. The spaces under flyovers have been neglected, left underused, even in some cases, remain frightening, and unattractive. These spaces provide local communities with various opportunities. In the city of Lahore, there is a lack of public places that enhance social interaction. There are many possibilities of transforming the dead and unused spaces under flyovers into creative venues for various communal activities. This paper attempts to focus on the concept and importance of leftover spaces, while identifying and analyzing the type of social space according to the presented concept of Lefebvre.

The Urban Heat Island phenomenon and urban overheating are serious consequences of urbanization resulting in impacts on thermal comfort levels, heat stress and even mortality. This paper builds on previous findings on the topic of non-constructible parcels, small vacant or built spaces in Municipal Beirut, some of which belong to the municipality while others are privately owned and which might be used for different functional purposes. This paper further examines the possibility of implementing cool surface or paving materials and urban vegetation to reduce air urban temperature, especially during the summer period and with the view to project the positive findings of this case study to the entire Municipal Beirut area. A numerical analysis using ENVI-met 4.0 investigates the thermal performance of these non-constructibles further to implementation of high reflective surfaces and urban vegetation on a broad neighborhood scale, taking the Bachoura District as a reference case for a typical summer day. The best air temperature reductions correspond to the use of cool material in areas that are far from buildings where there are no shadow effects. In some cases, the introduction of trees leads to an increase of the air temperature near the ground because they became an obstacle of the natural ventilation. Results show a maximum mitigation effect with the use of cool materials that lead to reductions in air temperatures up to 0.42 °C if used alone and up to 0.77 °C if used in combination with trees. Within the framework of an integrated approach to planning, this form of urban intervention aims for substantial overheating reduction.

Urbanization, a global phenomenon has gained attention due to Poor urban planning often posing hazards to individuals’ and environment. This research investigates negative impacts of leftover and grey areas and their utilization to promote sustainable urban environment by enhancing ecosystem services by implementing Green Infrastructure specifically focusing on Dhaka’s context. The objective is to assess the strategy’s feasibility and impact on achieving Sustainable Development Goal 11, through both qualitative and quantitative analysis including field survey, green area assessment, thermal environmental measurement, structured interview and relevant case study analysis is done to understand the current scenario and priorities. Findings highlight the loss of green spaces exacerbating environmental issues, particularly thermal conditions. Furthermore, the misuse of leftover spaces has negative environmental, social, and economic repercussions, yet presents an opportunity for green integration, minimizing the challenges of acquiring large green development areas that’s appreciated by dwellers and scholars. The case studies shows the feasibility, significance and potentiality of implementing various scale, pattern of Green Infrastructure. The outcome offers valuable insights and policy recommendations for policymakers, local government officials, architects, and urban planners to enhance integrated urban development and climate-resilient plans for Bangladesh.

The present study reflects on spontaneous nature’s agency to reclaim abandoned urban areas in Italian urban brownfields, providing a focused analysis of the Metropolitan Area of Milan. These spaces are the products of phenomena, such as deindustrialization, demilitarization, and uncontrolled urban expansion, which have produced a compromised heritage and challenges to regeneration. Such abandonment sometimes produces new forms of urban nature, which suggests a possible path for ecological regeneration and coexistence, as affirmed by the multidisciplinary literature. The related informal urban biodiversity grows regardless of future planning provisions, triggering unexpected transformations of the urban environment and producing socio-ecological value, as demonstrated by citizens’ recognition of these places. The present study maps informal urban biodiversity in the Milan territory, identifying the presence of large contaminated sites, relevant urban voids, vacant lots, and former agricultural spaces. This study also reflects on possible paths for urban planning and policies to integrate informal urban biodiversity within the urban ecological structure by analyzing the main features and challenges of the corresponding regeneration processes.

New revitalization and regeneration strategies are currently taking place as a scheme for reassessing urban spaces. This paper, as a result, navigates the theory of Urban Acupuncture (UA) as a quick and effective tool that can be adopted in large cities. Using Riyadh city as a case study, it discusses how this tool can be used to achieve maximum results with minimal effort in the most critical places. Riyadh city is the capital of Saudi Arabia and is considered as one of the fastest-growing metropolitan cities in the Arab world. Through time, it has transformed into a city with leftover open spaces and an ever-increasing population. The study commences by exploring the term UA and its principles and similarly presents some of its successful international examples. It thereafter delves on the past and current situation in the city to show some of the challenges it faces. The study aims to develop a filtering framework for selecting a suitable sensitive spot that can be used to apply the concept of UA. A conclusion is made that as a small-scale space approach and a progressive concentrated urban renewal strategy.

The back lane is often associated with annoying, disgusting, narrow and dark. This paper concerns the use of the back lanes of the old shop houses in China Town, Kuala Lumpur. The instruments used in collecting data include observation, unstructured interview and literature review. The use and physical characteristics of back lanes were identified. It was found that the back lanes of China Town in Kuala Lumpur showed the success of turning back streets into lively alleys. Thus, the back lane could be considered as part of urban design strategies and not as leftover spaces.© 2016. The Authors. Published for AMER ABRA by e-International Publishing House, Ltd., UK. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/).Peer–review under responsibility of AMER (Association of Malaysian Environment-Behaviour Researchers), ABRA (Association of Behavioural Researchers on Asians) and cE-Bs (Centre for Environment-Behaviour Studies), Faculty of Architecture, Planning & Surveying, Universiti Teknologi MARA, Malaysia.Keywords: back lane; social place; pedestrian; urban

Pedestrian facilities have been regarded in urban street design as “leftover spaces” for years, but, currently, there is a growing interest in walking and improving the quality of street environments. Designing pedestrian facilities presents the challenge of simultaneously accommodating (1) pedestrians who want to move safely and comfortably from point A to B (movement function); as well as (2) users who wish to rest, communicate, shop, eat, and enjoy life in a pleasant environment (place function). The aims of this study are to provide an overview of how the task of designing pedestrian facilities is addressed in international guidance material for urban street design, to compare this with scientific evidence on determinants of pedestrian activities, and to finally develop recommendations for advancing provisions for pedestrians. The results show that urban street design guidance is well advanced in measuring space requirements for known volumes of moving pedestrians, but less in planning pleasant street environments that encourage pedestrian movement and place activities. A stronger linkage to scientific evidence could improve guidance materials and better support urban street designers in their ambition to provide safe, comfortable and attractive street spaces that invite people to walk and to stay.

The identity of "Thousand Rivers' City" makes the river have the meaning of identity and life orientation. River-oriented life inflicted an adaptive behavior called budaya sungai. However, the globalization process has caused a shift from river-oriented to land-oriented and creates heterogeneity in riverside settlements. Creating variations of typology such as atas sungai, bantaran sungai, and tepian sungai. The emergence of these typologies indirectly creates urban leftover space as a transition called the in-between space. This research aims to identify the characteristic of the in-between spaces in riverside settlements so that the space does not become negative and can be utilized to meet the living needs of people who live in riverside settlements. The research used explanatory sequential design methods, based on the quantitative phase, a figure-ground analysis identified curvilinear as the typological patterns and homogenous as textural patterns of the riverside settlement. The map shows a high-density level of solids with no central open system void. Based on the qualitative phase, all in-between spaces have linear patterns and are mostly made of wood materials. 76.47% of enclosures are open but in contrast to land use which is mostly private. 2 out of 17 in-between spaces could not be characterized.

The use of household waste in the form of rice washing water, pineapple skin waste, and leftover rice as liquid organic fertilizer (LOF) has the potential to create a good growing medium so as to increase plant growth. Brazilian Spinach (Alternanthera sissoo) is a leafy vegetable that has the potential to diversify vegetable consumption in urban areas where it is expected to grow well in tight spaces, particularly under shading. This study aimed to find out the effects of applying liquid organic fertilizer made of household waste and the shading on the growth of the Brazilian spinach plant. The study used a split plot design with a main plot consisted of 0%, 50% and 70% shading, while subplot consisted of LOF washing water (20 ml/l), pineapple peel waste (30 ml/l) and leftover rice (50ml/l). Each treatment was repeated 3 (three) times. The results of the study showed that the SPAD value of Brazilian spinach under shading treatment and LOF treatment of rice washing water linearly continued to increase until 8 (eight) weeks after planting. Regarding the vegetative growth of Brazilian spinach, the 0% shading treatment was the best treatment in terms of increasing the non-edible leaf fresh weight and root dry weight. Meanwhile, the LOF had an insignificant effect on all treatments. In conclusion, Brazilian spinach can grow more optimally in no-shade conditions.

Our study explores the question: what kind of landscape situations emerge between the urban fabric and a school building as a result of 21st-century suburbanisation? To answer this question, we will compare a traditional school town and a suburban settlement. Located less than thirty kilometres from Budapest, the traditional town is Vác, one of the most important historical school towns in Hungary. Dunakeszi, on the other hand, directly borders the capital and was a rural settlement at the beginning of the 20th century. This settlement is a typical example of urban sprawl. Its schools have occupied a place in the urban fabric since the second half of the 20th century. During our research, we used thick description and thoroughly analysed where the buildings are situated within the given urban structure, how their appearance can be described, and what their architecture communicates. Our basic argument is that while traditional settlement schools are a central element of the urban fabric, in the suburbs, schools occupy empty spaces of ‘leftover plots’ or develop new campuses in the interurban landscape. The results showed that regardless of the historical past of a given settlement, 21st-century educational institutions create separated, closed campuses in areas affected by suburbanisation processes. The primary reason for moving out is simply a lack of space in downtown areas, which is universally apparent in larger cities. The various roles and tasks schools fulfil also contribute to the process, for example the integration of sports fields or the increasing expectation to be accessible by car.

Urban fringes are strategic resources for contemporary cities. They contain uncertain spatialities which could host significant open space enhancements through design actions aimed at climate adaptation and mitigation, to improve local livability and reconnect cross-scalar networks. They are places of multiple relations where different conditions – natural and agricultural green spaces and corridors, infrastructural networks with nodes and connections, decentralized historical and rural fabrics, slow mobility networks, marginal areas, abandoned spaces and leftovers – come together. This section collects papers and design experiments which investigate fringe renewal in relation to various spatial elements: architecture, abandoned spaces, open spaces, green areas and forestation.

The success of university campuses depends on the interrelations between creative encounters and the built environment, conceptualised here as spatial affordances for creativity. Such an interface plays a fundamental role in interactions for knowledge sharing and the exchange of ideas on campus. Due to campus public spaces generally being considered as the leftovers between buildings and classrooms, undermanaged, and overlooked, little is known about the extent to which this built environment enables or inhibits creative encounters in such spaces. The inner-city campuses and science parks (SPs) of Amsterdam and Utrecht, the case-studies of this research, differ in terms of their location relative to the city, their masterplan typologies and the arrangement of buildings. However, they are similar in terms of the aforementioned issues of public spaces. The novelty of this research is the attempt to overcome such issues using an innovative mixed-methods approach that tests the ‘spatial affordances for creativity’ with empirical data collection and analysis. This raises the importance of mapping, quantifying and analysing the spatial distribution of momentary perceptions, experiences, and feelings of people with methods such as volunteered geographic information (VGI). The results show that proximity between multiple urban functions and physical features, such as parks, cafés and urban seating are important when it comes to explaining the high frequency of creative encounters between people. Urban designers of campuses can use the applied method as a tool to plan and design attractive public spaces that provide creativity through the transfer of tacit knowledge, social well-being, positive momentary perceptions, sense of community, and a sense of place.

In recent studies, public spaces are defined as living organisms that are subjected to continuous change. These changes affect the different uses of the urban space, its composition and design aspects, in order to cope with the users’ changing needs. Rather than that, users intervene in the space formation either formally, by including the community and stakeholders in the design process fully or partially; or informally, by small or big actions done by the space users in order for the space to satisfy their current needs. Several spaces in Cairo are dealt with as leftovers of the buildings design and construction process. These spaces have passed through several changes that affected and was affected by the Cairines (Cairo citizens) and their culture of dealing with public spaces to accommodate their changing needs. The deficiency in public spaces in Cairo urban spaces is reviewed. And the inability of the formal designed/planned spaces to respond to the spaces’ users with their changing needs is investigated throughout the research. In order to focus on a public space in Nasr city district in Cairo, sequential mapping to the area over different ages is carried on, examining the changes -formally and informally- in the space to cope with area users. That is accompanied by surveys and questionnaires that aim to determine the needs of the users in the space and whether they are met or not. The questionnaire also aims to measure the level of intervention and satisfaction of the users in this space, to explain how its users intervene in adapting to the existing formal design, and to find out how these interventions shape and affect directly and indirectly the dynamism of the space as a formal planned public space. The paper aims to review and find out theories and practices that provide solutions for dealing with non-designed open spaces development in terms of users changing needs and contributions. The results from the study show some development considerations that need to be respected in Cairo public spaces with more concern for people’s usage and interaction with the space.

Leftover spaces are neglected and obsolete spaces within the city. As they are temporarily unoccupied by defined urban functions, leftover spaces provide unique “interstitial conditions” that open for wild species as well as different informal social activities, offering crucial complements to the formal and defined urban spaces. In this context, the design of leftover spaces poses a paradox between the practice of design that projects a set of definitions onto the site, and the indeterminacy of leftover spaces that opens for appropriation and interpretation. By recognizing this paradox within the design of leftover spaces, this thesis strives to explore open-ended design approaches that engage leftover spaces without losing their essential qualities of indeterminacy. Three case studies—Valby Smedestræde 2 in Copenhagen, Le Jardin Du Tiers-Paysage [the Garden of the Third Landscape] in Saint-Nazaire, and the Dalston Eastern Curve Garden in London are scrutinized with a uniform framework consisting of four lenses: the morphological, social, ecological and material lens. The plan, the section, the perspective and axonometric drawings are used as tools to examine the cases and further, to represent the results of reading through each lens. The study delivers four general modi operandi—disclosing, selecting, founding, and sustaining—for engaging with the interstitial condition of leftover spaces. This thesis further invites for an exploration on the role of “gardeners”, nurtures and balances diverse social and ecological practices in the on-going transformation of the site.

Future resilient cities need to integrate increasing density with the development of urban infrastructure and systems, especially natural and green systems. In Singapore’s post-Independence history, urban green spaces have evolved from leftover manicured grassy areas to biodiverse spaces with recreational areas and facilities. Singapore has recognized the need to provide varying access to the public to protect the more natural areas from too much public access. In urban green spaces, different areas have varying access depending on the scale and significance of the natural habitat. This paper uses Spatial Network Analysis — or the study of topological spatial relationships — to inform the planning and design of varying levels of access in urban green spaces in Singapore. It investigates the influence of spatial configuration of urban green spaces on pedestrian movement, by studying two types of urban green spaces in Singapore: one-north Park and Jurong Lakeside Garden. In both cases, the research utilizes weighted Spatial Network Analysis using sDNA, an analytical tool, to gain insights into the correlations between spatial connectivity and pedestrian movement distribution patterns. Empirical quantitative data are collected using infrared-sensor devices and manual pedestrian count and activity mapping. The methodology can provide the basis for the future planning and design of pedestrian infrastructure in urban green spaces in Singapore, and other high-density cities.

Leftover spaces caused by disparate developments have been identified as key factors in the formation of urban voids within Kuala Lumpur. This paper, therefore, attempts to determine the counter measures that can be taken to remedy the issue of urban voids at a more granular level while coherently revitalising the city in a sustainable manner with the aid of nature-based solutions (NBS). To achieve this aim, this paper examines the implementation of nature-based solutions in urban voids through a qualitative approach. This includes reviewing NBS undertaken to revitalise lacklustre regions via urban green spaces (UGS) and gathering focused insights on the issue from urban experts via semi-structured interviews. It has been understood that the lack of comprehensive planning guidelines and a framework to monitor these urban voids has led to the formation of these urban voids. In relation to this, data transparency, bottom-up approach and human-centric planning have been found critical to effectively revitalise these urban voids for a well-rounded resilient solution for the community and city.

In metropolitan areas worldwide, abandoned properties are prevalent, prompting a need for small urban green spaces (SUGS) to meet the growing demand. Understanding residents’ preferences and perceptions of transformed spaces is vital for effective urban design. This study delves into residents’ preferences and perceptions regarding the transformation of such spaces into SUGS and their impact on psychological well-being. By examining how these preferences and perceived health benefits shape the value of transformed spaces, the research aims to inform effective urban design strategies. The participants underwent visual stimulation, with psychological reactions recorded through Electroencephalogram (EEG) readings and assessed via Questionnaire. Machine learning techniques analyzed EEG sub-band data, achieving an average accuracy of 92.8% when comparing leftover and designed spaces. Results revealed that different types of transformed spaces provoke distinct physiological and preference responses. Specifically, viewing SUGS was associated with significant changes in gamma wave power, suggesting a correlation between enhanced gamma activity and increased feelings of empathy. Moreover, participants also reported enhanced comfort, relaxation, and overall mood, and a strong preference for SUGS over untransformed spaces, emphasizing the value placed on these areas for their health benefits. This research highlights the positive impact of even SUGS on mental health, using EEG data to assess emotional states triggered by urban spaces. The study concludes with a call for further research to investigate the long-term benefits of SUGS on well-being, alongside an exploration of the gamma band as a neural marker for emotional restoration in urban green spaces. This research highlights the crucial role of urban design in fostering psychological well-being through the strategic development of green spaces, suggesting a paradigm shift toward more inclusive, health-promoting urban environments.

The back lane is often associated with annoying, disgusting, narrow and dark. This paper concerns the use of the back lanes of the old shop houses in China Town, Kuala Lumpur. The instruments used in collecting data include observation, unstructured interview and literature review. The use and physical characteristics of back lanes were identified. It was found that the back lanes of China Town in Kuala Lumpur showed the success of turning back streets into lively alleys. Thus, the back lane could be considered as part of urban design strategies and not as leftover spaces.© 2016. The Authors. Published for AMER ABRA by e-International Publishing House, Ltd., UK. Peer–review under responsibility of AMER (Association of Malaysian Environment-Behaviour Researchers), ABRA (Association of Behavioural Researchers on Asians) and cE-Bs (Centre for Environment-Behaviour Studies, Faculty of Architecture, Planning & Surveying, Universiti Teknologi MARA, Malaysia.Keywords: back lane; social place; pedestrian; urban

Flyovers have featured in critical urban planning scholarship in the Global South as fetishized symbols of modernity, often fragmenting urban environments, fracturing space, exacerbating inequalities, and embodying “worlding”’ aspirations of city planners. Acknowledging the role of such infrastructure as technologies of (dis)connection in increasingly enclaved cities, I seek to situate the flyover, its material form, and attendant gaps, characterized by raised ribbons of “smooth” flows, leftover spaces, and proliferation of informal practices, as important sites of encounters. As such, I take “borderland urbanism” as an impetus to think flyover geographies anew by locating the flyover as a particular place in the city that is transient, contested, and constantly re-made. Through ethnographic vignettes and interviews, I sketch out everyday urban experiences over and under a flyover in Karachi, Pakistan. I illustrate how the flyover as a spatial and temporal leap is perceived and experienced by a range of differently mobile urban dwellers, paying particular attention to how walking bodies inhabit an infrastructural landscape that heavily privileges cars and motorcycles. Furthermore, I trace how life in the interstices under the flyover is assembled through social collaboration, resisting eviction, and a politics of visibility.

PurposeThis paper aims to explore the topic of adaptive reuse referring to urban open spaces into a more-than-human perspective. It underlines that dealing with heritage means being part of an inherent and ongoing process of transformation and so that reuse is inextricably an adaptive practice, constantly facing mutations, and that adaptation is a coral practice that involves different kinds of users and makers, inclusive of human and not human livings.Design/methodology/approachThis paper looks at the lexicon of abandonment, in search of the more essential and intense meanings of words, and at some pioneering practices in Europe to comprehend the aesthetic and ethical implications of adaptive reuse of neglected landscapes.FindingsProcesses of reuse involve many different communities of users who in turn continuously redesign the site, into a comprehensive, coral and conflicting collaboration, whose results are never given once for all and are both uncanny and beautiful, scaring and marvellous, like a monster.Practical implicationsAccepting the idea that humans are not the only users and makers of urban sites can widen the range of tools, methods and values involved in heritage adaptive reuse.Originality/valueThis paper tries to widen the meanings of adaptation into a multispecies perspective. It intends to broaden the range of agents that can be involved as users and makers, assuming a more-than-human point of view that is not yet commonly applied.

In the spring of 2007, I joined a group of urban activists called Stalker on a walk along the Tiber River in Italy. The walk, conducted over 12 weeks, began in the ancient port city of Ostia, where the mouth of the Tiber meets the Tyrrhenian Sea, continued north-east through the centre of Rome, and ended at the far edge of Rome’s greater metropolitan region. Stalker’s Tiber walk was a so-called "transurbance," a mode of critical walking created by the collective. Transurbances are walks in the leftover spaces in and around the contemporary metropolis, which Stalker calls "actual territories." In the transurbance, walking is both a mode of expression and a useful instrument for learning about the ongoing social and morphological transformations in cities. Stalker’s transurbance of the Tiber was more specifically a means of engaging the individuals and communities living illegally along the riverbanks, and then conveying aspects of their living conditions to the public. Stalker was accompanied by architecture students whose aim was to produce an atlas of the riverbanks, describing the spaces and qualities of this urban environment that are typically excluded from city maps. In this context the transurbance is a kind of oppositional map, where the map is understood in two senses: as a process of investigating a territory ("mapping" as a verb) and a means of representation (a "map" as noun).

Dhaka is one of the most densely populated megacities of the world with demography of over 20 million people. With an annual population growth rate of 4.2% Dhaka is set to face the challenges of habitat crisis, lack of communal facilities, and constant pressure on transportation and infrastructure. In response to the demand of the rapidly growing population and scarcity of developable land, urban consolidation through vertical expansion was carried out without any proper diagnosis of the sites or any contextually appropriate densification policy. The unguided nature of densification not only brought a transformation in the urban landscape but also in the built form itself by infusing the concept of compactness into them. The compactness of multi-storied dwellings is often found to compromise with the livability condition posing questions on residential sustainability. Drawing on three residential areas of varied density, age and, settlement type this paper, therefore attempts to investigate the trend of densification of the densifying residential areas of Dhaka in terms of the spatial quality of the built form its effect on the built environment. Key methods of data collection employed extensive field surveys, observations, measurements, map analysis, satellite imagery analysis, interviews with officials, and block surveys for detailed analysis of FAR, land coverage in plot and block level, height, land use pattern, and other design aspects of the built form. The survey findings were analyzed through descriptive statistical methods including frequency distribution and presented through tables, charts, and cross-analysis charts contributing to a better understanding of the ongoing trend of densification. The findings indicate that the spatial quality of the built environment was largely compromised in terms of inadequate ventilation and solar access, loss of acoustic and visual privacy, obstruction of view, and leftover unusable open spaces. However, the interior dwelling spaces conforming to the acceptable standard is suggestive of a moderate degree of urban consolidation. By investigating how urban densification has transformed the urban fabric and residential environment, the study reveals the unintended consequences of unguided densification in Dhaka.

Nairobi’s planning regime is characterized by two conditions of exception: on the one hand, exceptions from regulation, that is, planning offices granting exceptions from planning rules and, on the other hand, regulatory regimes that are enforced by low-level administrations outside the planning office but that significantly impact Nairobi’s urban space—we call this exceptional regulation. We argue that it is these two intertwined conditions of exception that make possible the building of shiny modern city as well as the provision of essential urban services. We examine the two conditions of “planning by exception” by analyzing a scrap heap that has endured in central Nairobi for over a decade, even as the neighborhood around it has radically changed. The position of the scrap heap makes the contradictions of this regime of planning particularly visible. On the one hand, the construction sites dotting these neighborhoods provide a wealth of scrap for dealers to gather—and dealers, in turn, provide an essential recovery service. On the other hand, in these increasingly exclusive spaces, businesses like scrap metal heaps are no longer welcome. Thus, the construction boom simultaneously grants scrap dealers opportunities for accumulation and makes the conditions of that accumulation highly uncertain. This scrap metal heap thus offers important insights into Nairobi's spatial regulation because it is both a leftover from the neighborhood’s earlier socio-spatial form and intricately entangled with the redevelopments currently reshaping the city. Our key contribution is that we can only understand urbanization of Nairobi—and other postcolonial cities—if we understand planning as simultaneously working through a regime that grants exceptions to formal planning and by employing exceptional regulation of marginalized spaces.

Abstract ‘Nature-positive’ is the term used to describe a city where nature – species and ecosystems - are being restored and regenerated rather than declining. Despite the provision of nature being elevated as a priority across Sydney (especially open space, trees and canopy cover), and despite new national Nature Positive legal reforms, there is not adequate investment in living infrastructure - trees, plants, parks and waterbodies – nor the measurement strategies to focus that investment where it is most needed. This lack of investment means we miss out on five key benefits of having more nature in urban areas: Reduced heat and improved air quality; Better climate resilience through mitigation of flooding, storms and sea level rise; Increased mental health and happiness; Enhanced biodiversity; and reinforcing connected city systems as waterways and green spaces deliver carbon capture, water filtration and stormwater capture benefits. The solutions are in our hands – individually and collectively. There are many place-based opportunities for growing Sydney’s living Infrastructure, from our own backyards and balconies, to parklands and pocket parks; from our streets, laneways and leftover spaces to infrastructure corridors, railways, rivers and waterways; from schools and hospitals, to the rooftops and facades of existing and new buildings across the city; and the opportunity to protect and restore nature in greenfield development areas. To change how we value natural infrastructure across our city we need to: Enable community education and Indigenous knowledge by stepping up education and awareness programs for communities, including establishing a Centre for Urban and Indigenous Ecology.Set metropolitan and local targets for living infrastructure – not just trees - and monitor and evaluate progress towards those targets.Manage living infrastructure as an asset, at all levels of government, and embed living infrastructure outcomes in public sector procurement systems.Drive structural investment in living infrastructure by introducing a green factor tool to incentivise new development; establishing a living infrastructure fund; and adopting a framework for valuing living infrastructure in major projects.

In this article, I explore how women’s singleness is represented by ‘living-alone’ wanghong on the Chinese social media platform Xiaohongshu (小红书) and discuss the configuration of Chinese postfeminist wanghong culture. The term ‘“living-alone” wanghong’ refers to a group of Chinese vloggers – mostly women – who showcase their daily lives in domestic spaces while living by themselves. ‘Living-alone’ wanghong narrate their singleness as an autonomous choice that leads to a happy, high-quality, and bourgeois life. This narrative is distinct from the stigmatised ‘ shengnü’ (剩女, leftover women) discourse in contemporary urban China. By conducting thematic analysis of 50 sampled ‘living-alone’ vlogs featuring female wanghong, I examine three recurring themes: economic independence; self-care/self-discipline; and enjoyable loneliness. The analysis contextualises these three tropes in the postfeminist wanghong culture on Chinese social media. I argue that while ‘living-alone’ wanghong productively challenge stigmas around single women in the context of urban China, they ultimately transform women’s singleness into a neoliberal and postfeminist object in feminised consumer culture. Within their narratives, the structural struggles that single women face become issues that can and should be resolved by individual women. This transformation overshadows the underlying logic of consumption/commercialisation within Chinese postfeminist wanghong culture. This article further discusses the importance of the intersectional gender dimension in wanghong studies, as evidenced by the case study of ‘living-alone’ wanghong.

This article focuses on the interconnections and interrelations between food, waste, people and state during a series of survival crises in the famines of 1921–3, 1932–3 and 1946–7 in Soviet Ukraine. Owing to grain and food requisitions, the collectivization of agriculture and rationing, as part of the state's growing control over the flow of economic resources from the 1920s to the 1940s, discarded food acquired particular importance for people's survival during these times of extremes. Focusing on both individual and institutional levels of waste production and regulation, this study explores the role of food waste in the survival practices of the starving and traces the development of their individual resourcefulness and interconnectedness with wider social and natural environments. The article explores different types of food waste, including husks, leftover food, carrion and spoiled and rotten food and the spaces of its collection. By ‘following’ the traces of waste in urban and rural landscapes, including, among others, dumpsters, slaughterhouses, cattle cemeteries and railway stations, the article brings into focus the critical changes in human–food, human–waste and human–nature relationships in times of extremes.

Misinterpreting the relationship between economic and environmental aspects of urban development can lead to excessive physical expansion at the expense of quality urban spaces, including green areas. In Surabaya, despite its active infrastructure development, there has been a reduction in green open spaces and the emergence of 'leftover' spaces requiring extensive redesign efforts. One notable example of lost space in Surabaya is Bundaran Waru, strategically positioned as a prominent entrance point and serving as a critical node for primary arterial road intersections. Bundaran Waru presents a unique opportunity to enhance Surabaya's positive image. This study aims to explore innovative ideas for harnessing the potential of Bundaran Waru's lost space, contributing to the city across multiple dimensions, including aesthetics, social dynamics, economics, and ecology, among others. The research begins with a literature review to identify suitable typologies for open spaces based on the primary function of arterial roads. The second phase involves direct observations to collect physical data, assess potential, and identify challenges. Subsequently, a descriptive qualitative analysis of the collected data is conducted to formulate design criteria rooted in the principles of public space design. The research findings underscore the strong potential of this space as a passive green open area capable of encapsulating the essence and identity of Surabaya. Keywords: lost space, green open space, ecology, arterial road, identity Kesalahan dalam menafsirkan hubungan antara aspek ekonomi dan lingkungan dalam pembangunan perkotaan dapat mengakibatkan perkembangan infrastruktur kota yang mengorbankan potensi ekologis ruang perkotaan, salah satu yang dikorbankan adalah ruang terbuka hijau. Di Surabaya, pengembangan infrastruktur terjadi secara pesat namun disatu sisi menyebabkan pengurangan ruang terbuka hijau dan munculnya ruang yang terbengkalai (lost space) yang memerlukan upaya perancangan ulang yang intensif. Salah satu contoh ruang terbengkalai di Surabaya adalah Bundaran Waru yang berlokasi di titik strategis tepatnya di area pintu masuk utama kota dan berfungsi sebagai persimpangan kritis antar jalan-jalan arteri utama. Berdasarkan posisinya tersebut, Bundaran Waru memiliki peluang unik dalam meningkatkan citra positif kota Surabaya. Studi ini bertujuan untuk mengeksplorasi ide-ide inovatif dalam memanfaatkan potensi ruang Bundaran Waru agar dapat memberikan kontribusi positif dalam berbagai dimensi, baik estetika, sosial, ekonomi, dan ekologi. Penelitian ini diawali dengan melakukan studi literatur untuk mengidentifikasi tipologi pemanfaatan ruang yang sesuai berdasarkan fungsi utama lingkungan sekitar. Fase kedua melibatkan pengamatan langsung untuk mengumpulkan data fisik, menilai potensi, dan mengidentifikasi tantangan. Selanjutnya, analisis deskriptif kualitatif dari data yang terkumpul dilakukan untuk merumuskan kriteria desain. Temuan penelitian menegaskan bahwa pemanfaat ruang Bundaran Waru berdasarkan potensi lingkungan diarahkan sebagai area terbuka hijau pasif yang mampu mencerminkan esensi dan identitas kota Surabaya. Kata Kunci: ruang terbengkalai, ruang terbuka hijau, ekologi, identitas kota

“This table breeds idleness!” read the text of a handwritten message placed prominently on the table I shared with 5 of my friends many years ago in secondary school. Ours was one of several tables positioned to the side of the main teaching area of the classroom where we would gather on arrival, decant our bags to tables, gossip with our ‘group’ and then begin our school day. It was also a space where we could sit or study quietly between classes and during free periods. The note about our idleness was left only on ‘our’ table. Recognising the handwriting of our classroom teacher, Sister Celestine, we greeted her note with restrained laughter and a sense of teenage pride. Her reprimand was stern, but she had also acknowledged our specialness. We were seen as we might have wanted to be seen, recalcitrant, not too hardworking, slightly roguish, and a bit improper.That note, and its words, stayed with me for a long time. There was something wonderfully urgent about this call to reflexivity; and something pleasantly disturbing about the panicky tone of its message. It seemed a peculiar expression of both crisis and care. ‘Idleness’ was a word we rarely encountered. In fact, it seemed such an old fashioned utterance, belonging more to a past era of our nun and the vernacular of her time. What was it that moved this nun to construe our mischief and our youthful conviviality as idleness? We considered ourselves spirited and boisterous, certainly not inert, as the word seemed to imply. This was curious, but it was the word ‘breeds’ that captured me more. What precisely is the generative or reproductive power of the conjunction of our bodies and this table? The concern was clearly not just about our idleness, but also about the breeding power of this table.Idleness here speaks to us of what happens when proper things are not happening. When the table and our bodies converge in this space of idleness we are in the terrain of waste: wasting time (that could be spent on studying), wasting potential (that could advance our life prospects), wasting space (that could be used productively). The breeding of idleness is a judgement about how we are occupying this time and space. The table is a wasted space, and in turn it produces us as a waste of space. It is regulated by a circular logic. We are wasting time, which is wasting space; this in turn produces us as the wasters of that space. The space of the table might be used more purposefully, but not while it is breeding us. The nun’s note to us might have read, “You are a waste of space because you are wasting time.” Time is thus spatialised. The ‘table of idleness’ has returned to me in recent times as a partial metaphor for the paradigm of urban renewal. Contemporary urban renewal and regeneration programs in places like the UK, Europe, North America and Australia are inspired to use space more productively, and to design and develop urban space in ways that enable the production of vibrant, clean, safer places where cultural diversity might be experienced as cosmopolitan chic. Tethering modern urban design to property development and the trend to ‘lifestyle’ based local economies, urban renewal is a strategy sweeping most postindustrial economies. Suburbs ripe for these renewal, regeneration or revitalisation projects are identified in part through the presence of dormant, derelict spaces, in other words, wasted spaces from bygone eras. Typically these suburbs show the signs of neglect associated with economic change. They have become dormant as large-scale deindustrialisation and the development of large shopping malls away from urban centres sees people exiting the suburbs to work and shop. Street life diminishes and local businesses struggle or close, leaving landscapes of decaying infrastructure and urban decline. Urban renewal apprehends such idle spaces as wasted opportunities that can be designed and developed into a usefulness that provides lifestyles of comfort, vitality and urban safety. But these wasted spaces also produce shadow wastes. Much like our table of indolence and time wasting, these spaces are considered breeding grounds, not just for a sense of urban dullness and decay but, more worryingly, for generating urban sloth and danger. They become the breeding grounds for what is now commonly referred to as ‘antisocial behaviour’ or ‘urban incivility’. That is, those who ‘unproductively’ and ‘dangerously’ occupy particular urban public spaces. In the inner western Melbourne suburb of Footscray, which is currently undergoing renewal, these bodies are identified as the unruly public drinkers and drug users, black African men who have created a street café culture, and people with mental health difficulties who occupy the streets and who at times display anomalous bodily comportment and atypical civil demeanours. Many of these people are poor and sometimes engage in unconventional modalities of conviviality. A contemporary urban version of the idle schoolgirls in many ways, they sit at tables, on footpaths, in stairwells, on seats, in parks and often linger around railways stations. They are the unproductive, idle, culturally defunct bodies of the present day. It is useful to hold these bodies in mind when considering the waste products, and waste producers, of present time In the discourse of urban renewal, Footscray is depicted as a once thriving regional hub that has been ‘in decline’ since the 1980s. Decline here is code for the loss of industry and retail business alongside rising levels of poverty, cultural diversity, and public crime (predominantly drug related and property crime). A suburb in the grip of uneven gentrifying change, its dominant image of danger and diversity still sabotages its ‘lifestyle potential’. It remains a wasted space.The nexus of urban renewal and wasted space reveals a double obligation of renewal programs. The need to remove the waste, to ‘clean up’ the debris and decay of a bygone industrial and suburban era and to ‘clean out’ its progeny, the bodies borne of, and now further wasting, this wasted space. In this sense idle space as waste entails a bio-politics that produces particular bodies as a ‘waste of space’. Urban Dictionary defines waste of space thus: 1. A person devoid of any redeeming characteristics; 2. Someone who consumes valuable resources without contributing anything to society. A bum. A drain on the economy. 3. A person or occasionally an object which nobody is fond of. In fact, most people hate this person/thing and find it completely useless. 4. Completely useless people. 5. Waste of room, usually on computer hard drives, that could be used for better things. It is therefore worth considering the conceptual and historical trajectory of the link between waste and idleness as a prelude to considering in more detail some of the anxieties associated with the disorderly urban effects of idle bodies in wasted spaces. Waste as Improper UseAt its most elemental, waste is a judgment. Waste as profligate or excess consumption, or as leftover material, or as something that has deteriorated through neglect or lack of effort, is a moral reckoning. Judgments about waste signal a moral economy far more than they do a fiscal one. In his book On Garbage, John Scanlan notes that ‘waste’ in its old and middle English modes referred to a land or an environment that was unsuitable to human habitation. This reference was gradually replaced by the corresponding terms ‘wilderness’ or ‘desert’, thus marking the beginning of waste as reprimand. Bringing together modern and pre-modern language usage, Scanlan suggests that waste at its most general refers to an imbalance (22). Whether it is rubbish, junk, clutter or other extravagance excess, and squander, waste is too much, but also too little in the sense of ‘not making the best use of something’ (time, resources, opportunities). Pared right down waste refers to the proper use of something. Scanlan again: “‘waste’ carries force because of the way in which it symbolises an idea of improper use, and therefore operates within a more or less moral economy of the right, the good, the proper, their opposites and all values in between” (22 my emphasis). In the contemporary urban domain this might refer to the overuse of vast tracts of land exhausted or wrecked by industry, the abandonment or underutilisation of shops and commons, or the improper and uncivil use of the space that lingers. Scanlan traces this idea of waste as improper use back to the relation between self and natural space that inheres in seventeenth century English political philosophy. Referring to the work of John Locke in particular, waste is conceived as the original condition of the chaos of nature. For Locke selfhood became linked to freedom from this chaos and entailed the virtue, indeed the necessity, of human labour and intervention to ward off the potential ruin that nature may inflict. Locke outlines a philosophical and ethical basis for claims to property over land and natural resources such that “claims to property ownership rest on an idea of the proper use of land which entails the appropriation (through the use of one’s labour) of its previously unused potential” (Scanlan 24). Hence, “Land that is left wholly to nature, that hath no improvement of pasturage, tillage, or planting, is called, as indeed it is, waste; and we shall see the benefit of it amount to little more than nothing.” (Locke quoted in Scanlan 24). This Lockean understanding of waste has come to be associated with his theories of property rights, but, as Scanlan points out, it was also driven by the idea that any benefits derived from property were “dependent on a duty to a higher power” (26).Nature is construed as useless and chaotic (waste) in the absence of human intervention. Property and ‘land use’ were not just about use by humans, but use for humans in order to defend them against the unruliness of nature and the disorder and ruin it might issue. The danger of going to rack and ruin through the disorder of untamed waste is crucial to this understanding. To neglect nature through idleness or lack of intervention is to invite ruin. Idleness thus breeds waste. There is a link here between land and character, for doing nothing or not doing things properly corresponds with improper character. Scanlan advances that waste can best be understood here as an indeterminacy signaling the need for form and discipline. He notes that Montaigne in his essay On Idleness compares wasted land with the idle mind, which when undisciplined allows wildness of character and purpose. Reminiscent of schoolgirls at their table of idleness, the defunct bodies of urban life are seen to be without purpose or goal and to be wasteful of life itself. As a consequence they are deemed to be inviting havoc and all its destructive tendencies. This fear of the indeterminacy of waste, says Scanlan, portends the social and cultural links between “waste, imperfection, disorder and ruin” (25). While concepts of properness and proper use have multiple histories, it is not difficult to see how these seventeenth century Enlightenment associations of proper use and rights to property underpinned the period of new imperialism of the nineteenth century. We might say then that waste features prominently in the imperialist imaginary. Codes of properness, as in the proper use of things, are time and place specific, hence interrogating the meanings of ‘proper use’ entails a prior enquiry into the framing of time. It is linear time, that is, time as progress which frames imperial and colonial history. Progress is movement away from scarcity, disorder and deficiency towards enlightened reason, discipline and mastery. However, this notion of progress, which is central to ideologies of both Enlightenment and imperialism, is always dependent on a shadow other: backwardness. Anne McClintock emphasises a corresponding need to always travel backwards in time in order to apprehend the colonised spaces and people as existing in an eternally prior time, as obsolete historical subjects. According to McClintock, imperialist discourse relies on two principal tropes: panoptical time and anachronistic space. She explains that the eighteenth century historians and empiricists required “a visual paradigm […] to display evolutionary progress as a measurable spectacle.” Progress is fundamentally a visually driven process and narrative. Panoptical time is depicted as “the image of global history consumed—at a glance—in a single spectacle from the point of privileged invisibility” (37). Marginal groups are placed outside of history in the sense that they can be seen by the bourgeoisie, who itself remains unseen. In this spectacle of progress, history appears static and fixed, but this is countered through the invention of the trope of anachronistic space. This space denies the agency of the archaic subjects that exist outside and therefore threaten history as progress. McClintock explains: “the agency of women, the colonised and the industrial working class are disavowed and projected onto anachronistic space: prehistoric, atavistic and irrational, inherently out of place in the historical time of modernity” (40). If imperial panoptical time produces inferior subjects who are “hemmed in” (Fanon 29) by anterior time and anachronistic space, contemporary urban renewal projects prompt questions about their time, the time of now. How might we conceptualise the time/space of now, and are these regulatory technologies of panoptical time and anachronistic space at work in the time/space of now? In what way is urban renewal a contemporary “measurable spectacle of progress” in an age of postindustrial neoliberalism?Urban Space, Proper Use and Idle BodiesIn a recent article on sexual politics and torture, Judith Butler argues that the ways in which debates of this nature are framed “are already imbued with the problem of time, of progress in particular, and in certain notions of what it means to unfold a future of freedom in time” (1). Butler reminds us that hegemonic conceptions of progress endure, and continue to define themselves over and against a pre-modern temporality produced for self-legitimation. This narrative of progressive modernity continues to spatialise time. For her it is the framing of modernity as sexual freedom that apprehends others as outmoded and stuck in anachronistic space. The time of now in the urban setting is the time of neoliberal modernity, a time that is also driven by spectacle. The vision of freedom through lifestyle consumption similarly identifies others who are outside this time and who threaten it. Neoliberalism as the ideology of a radically free market that institutes economic deregulation, tariff reduction, public financial support for business and its shareholders, and the reduced role of government in areas of welfare and social expenditure, the effects of which are discernable at the urban scale. For Neil Brenner and Nik Theodore, “actually existing neoliberalism” is witnessed in what they call the “creative destruction” that inheres in the urbanisation of neoliberalism. In this materialisation of neoliberal time, modernity and progress continue to be driven visually. Thus this neoliberal/urban nexus depends on further sub-units of time, nominated by Brenner and Theodore as moments of (visual) “destruction and creation.” A series of examples of such creative destruction are offered by Brenner and Theodore and include the destruction of rights through the creation policing and social exclusion agendas. They argue that the mechanism of “re-regulating urban civility” entails moments of destroying notions of the liberal city in which all inhabitants are entitled to social services and political rights, and moments of creating zero tolerance policing, new forms of social surveillance and new policies to prevent social exclusion. The destructive moment of “re-representing the city” recasts the postwar image of the working class through visions of urban disorder, dangerous classes of people and of economic decline, involves the creative moment of entrepreneurial discourses about the need for revitalisation, renewal and reinvestment in urban areas (372). The ‘proper use’ of neoliberal urban space depends on the dynamic of destruction/creation through a new consumer-driven urban entrepreneurialism. Urban renewal as proper neoliberal usage is a re-ordering of space to make it fit for purpose. Proper use here follows the Lockean impulse of human intervention through planning, design and redevelopment, is now apprehended not as service to God, but capitulation to the dictates of the neoliberal agendas implemented by the combined forces of the state and capital. The moral economy of waste is at work in the moral economy of urban renewal, As Sharon Zukin elaborates: “the look and feel of cities reflect decisions about what and who should be visible and what should not, concepts of order and disorder, and on uses of aesthetic power” (7). At the crux of waste, and of urban renewal, is an anxiety about visibility, therefore the persistently visible presence of waste as idleness, has become an acute focus of contemporary urban governance and police ‘law and order’ campaigns. Modernity and progress must materialise as an urban aesthetic that is purposeful and vibrant, not idle and wasteful.The indeterminacy of waste thus becomes determined by its attribution as ‘garbage’ to be disposed of, banished, evicted, cast out. Waste converted to garbage is made into an object disconnected from the process of its production. Garbage is a noun rather than a verb, and as such, it conceals process. Creative destruction is again at play; waste is destroyed (as process) and garbage (as object) is produced. In the suburbs this conversion from process to object is narrated through the objectifying language of anti social behavior and incivility. I recently attended Maribyrnong council meeting (Maribyrnong being the local government authority for Footscray), where a discussion about cleaning up the central activity district quickly became a discussion about “those antisocial people.” This was not the terminology of council officers, but of a number of ratepayers. This anxiety about the image of the area is reflected also in the minutes of a further council meeting where differences between the stigmatised image of Footscray was compared with the changing images of other inner municipalities: “The visibility of these antisocial behaviours and the associated negative impact has significantly diminished in these [other] areas due to the gentrification of the inner-city, and the associated revitalisation of street activities. [Our municipality] is on the cusp of a similar transformation. In the meantime the social issues … continue to remain more visible” (71). These bodies are the garbage to be removed from the urban landscape so it might be made anew.The bodies at the imaginative centre of this cleansing impulse are those bodies that one might see as the waste products of neoliberalism. Loic Wacquant suggests that today’s urban policies focus on “making the dangerous and dirty classes invisible.” This, he argues is “leading to a cleansing of the urban environment and the streets from the physical and human detritus wrought by economic deregulation and welfare retrenchment” (198). Consequently, waste in urban renewal both conceals and reveals the shadow side of contemporary cultural politics. Public policy is increasingly concerned with the detritus, yet the failed and wasted bodies that litter the streets and stations, these bodies and their predicaments, as with other garbage objects, are steadfastly disconnected from the policies and processes that produced and continue to ‘breed’ them. The moral economy of urban renewal targets a cluster of wastes—idle bodies, wasted time, and improper uses of space—all fused in an endless reproduction of uselessness. This coalescence of wastes and wasters forms the spectacle of contemporary urban decay and failure. Neoliberal urban renewal begins to mimic Locke’s taming of nature, making it useful as a defense against ruin and disorder. The uncultivated bodies of urban waste are contemporary versions of Lockean wildness. Being of such poor character they have no right to occupy the property in which they idle. Through the panoptical time of neoliberalism they are cast as remarkable spectacles of failure, out of place in this time and space. They are wasting time, and are themselves a waste of space. References Brenner, Neil and Nik Theodore. “Cities and the Geographies of ‘Actually Existing Neoliberalism’.” Antipode 34.3 (July 2002): 349-79.Butler, Judith. “Sexual Politics, Torture and Secular Time.” The British Journal of Sociology 59.1 (2008): 1-23.Fanon, Frantz. Wretched of the Earth. London: Penguin, 1963.Maribyrnong City Council. Ordinary Meeting Minutes, File no: HEA-60-014, 29 April. 2010.McClintock, Anne. Imperial Leather: Race, Gender and Sexuality in the Colonial Contest. London: Routledge, 1995.Scanlan, John. On Garbage. London: Reaktion, 2005.Wacquant, Loic. “Relocating Gentrification: The Working Class, Science and the State in Recent Urban Research.” International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 32.1 (2008): 198-205.Zukin, Sharon. The Culture of Cities. Malden, Massachusetts: Blackwell, 1995.

AbstractBackgroundUrban agriculture significantly contributes to food security. The two primary components of urban agriculture are livestock production and horticulture. The goat, Capra hircus, is one of the commonly raised food animals. Goats can be used to generate income, produce milk, meat, skins, furs (hairs) and manure and provide various sociocultural and ecological services.ObjectivesThis study evaluates the significance of urban goat production and recommends ways to lessen the adverse impacts of urban goat production.MethodsThis report involved an in‐depth interview with seven key informants in Adama and Addis Ababa cities.ResultsGoats can thrive in limited urban open spaces, scavenge leftovers from homes and open markets and browse on open public land. Goats can be incorporated into urban agriculture, in so doing contributing to a circular economy. Goats can thrive on a limited supply of water and feed and require less care and space. Goat farming is used to mitigate the adverse impact of climate change. Goats are naturally active, which makes them better at avoiding traffic accidents. Goats can be used to control bush encroachment. Goat farming in cities improves land use efficiency and food security. Being friendly animals, goats can be utilized to play with kids, and they can be a basic piece of metropolitan ecotourism. However, goats can harm urban green spaces; therefore, to avoid issues of this kind, goat production must be zoned.ConclusionsUrban goat farming could add a new dimension to urban food security. Extensive pieces of empirical evidence need to be generated to enhance the adoption of urban goat farming.

Cities acknowledge the diversity of their population and consider the multicultural component a richness of their socio-cultural assets. Immigrants contribute to the reshaping of urban space in many European cities through their amenities. Such amenities, be they secular or spiritual, are a clear spatialization of multiculturalism. Ethnic retail is an emerging phenomenon in Helsinki, and it has increasingly replaced declining independent mainstream retail. Often, clusters of immigrant amenities are formed around Muslim prayer rooms activating a mosque-bazaar alliance that enjoys a dynamic footfall. Such a setting takes place spontaneously and typically at abandoned spaces, called in this dissertation urban leftovers. The leftovers are located in, or nearby, the neighbourhoods with a relative overrepresentation of immigrant population. However, these neighbourhoods are exposed to urban renewal steered by anti-segregation policy, thus facing the threat of erasure. This dissertation examines the capacity of urban planning to plan for diversity. It further studies the characteristics that ethnic retail requires to survive and emerge. The paradigm of The Right to the City is deployed to interpret the response of urban planning to multiculturalism. The findings are numerous. First, immigrant amenities prove their capability to play a role in place making and act as catalysts for public life recovery. Second, in doing so the created places not only fulfil the socio-cultural needs of immigrants, but they also attract mainstream clientele. Third, spontaneity, improvisation and authenticity are the main characteristics empowering the emergence of ethnic retail. However, the findings also show a failure of urban planning to reflect multiculturalism in the growth of the city. Often, the retail premises used by immigrants are demolished. Furthermore, conventional planning as well as alternative planning methods, such as scenario planning and urban planning competitions, have failed to reflect immigrants in the development. The main constraint preventing planning from being multicultural is the absence of a political interest and, accordingly, a clear vision to deal with the spatialization of multiculturalism. On the contrary, the clear vision of the city is its anti-segregation policy, which is by nature a homogenizing mechanism. Thus, the dissertation concludes that immigrants' Right to the City has been ignored.