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Artigos de revistas sobre o assunto "United States. Congress 2007). House"
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Uscinski, Joseph, Michael S. Rocca, Gabriel R. Sanchez e Marina Brenden. "Congress and Foreign Policy: Congressional Action on the Darfur Genocide". PS: Political Science & Politics 42, n.º 03 (26 de junho de 2009): 489–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096509090799.
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ABSTRACTAs of January 2008, more than 400,000 people have been killed and more than 2.5 million people have been displaced in the regions of Darfur and Chad. This event has not gone unnoticed in the United States, as the 109th United States Congress (2005–2006) considered several measures in the House of Representatives to provide funding and peacekeeping forces to quell the violence in Darfur. The goal of this article is to explain individual members' of Congress (MCs') support for Darfur legislation by examining the influence of their individual, district, and institutional characteristics. The Darfur case provides the opportunity to analyze factors critical to congressional behavior in a context where there is reason to expect an MC's usual set of incentives—e.g., reelection and adherence to party—to be less prominent. In all, we contribute to congressional and foreign policy research by parceling out the determinants of congressional support for foreign policy in comparison to domestic policy.
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Lee, Ji-Eun. "Can the Japanese Military ‘Comfort Women’ speak in English?: Americanization of the ‘Comfort Women’ issue and The Politics of Representation of “I Can Speak”". K-Culture·Story Contents Reasearch Institute 3 (31 de julho de 2023): 77–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.56659/kcsc.2023.07.3.77.
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This article targets the movie “I Can Speak”, which was produced based on the actual case in which the “Resolution on Japanese Military Sexual Slavery (H. Res. 121)” was passed by the U.S. House of Representatives in 2007. Through the analysis of “I Can Speak”, this paper critically examines the discourse of ‘Comfort Women’ in the United States. Today, ‘Comfort Women’ issue is raised in the United States as a matter of human rights for universal women, but on the other hand, this discourse omits the issue of American intervention and (neo)colonialism in the Pacific War and post-war processing. At this time, 'universal value' means built by the state-knowledge power of the United States, and at the same time reproduces it. “I Can Speak” puts the U.S. outside the issue by erasing the U.S. political landscape surrounding the ‘Comfort Women’ issue and reducing it to just ‘Korea-Japan’ relations. In “I Can Speak,” the U.S. Congress is represented as a place where historical truth wins, and the victim receives an apology from the audience in a parliament surrounded by a statue of an American great man. This paper confirms that the U.S. Congress is also a powerful place to capture Servalton's speech with its ruling discourse by revealing the action of power that the word ‘universal value’ conceals. What is important is that these limitations are not only “I Can Speak,” but also our view of recognizing the ‘Comfort Women’ issue being publicized in the United States today. Therefore, the analysis of “I Can Speak” allows us to critically examine the discourse and movement that is ‘globalizing’ the ‘Comfort Women’ problem through the United States.
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Horner, Jennifer R. "Clogged systems and toxic assets". Journal of Language and Politics 10, n.º 1 (28 de junho de 2011): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.10.1.02hor.
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The Emergency Economic Stabilization Act, also known as the “Wall Street Bailout,” authorized the allocation of $700B US to address the financial crisis of 2008. The “bailout” did not pass easily; members of the United States Congress reported feedback from angry constituents urging them to vote against it, and the measure failed its first vote in the House of Representatives. This essay focuses on metaphors used in public discourse to describe the “bailout” in the ten days between its introduction to Congress and its failure in the House. Advocates of the economic stimulus plan relied on metaphors that evacuated human agency, portraying the plan as an emergency measure necessitated by crises such as illness, natural disasters, and mechanical failures. Opponents to the plan extended and modified the administration’s metaphors to communicate a critique of the transfer of federal funds to private entities for the good of the public.
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Travkina, Natalya. "Left-Wing Democrats in US contemporary political system". Russia and America in the 21st Century, n.º 1 (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760018903-0.
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The current state of the progressive movement in the political life of the United States is analyzed. It is noted that the movement took shape politically in the early 1990s with the formation of a small faction of progressives in the House of Representatives of the US Congress. From the very beginning, the faction promoted left-wing socialist ideas, believing that the processes of globalization would only increase social differentiation in American society in terms of income distribution and accumulated wealth. The financial and economic crisis of 2007-2009 contributed to the transformation of the progressive movement into an important political force in modern America. The ideological and political polarization of American society in the 2010s contributed to the growth of not only right-wing, but also left-wing populism. As a result, in the 2016 and 2020 presidential elections Progressives played an important political role, contributing to the victory in 2020 of the Democratic candidate J. Biden. In the 116th and 117th Congresses the Progressive faction amounted to almost 100 representatives, or about 40% of the total number of Democrats in the House of Representatives. The conquest of the White House and the establishment of control of the Democratic Party over both houses of the US Congress allowed the Progressive Democrats Caucus for the first time to develop its own program of social and economic transformation in American society in the amount of about $2.5 trln to be spent within 10 years. The program is based on the principles of large-scale redistribution of financial resources from large corporations and the wealthiest segments of American society in favor of the poor and the American middle class. In addition to socio-economic reforms, the program includes the allocation of hundreds of billions of dollars to combat climate change and the gradual transition of the American economy to the "green technologies". The bill passed the US House of Representatives in November 2021, but its further fate is uncertain, since in the Senate its main opponent in the ranks of the Democratic Party was West Virginia Senator J. Manchin. It is entirely possible that in 2022 the Democrats will still be able to get parts of the Build Back Better legislation passed through Congress. In conclusion, the life path and political career of a native of India, P. Jayapal, who has been the chairman of the Progressive Democrats Caucus in the US Congress for the past three years, are covered. It is noted that, unlike past historical epochs when the main “social elevator” for immigrants of the first wave was the business sector, at present, the struggle for the rights of racial, ethnic and gender minorities plays such role.
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R. BOWES, Dr DAVID, Dr JAY JOHNSON e Dr MATTHEW ALFORD. "U.S. CONGRESSIONAL ELECTION UNCERTAINTY AND STOCK MARKET VOLATILITY". International Journal of Social Sciences and Management Review 05, n.º 04 (2022): 60–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.37602/ijssmr.2022.5405.
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This paper uses a Generalized AutoRegressive Conditional Heteroskedasticity (GARCH) model to estimate the effect of uncertainty surrounding U.S. congressional elections on the level and volatility of U.S. stock market returns from 2000-2008. Uncertainty in these elections is measured using asset prices from the Iowa Electronic Market (IEM), online, real money, and online futures market where payoffs are based on real-world events including U.S. elections. This research model uses IEM futures contracts based on the control of the U.S. Senate and/or House of Representatives by either of the two major political parties in the United States. The election futures market prices are used to measure the “closeness” of upcoming election outcomes. The model results indicate that the volatility of U.S. stock market returns in the S&P 500 index is increased by uncertainty regarding which political party will control the U.S. Congress after the results of upcoming elections.
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Majette, Gwendolyn Roberts. "PPACA and Public Health: Creating a Framework to Focus on Prevention and Wellness and Improve the Public's Health". Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 39, n.º 3 (2011): 366–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-720x.2011.00606.x.
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On March 23, 2010, President Obama signed the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (PPACA), a major piece of health care reform legislation. This comprehensive legislation includes provisions that focus on prevention, wellness, and public health. Some, including authors in this symposium, question whether Congress considered public health, prevention, and wellness issues as mere afterthoughts in the creation of PPACA. As this article amply demonstrates, they did not.This article documents the extent of congressional consideration on public health issues based on personal experience working on the framework for health care reform — specifically, my experience as a Fellow for a member of the Health Subcommittee of the Senate Finance Committee from 2008-2009. I also include a review of congressional activity in the United States House of Representatives. Analysis of the congressional meetings and hearings reveals that Congress had a deep understanding about the critical need to reform the U.S. public health and prevention system.
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Wang, Jianwei. "China: A Challenge or Opportunity for the United States?" Journal of East Asian Studies 3, n.º 2 (agosto de 2003): 293–334. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800001375.
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Ever since the end of the Cold War, the United States—from the government to the public, from the White House to Congress, from policymakers to pundits, from China specialists to people who know little about China—has engaged itself in the seemingly endless debate on China. Immediately after the collapse of the Soviet Union, people debated whether China was still important to the United States and whether the Sino-U.S. special relationship was worth preserving. Since the early 1990s, with China's remarkable economic “soft landing” and the consequent robust and sustained economic growth, Americans seemed to have reached a consensus that China still matters to the United States for better or worse. U.S.-China relations were often referred to as one of the most important bilateral relations to the United States. But important in what way? Much debate ensued with a series of frictions between the two countries that climaxed in the dispatch of two U.S. aircraft carriers to the South China Sea during the Taiwan Strait crisis in 1996, the U.S.-led NATO bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade in 1999, and the midair collision between the two air forces in 2001. The U.S. media tirelessly asked the question: “China: friend or foe?” The pattern for U.S. China policy since the end of the Cold War is that whenever the relationship appeared to be stabilizing and a consensus was shaping, new crises emerged and destroyed the hard-won progress, triggering another round of debate on China as if people never learned anything from the previous debate; the old and familiar discourse started all over again.
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Furnas, Alexander C., Michael T. Heaney e Timothy M. LaPira. "The partisan ties of lobbying firms". Research & Politics 6, n.º 3 (julho de 2019): 205316801987703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168019877039.
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This article examines lobbying firms as intermediaries between organized interests and legislators in the United States. It states a partisan theory of legislative subsidy in which lobbying firms are institutions with relatively stable partisan identities. Firms generate greater revenues when their clients believe that firms’ partisan ties are valued highly by members of Congress. It hypothesizes that firms that have partisan ties to the majority party receive greater revenues than do firms that do not have such ties, as well as that partisan ties with the House majority party lead to greater financial returns than do partisan ties to the Senate majority party. These hypotheses are tested using data available under the Lobbying Disclosure Act from 2008 to 2016. Panel regression analysis indicates that firms receive financial benefits when they have partisan ties with the majority party in the House but not necessarily with the Senate majority party, while controlling for firm-level covariates (number of clients, diversity, and organizational characteristics). A difference-in-differences analysis establishes that Democratically aligned lobbying firms experienced financial losses when the Republican Party reclaimed the House in 2011, but there were no significant differences between Republican and Democratic firms when the Republicans reclaimed the Senate in 2015.
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Kamiński, Mariusz Antoni. "Kontrola tajnych operacji wywiadu przez Kongres Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki". Przegląd Sejmowy 5(160) (2020): 35–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31268/ps.2020.64.
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In democratic countries, the so-called covert actions are the most controversial element of the intelligence services activities. Covert actions are secret operations aimed, inter alia, at influencing the political, economic or military situation of other countries (e.g., inspiring coups d’état, paramilitary actions, assassinations, training and financing of armed troops or the use of “black” propaganda). Covert actions are a powerful tool in the hands of the executive, but they should be effectively controlled by the legislative authority. The purpose of the article is to analyze the powers of the Senate and the House of Representatives of the Congress of the United States of America to control covert actions. The author presents current legal and organizational solutions and also indicates how, under the influence of successive covert action scandals, legal provisions have changed in the direction of extending the powers of the Congress in the field of control. At the same time, the author presents problems with the interpretation of some legal solutions in the context of the supervision of the Congress after the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 and the extension of covert actions to include actions of special forces and targeted killings of terrorists.
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Marshall, Laura H. "Blogging about the Affordable Care Act: A rhetorical analysis of weblogs kept by the Democratic and Republican Parties and the White House". Public Relations Inquiry 6, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2017): 23–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2046147x16679224.
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Political parties in the United States have used public relations tools to promote their opinions about health care reform since the subject first entered the lexicon in the 20th century. As the Affordable Care Act was introduced and debated in Congress in 2008 and 2009, political parties’ public relations teams used political weblogs or ‘blogs’ to disseminate their messages. The language used in those blogs illustrated attitudes underlying the explicit messages, including assumptions of victimhood and villainy, which were used to support party positions regarding the law. This rhetorical analysis examines content of the blogs within the ‘zones of meaning’ Heath proposed as models of effective public relations. Differences between the parties’ content and the administration’s is particularly noticeable in the uses of humor and sarcasm, the social positioning of women and families, and the villainy or victimhood inherent in many of the social roles depicted by the uses of language.
Teses / dissertações sobre o assunto "United States. Congress 2007). House"
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Meyer, Alix. "Le Congrès républicain (1994 – 2006)- Révolutions conservatrices, contradictions électorales, évolutions institutionnelles". Thesis, Lyon 2, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LYO20083.
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Le Congrès des Etats-Unis est une institution méconnue, mal comprise et souvent dénigrée, y compris par ses propres membres. On le dit en crise, inadapté aux exigences du monde moderne. L’objectif est donc d’évaluer les forces et les faiblesses objectives du Congrès contemporain pour le réinsérer dans la dynamique des freins et contre-pouvoirs au coeur du système politique américain. La période retenue s’étale de la victoire des Républicains menés par Newt Gingrich en 1994 jusqu’aux élections de mi-mandat de 2006 et au retour des Démocrates. De la présidence Clinton à Bush, ces douze années offrent un contexte institutionnel varié. Elles forment une trajectoire historique fascinante de la rhétorique révolutionnaire qui accompagne les victoires de 1994 à la résignation d’une défaite marquée par une certaine corruption institutionnelle, partisane et idéologique. Le cœur de notre étude vise à étudier les conséquences institutionnelles du retour à un équilibre partisan dans les deux chambres du Congrès. La compétition entre les deux partis a été accompagnée par la polarisation du système politique. Notre étude retrace les débuts de l’entrée dans une nouvelle ère sur la colline du Capitole. On cherchera à combiner une approche politique et institutionnelle en analysant plus particulièrement trois domaines de l’action politique particulièrement révélateurs: les finances via la procédure budgétaire, la réforme de l’Etat providence, et les relations avec le judiciaire via les nominations des Juges d’Appel fédéraux, lieu privilégié de frictions entre la Maison-Blanche et le Sénat. À cette perspective institutionnelle, il s’agira d’ajouter une étude sociologique de cohorte des membres du Congrès, nécessaire pour comprendre les ressorts de l’action institutionnelle. Au-delà des membres de la chambre, l’étude d’une période dominée par le parti de l’éléphant nous permettra de plonger au cœur du mouvement conservateur. Après avoir présenté les racines historiques de l'idéologie conservatrice qui domine au sein du Parti républicain, il s'agira de révéler comment un mouvement contestataire a transformé l’institution du Congrès mais aussi comment l’institution a transformé le mouvement conservateur et le Parti républicain. Dans un contexte international de renforcement du pouvoir exécutif, l’étude du Congrès doit permettre de redécouvrir certaines leçons sur les modalités de fonctionnement d’un système démocratique. Il s’agit de montrer qu'au-delà des questions techniques, des jeux de procédures obscures, dans la tension qui anime le Congrès, se joue l’avenir du concept de démocratie représentative ; de rétablir un certain équilibre dans la perception du système américain : système plus complexe qu’il n’apparaît dans les médias et même parfois la littérature. On ne peut se contenter d’étudier la présidence impériale sans prêter attention au vortex qui siège, toujours, au coeur de la constitution. Ainsi, sans faire un panégyrique du pouvoir législatif, il s’agira de remettre en cause la tentation d’un Césarisme plus ou moins démocratique qui chercherait à faire du Congrès une chambre d’enregistrement des volontés de l’exécutifThe United States Congress is often disparaged including by its own members. The critics of the institution decry the gridlock on Capitol Hill and Congress's alleged inability to deal with the challenges of the modern world. The unpopularity of today's Congress calls into question its ability to represent the American people. In that context it is necessary to try to assess whether or not Congress is truly dysfunctional. To that end, this study proposes to study a period of twelve years from 1994 to 2006 during which the Republican party dominated the institution. In 1994, under the leadership of Newt Gingrich, the Republicans returned to the majority in the House of Representatives for the first time in forty years. In 2006, after another midterm election, the Republican majorities in the House and the Senate were soundly defeated. Drawing on the long and tortuous history of the relationship between the Republican party and conservatism, the new majorities proposed large-scale change that amounted to a conservative revolution. They had initially laid out a clearly conservative agenda that insisted on balancing the budget and reducing the size of government. A detailed study of their fiscal policy and their attempts at entitlement reform over the period actually leads us to conclude that they eventually governed over ever larger deficits and a growing federal government whose policies were adjusted to favor different portions of the population. It is therefore necessary to try to account for the discrepancy between the initial goals and the eventual results. This entails studying first the evolution of the Republican members of Congress themselves to see whether the policy changes can be explained by the members becoming more moderate. Another explanation centers on the relationship between the members of the Congress and their constituents. The Republican majorities could have been forced to moderate their positions by the voters themselves in the elections of 1996, 1998, 2000, 2002 and 2004. Here the complex interplay that implies the interpretation of election results comes into play. Over the past decades, the American political system has been polarizing clearly. The growing ideological gap between the two parties and their bases calls into question the institutional stability of an institution built on the necessity to compromise. Especially since both parties have polarized while the margins of the majorities have grown more narrow. It is thus essential to look at the constraints set up by the institutional system. The arcane nuances of the legislative process directly impinges on the content of legislation. Indeed, if the majority rules decisively over the House of Representatives, in the Senate, the minority can very easily block most initiatives. The growing recourse to procedural shortcuts offered by the budget process is a testament to that fact.Finally, the relationship with the president of the United States is very much a factor in the equation. The twelve years of Republican domination in Congress covers two very different periods. Until January 2001, they had to battle with President Clinton in a context of divided government. Following George W. Bush's election in 2000, they started working under the command of the White House. The stark contrast in the way Senate republicans dealt with the two presidents when it came to their judicial nominees for the Federal Courts of Appeal offers an excellent opportunity to evaluate the continuing yet variable strength of the system of checks and balances set up by the U.S. Constitution. A deeper understanding of the workings of the contemporary Congress might allow for a more nuanced vision of the institution as much more than a roadblock on the road of presidential leadership and, perhaps, lead to a better appreciation of the way its members are trying or failing to fulfill their constitutional duty
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Tollestrup, Jessica Scott. "Limitation Riders in the Postreform House: A Test of Procedural Cartel and Conditional Party Government Theories". PDXScholar, 2010. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/398.
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The theoretical debate over the ability of parties and leaders in the House of Representatives to influence legislative decision-making is at the center of much of the literature on Congress. On the one hand, the Procedural Cartel perspective argues that while the tools used by the majority party leadership to assure the triumph of its preferences may vary depending on the institutional context, the basic ability of the leadership to impact legislative outcomes remains consistent. In contrast, Conditional Party Government (CPG) theory posits that any power the majority party and its leadership possesses over legislative decision-making is directly conditioned upon the amount of agreement within the majority party caucus as to collective goals, as well as the amount of ideological polarization that exists between the majority and minority parties. This thesis provides an original test of these two theoretical perspectives by evaluating their comparative ability to account for the proposal and passage of limitation riders on the House floor during the annual appropriations process since the 1980s. Limitation riders provide a good vehicle to test theories of congressional voting as they often have important policy implications in areas of significant controversy. In addition, the extent to which the individual members or legislative parties are able to successfully utilize limitation riders as a means of making substantive policy is indicative of larger patterns of committee or party domination of the floor process. After reviewing the relevant literature on congressional decision-making, this analysis proceeds to outline the theoretical predictions that the Procedural Cartel and CPG perspectives make regarding limitation riders. An original dataset comprised of over 800 limitation riders from the 97th through the 110th Congresses is analyzed both with respect to overall proposal and passage rates as well their party of origin. This study finds that while the CPG perspective is best able to account for what occurs during periods of low polarization and cohesion, Procedural Cartel provides the most accurate prediction of what occurs when polarization and cohesion are high. These findings suggest that, although these theories both have some ability to account for congressional decision-making on the House floor, both of these frameworks need to be revisited so that they can accurately account for what occurs during floor phase of the legislative process.
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Webster, Daniel Charles. "The taking of the Fifth : the contested 1960 election in the Indiana Fifth Congressional District". Virtual Press, 1985. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/467700.
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Elections are seldom covered in detail below the level of the national contests. Regional, district, and local elections often appear to be too provincial to be worth the time and effort to research and analyze in any detail."Taking the Fifth" is about a contested congressional race that was in dispute between various local and forces longer than any other House race on record.The Fifth District of Indiana leaned Republican, but it swung to the Democrats about once a decade. The 1960 election broke that historic pattern.Since 1960 was a pivotal election year for both political parties, and since the U. S. Congress was divided by various regional and philosophical factions, it is the contention of the dissertation that the Indiana Fifth District took on more importance than it would have under normal circumstances.Pursuit of power by local and national figures became inextricably involved with the struggle of the candidates in the Fifth District of Indiana. Intraparty grudges between district and state Democratic leaders, scars from Republican battles for congressional leadership posts, Dixiecrat versus urban Democrats maneuvering for dominance on key congressional committees, and an energetic young President and his allies -- bent on making a lasting mark on history -- all influenced the outcome of the race.As the gap widens between election day in Indiana and final settlement of the contest, the two candidates fade into secondary roles, and eventually appear to be little more than pawns for the congressional and national figures who had pre-empted the contest for their own political purposes.
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McAndrews, John Russell. "Representation and lawmaking in the United States Congress and the Canadian House of Commons". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/59099.
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This dissertation considers two aspects of legislative representation: (1) how citizens use information about legislative activities and outcomes to assess the performance of the US president and the congressional majority party, and (2) why Canadian MPs debate government bills—even when the government controls the outcome. An investigation of these questions is divided into three principal chapters. First, I examine the effects of legislative outcomes on citizens’ assessment of the president and the majority party in Congress. Prominent theories of legislative behavior argue—and media pundits often assert—that Americans reward these actors if they succeed in passing their bills. But what if the bill is divisive, as is likely the case with well-publicized legislation? Using survey experiments, I show that, on average, citizens still express greater approval for the president and the majority party if Congress passes their ideologically contentious bills—compared with if Congress does not pass them. However, I also find that this reward is typically concentrated among those who already favor the underlying policy change; among policy opponents, the effect is often statistically indistinguishable from zero. Second, I investigate the sophistication of citizens’ judgments of legislative performance. Specifically, do inferential biases—common in other domains—interfere with how citizens evaluate the president and the congressional majority party in light of bill failure? Again using survey experiments, I find that citizens avoid the serious inferential mistake of treating these actors as if they had performed poorly. Instead, I show that their assessments—even in the absence of diagnostic information about those involved—are broadly consistent with realistic beliefs about legislative performance and the obstacles to success in Congress. Third, I explore why Canadian MPs debate government bills. Whereas recent research tends to emphasize legislative speech as a means of communicating with the electorate, the particular rules of government bill debate—coupled with the relatively low visibility of such deliberations—suggest alternative motivations. Using an original dataset of 53 debates, I find no evidence of personal vote seeking; instead, I find patterns of debate participation consistent with attempted obstruction by bill opponents and attempted persuasion by bill proponents.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Smith, Zachary C. "From the Well of the House: remaking the House Republican party, 1978-1994". Thesis, Boston University, 2012. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/32065.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston UniversityPLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
From the Well of the House analyzes the remaking of the House Republican Party into an aggressive, partisan organization. It explores how a new generation of Representatives elected after 1978 transformed the GOP, instituting a style of congressional politics that favored confrontation, media spectacle, and personal scandal. Following key actors, including Newt Gingrich, Bob Walker, Vin Weber, and the Conservative Opportunity Society, this dissertation explores key events and illustrates how the House Republican Conference changed from passive acceptance of their minority status to pugnacious fighters for the majority. Throughout their careers Gingrich and his Congressional allies promoted a style of politics in the House, first as backbenchers then from leadership positions, which advocated conflict and attack. They showed that aggression was a winning strategy and other Congressmen followed their lead. By examining in depth events that led the House Republican Conference to adopt a more confrontational stance, including the formation of the Conservative Opportunity Society, the use ofC-SPAN as an effective political weapon, the House Bank scandal, and conflicts with Speakers Tip O'Neill and Jim Wright and Presidents George H.W. Bush and Bill Clinton, this dissertation demonstrates that the 1994 Republican Revolution was the product of more than a decade of dedication and hard work. While numerous scholars have analyzed the rise ofthe New Right and the conservative ascendancy in American politics after the 1970s, From the Well of the House breaks new ground by exploring this shift in the arena of Congressional politics. In so doing, it both elucidates the deep background of the House Republican Party's successful efforts to become a majority and establishes the significance of Congress in the transformation of recent American politics.
2031-01-02
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Hasecke, Edward Brooke. "Balancing the Legislative Agenda: Scheduling in the United States House of Representatives". Connect to this title online, 2002. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1031248502.
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Thesis (Ph. D)--Ohio State University, 2002.Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xi, 169 p.: ill. Includes abstract and vita. Advisor: John Wright, Dept. of Political Science. Includes bibliographical references (p. 162-169).
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Phillips, Stephen. "A cup of tea a study of the Tea Party Caucus in the United States House of Representatives". Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2012. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/602.
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Over the course of the last few years, a new movement has taken the American political system by storm, the Tea Party. The movement has not only captivated our media but also the minds of ordinary Americans and political elites. According to popular consensus and academic opinion, the Tea Party is comprised of a group of conservative-leaning Republicans who want a smaller government and a lesser tax burden. This is what we think of the Tea Party, but is it true? It is perceived that Tea Party members differ significantly from their Republican colleagues in the House of Representatives, but do they? Do they truly represent the Tea Party philosophy and agenda? By creating an original data set on the Republican members of the United States House of Representatives, and examining variables such as the political lean, economic and employment make-up of a member's district, their endorsements and incumbency, as well as high priority legislative votes from the 112th Congress, I will be able to investigate the characteristics and tendencies of Tea Party Caucus members. Once one looks at the 242 member House Republican Caucus and further examines the sixty members of the Tea Party Caucus, the data shows that Tea Party Caucus members largely originate from safe Republican districts and have served in previous congressional terms. Analysis shows that Tea Party Caucus members do vary significantly from their House Republican colleagues when examining their districts, but do not vary as considerably when examining their voting patterns.B.A.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
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Klein, Peter William. "Tea and Sympathy: The United States and the Sudan Civil War, 1985-2005". Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2008. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/2007.
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The specters of violence and economic insecurity have haunted the Sudan since its independence in 1956. The United States Congress has held numerous hearings on the Sudan's civil war and U.S. television news outlets have reported on the conflict since 1983. While attempting to engage the Sudan in a viable peace process, the U.S. Congress has been beset by ineffectual Cold War paradigms and an inability to understand the complexities of the Sudan civil war. U.S. television news programs, on the other hand, engaged in a process of oversimplification, using false dichotomies to reduce the conflict into easily digestible pieces. This thesis will analyze the overall tone and focus of U.S. Congressional hearings and television news broadcasts on the Sudan and demonstrate the problematic factors in their portrayals of the war.
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McCall, Sarah B. "The Musical Fallout of Political Activism: Government Investigations of Musicians in the United States, 1930-1960". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277608/.
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Government investigations into the motion picture industry are well-documented, as is the widespread blacklisting that was concurrent. Not nearly so well documented are the many investigations of musicians and musical organizations which occurred during this same period. The degree to which various musicians and musical organizations were investigated varied considerably. Some warranted only passing mention, while others were rigorously questioned in formal Congressional hearings. Hanns Eisler was deported as a result of the House Committee on Un-American Activities' (HUAC) investigation into his background and activities in the United States. Leonard Bernstein, Marc Blitzstein, and Aaron Copland are but a few of the prominent composers investigated by the government for their involvement in leftist organizations. The Symphony of the Air was denied visas for a Near East tour after several orchestra members were implicated as Communists. Members of musicians' unions in New York and Los Angeles were called before HUAC hearings because of alleged infiltration by Communists into their ranks. The Metropolitan Music School of New York, led by its president-emeritus, the composer Wallingford Riegger, was the subject of a two day congressional hearing in New York City. There is no way to measure either quantitatively or qualitatively the effect of the period on the music but only the extent to which the activities affected the musicians themselves. The extraordinary paucity of published information about the treatment of the musicians during this period is put into even greater relief when compared to the thorough manner in which the other arts, notably literature and film, have been examined. This work attempts to fill this gap and shed light on a particularly dark chapter in the history of contemporary music.
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Parks, Ryan William. "Rhetorical strategies of legitimation : the 9/11 Commission's public inquiry process". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2470.
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This research project seeks to explore aspects of the post-reporting phase of the public inquiry process. Central to the public inquiry process is the concept of legitimacy and the idea that a public inquiry provides and opportunity to re-legitimate the credibility of failed public institutions. The current literature asserts that public inquiries re-legitimise through the production of authoritative narratives. As such, most of this scholarship has focused on the production of inquiry reports and, more recently, the reports themselves. However, in an era of accountability, and in the aftermath of such a poignant attack upon society, the production of a report may represent an apogee, but by no means an end, of the re-legitimation process. Appropriately, this thesis examines the post-reporting phase of the 9/11 Commission’s public inquiry process. The 9/11 Commission provides a useful research vehicle due to the bounded, and relatively linear, implementation process of the Commission’s recommendations. In little more than four months a majority of the Commission’s recommendations were passed into law. Within this implementation phase the dominant discursive process took place in the United States Congress. It is the legislative reform debates in the House of Representatives and the Senate that is the focus of this research project. The central research question is: what rhetorical legitimation strategies were employed in the legislative reform debates of the post-reporting phase of the 9/11 Commission’s public inquiry process? This study uses a grounded theory approach to the analysis of the legislative transcripts of the Congressional reform debates. This analysis revealed that proponents employed rhetorical strategies to legitimise a legislative ‘Call to Action’ narrative. Also, they employed rhetorical legitimation strategies that emphasised themes of bipartisanship, hard work and expertise in order to strengthen the standing of the legislation. Opponents of the legislation focused rhetorical de-legitimation strategies on the theme of ‘flawed process’. Finally, nearly all legislators, regardless of their view of the legislation, sought to appropriate the authoritative legitimacy of the Commission, by employing rhetorical strategies that presented their interests and motives as in line with the actions and wishes of the Commission.
Livros sobre o assunto "United States. Congress 2007). House"
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McGraw, William R. Contested election cases in the House, 1933-2009. Hauppauge, N.Y: Nova Science Publishers, 2011.
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United States. Congress. House. Select Committee to Investigate the Voting Irregularities of August 2, 2007. Interviews conducted during the course of the investigation of the voting irregularities of August 2, 2007: Hearing before the Select Committee to Investigate the Voting Irregularities of August 2, 2007, House of Representatives, One Hundred Tenth Congress, second session, 2008, Washington, DC. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2008.
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United States. Congress. House. Committee on Rules. Providing for consideration of H.R. 5441, Department of Homeland Security Appropriations Act, 2007: Report (to accompany H. Res. 836). Washington, D.C: U.S. G.P.O., 2006.
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United States. Congress. House. Committee on Rules. Providing for consideration of H.R. 5, the College Student Relief Act of 2007: Report (to accompany H. Res. 65). Washington, D.C: U.S. G.P.O., 2007.
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Beverly, Sheree L. 2000 House staff employment study. Washington, DC: Congressional Management Foundation, 2000.
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United States. Congress. House. Committee on Rules. Waiving points of order against the conference report to accompany H.R. 5441, Department of Homeland Security Appropriations Act, 2007, providing for consideration of S. 3930, Military Commissions Act of 2006, providing for consideration of H.R. 4772, Private Property Rights Implementation Act of 2006: Report (to accompany H. Res. 1054). Washington, D.C: U.S. G.P.O., 2006.
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United States. Congress. House. Committee on Rules. Providing for consideration of H.R. 6, Creating Long-term Energy Alternatives for the Nation (CLEAN Energy) Act of 2007: Report (to accompany H. Res. 66). Washington, D.C: U.S. G.P.O., 2007.
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United States. Congress. House. Committee on Rules. Waiving points of order against the conference report to accompany H.R. 5122, National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2007: Report (to accompany H. Res. 1062). Washington, D.C: U.S. G.P.O., 2006.
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United States. Congress. House. Committee on Appropriations. Report of committee activites, One Hundred Seventh Congress, January 3, 2001 through November 22, 2002. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2003.
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United States. Congress. House. Committee on Rules. Providing for consideration of the bill (H.R. 1591) making emergency supplemental appropriations for the fiscal year ending September 30, 2007, and for other purposes: Report (to accompany H. Res. 261). Washington, D.C: U.S. G.P.O., 2007.
Encontre o texto completo da fonteCapítulos de livros sobre o assunto "United States. Congress 2007). House"
1
Ross, J. P., e John S. Reynolds. "Recent Energy Policy Developments in the United States". In Proceedings of ISES World Congress 2007 (Vol. I – Vol. V), 141–44. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-540-75997-3_21.
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Seabrook, Nicholas R. "Introduction". In Drawing the Lines. Cornell University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501705311.003.0001.
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As the results of the 2002 election flashed across their television screens, Texas’s congressional Republicans could be forgiven for feeling a certain amount of dissatisfaction with the redistricting process in the United States. Their party had seen its share of the statewide vote in U.S. House elections increase from 49.8 percent in 1992 to 54.9 percent in 2002. Yet, even with this latest ten-point victory over the Democrats in the popular vote, they had once again failed to convert their increasingly dominant electoral support into a Republican majority in the state’s congressional delegation. A partisan gerrymander, passed in the wake of the 1990 Census and left largely intact by the district boundaries implemented by the federal courts following the 2000 Census, had allowed the Democratic Party to maintain its overall majority in the Texas delegation for more than a decade. The Democrats won twenty-one of Texas’s thirty seats in Congress in 1992, and managed to retain control of nineteen in 1994 and seventeen from 1996 to 2000, despite averaging just 45.8 percent of the two-party vote in these elections. In 2003, the Texas Republicans, armed for the first time with control of both houses of the state legislature and the governorship, undertook an unprecedented mid-decade redrawing of the state’s congressional boundaries. Though many Republicans in the state government were opposed to the idea of redrawing the district boundaries mid-decade, the effort was initiated under considerable pressure from Republicans in Congress, most notably House majority leader Tom DeLay (...
3
Smith, Tony. "From Theory to Practice: Neo-Wilsonianism in the White House, 2001–2017". In Why Wilson Matters, 235–75. Princeton University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691183480.003.0008.
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This chapter examines neo-Wilsonianism in the White House, considering the Bush Doctrine—often referred to as the National Security Strategy of the United States, September 2002, or NSS-2002. In the annals of American foreign policy there had never been anything even remotely like NSS-2002, its façade of Wilsonianism covering a far more aggressive imperialist claim for American exceptionalism than Woodrow Wilson had ever espoused, which in due course threatened to destroy altogether the credentials of good stewardship for world affairs that American liberal internationalism had enjoyed from the 1940s through the 1980s. One month after NSS-2002 appeared, the Iraq Resolution passed Congress with strong majorities in both chambers. Neo-Wilsonianism, born in theory during the 1990s, entered into practice five months after this historic vote with the invasion of Iraq that started on March 20, 2003. The chapter then looks at neo-Wilsonianism during the Obama presidency.
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Hardy, Lawrence Harold. "A History of Computer Networking Technology". In Encyclopedia of Multimedia Technology and Networking, Second Edition, 613–18. IGI Global, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-60566-014-1.ch082.
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The computer has influenced the very fabric of modern society. As a stand-alone machine, it has proven itself a practical and highly efficient tool for education, commerce, science, and medicine. When attached to a network—the Internet for example—it becomes the nexus of opportunity, transforming our lives in ways that are both problematic and astonishing. Computer networks are the source for vast amounts of knowledge, which can predict the weather, identify organ donors and recipients, or analyze the complexity of the human genome (Shindler, 2002). The linking of ideas across an information highway satisfies a primordial hunger humans have to belong and to communicate. Early civilizations, to satisfy this desire, created information highways of carrier pigeons (Palmer, 2006). The history of computer networking begins in the 19th century with the invention of the telegraph, the telephone, and the radiotelegraph. The first communications information highway based on electricity was created with the deployment of the telegraph. The telegraph itself is no more than an electromagnet connected to a battery, connected to a switch, connected to wire (Derfler & Freed, 2002). The telegraph operates very straightforwardly. To send a message (electric current), the telegrapher rapidly opens and closes the telegraph switch. The receiving telegraph uses the electric current to create a magnetic field, which causes an observable mechanical event (Calvert, 2004). The first commercial telegraph was patented in Great Britain by Charles Wheatstone and William Cooke in 1837 (The Institution of Engineering and Technology, 2007). The Cooke-Wheatstone Telegraph required six wires and five magnetic needles. Messages were created when combinations of the needles were deflected left or right to indicate letters (Derfler & Freed, 2002). Almost simultaneous to the Cooke-Wheatstone Telegraph was the Samuel F. B. Morse Telegraph in the United States in 1837 (Calvert, 2004). In comparison, the Morse Telegraph was decidedly different from its European counterpart. First, it was much simpler than the Cooke-Wheatstone Telegraph: to transmit messages, it used one wire instead of six. Second, it used a code and a sounder to send and receive messages instead of deflected needles (Derfler & Freed, 2002). The simplicity of the Morse Telegraph made it the worldwide standard. The next major change in telegraphy occurred because of the efforts of French inventor Emile Baudot. Baudot’s first innovation replaced the telegrapher’s key with a typewriter like keyboard. His second innovation replaced the dots and dashes of Morse code with a five-unit or five-bit code—similar to American standard code for information interchange (ASCII) or extended binary coded decimal interchange code (EBCDIC)—he developed. Unlike Morse code, which relied upon a series of dots and dashes, each letter in the Baudot code contained a combination of five electrical pulses. Eventually all major telegraph companies converted to Baudot code, which eliminated the need for a skilled Morse code telegrapher (Derfler & Freed, 2002). Finally, Baudot, in 1894, invented a distributor which allowed his printing telegraph to multiplex its signals; as many as eight machines could send simultaneous messages over one telegraph circuit (Britannica Concise Encyclopedia , 2006). The Baudot printing telegraph paved the way for the Teletype and Telex (Derfler & Freed, 2002). The second forerunner of modern computer networking was the telephone. It was a significant advancement over the telegraph for it personalized telecommunications, bringing the voices and emotions of the sender to the receiver. Unlike its predecessor the telegraph, telephone networks created virtual circuit to connect telephones to one another (Shindler, 2002). Legend credits Alexander Graham Bell as the inventor of the telephone in 1876. He was not. Bell was the first to patent the telephone. Historians credit Italian- American scientist Antonio Meucci as the inventor of the telephone. Meucci began working on his design for a talking telegraph in 1849 and filed a caveat for his design in 1871 but was unable to finance commercial development. In 2002, the United States House of Representatives passed a resolution recognizing his accomplishment to telecommunications (Library of Congress, 2007).
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Hardy, Lawrence Harold. "A History of Computer Networking Technology". In Networking and Telecommunications, 26–32. IGI Global, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-60566-986-1.ch003.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The computer has influenced the very fabric of modern society. As a stand-alone machine, it has proven itself a practical and highly efficient tool for education, commerce, science, and medicine. When attached to a network—the Internet for example—it becomes the nexus of opportunity, transforming our lives in ways that are both problematic and astonishing. Computer networks are the source for vast amounts of knowledge, which can predict the weather, identify organ donors and recipients, or analyze the complexity of the human genome (Shindler, 2002). The linking of ideas across an information highway satisfies a primordial hunger humans have to belong and to communicate. Early civilizations, to satisfy this desire, created information highways of carrier pigeons (Palmer, 2006). The history of computer networking begins in the 19th century with the invention of the telegraph, the telephone, and the radiotelegraph. The first communications information highway based on electricity was created with the deployment of the telegraph. The telegraph itself is no more than an electromagnet connected to a battery, connected to a switch, connected to wire (Derfler & Freed, 2002). The telegraph operates very straightforwardly. To send a message (electric current), the telegrapher rapidly opens and closes the telegraph switch. The receiving telegraph uses the electric current to create a magnetic field, which causes an observable mechanical event (Calvert, 2004). The first commercial telegraph was patented in Great Britain by Charles Wheatstone and William Cooke in 1837 (The Institution of Engineering and Technology, 2007). The Cooke-Wheatstone Telegraph required six wires and five magnetic needles. Messages were created when combinations of the needles were deflected left or right to indicate letters (Derfler & Freed, 2002). Almost simultaneous to the Cooke-Wheatstone Telegraph was the Samuel F. B. Morse Telegraph in the United States in 1837 (Calvert, 2004). In comparison, the Morse Telegraph was decidedly different from its European counterpart. First, it was much simpler than the Cooke-Wheatstone Telegraph: to transmit messages, it used one wire instead of six. Second, it used a code and a sounder to send and receive messages instead of deflected needles (Derfler & Freed, 2002). The simplicity of the Morse Telegraph made it the worldwide standard. The next major change in telegraphy occurred because of the efforts of French inventor Emile Baudot. Baudot’s first innovation replaced the telegrapher’s key with a typewriter like keyboard. His second innovation replaced the dots and dashes of Morse code with a five-unit or five-bit code—similar to American standard code for information interchange (ASCII) or extended binary coded decimal interchange code (EBCDIC)—he developed. Unlike Morse code, which relied upon a series of dots and dashes, each letter in the Baudot code contained a combination of five electrical pulses. Eventually all major telegraph companies converted to Baudot code, which eliminated the need for a skilled Morse code telegrapher (Derfler & Freed, 2002). Finally, Baudot, in 1894, invented a distributor which allowed his printing telegraph to multiplex its signals; as many as eight machines could send simultaneous messages over one telegraph circuit (Britannica Concise Encyclopedia , 2006). The Baudot printing telegraph paved the way for the Teletype and Telex (Derfler & Freed, 2002). The second forerunner of modern computer networking was the telephone. It was a significant advancement over the telegraph for it personalized telecommunications, bringing the voices and emotions of the sender to the receiver. Unlike its predecessor the telegraph, telephone networks created virtual circuit to connect telephones to one another (Shindler, 2002). Legend credits Alexander Graham Bell as the inventor of the telephone in 1876. He was not. Bell was the first to patent the telephone. Historians credit Italian- American scientist Antonio Meucci as the inventor of the telephone. Meucci began working on his design for a talking telegraph in 1849 and filed a caveat for his design in 1871 but was unable to finance commercial development. In 2002, the United States House of Representatives passed a resolution recognizing his accomplishment to telecommunications (Library of Congress, 2007).
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Lupia, Arthur. "From Infinite Ignorance to Knowledge that Matters". In Uninformed Why People Seem to Know So Little about Politics and What We Can Do about It. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190263720.003.0005.
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When I wrote this paragraph, I lived in the city of Ann Arbor, Michigan, which is located in the United States of America. Here are some things that recently happened in these places. In the decade prior to the one in which I completed this book, members of Congress proposed over 40,000 bills. In an average year, Congress passed and the president subsequently signed over 200 of these bills into law. My state legislature was similarly active. In one of the years when I was writing this book, Michigan’s House of Representatives produced 1,239 bills, 42 concurrent resolutions, 36 joint resolutions, and 174 resolutions. During the same period, Michigan’s Senate produced 884 bills, 25 continuing resolutions, 19 joint resolutions, and 106 resolutions. Michigan’s governor signed 323 of these proposals into law. In the same year, my city passed over 100 ordinances of its own. In addition to these laws, federal agencies such as the United States Department of Commerce promulgated thousands of rules and regulations. These rules and regulations are not trivial matters. Laws intended to fight crime, educate children, care for the sick, or accomplish other social priorities often lack specific instructions for what to do in individual cases. Rules and regulations provide these instructions. They clarify how to interpret and implement these laws. One other thing to know about these rules and regulations is that there are a lot of them. In one of the calendar years in which I was working on this book, federal agencies issued more than 3,500 rules spanning more than 82,000 pages of the Federal Register. Every one of these 3,500 rules, and the comparable number of rules proffered in other years, carry “the full force of law.” Beyond laws and rules, other participants in government activities make decisions that are legally binding on me. In law offices and courtrooms across the country, people challenge the meanings of the laws, rules, and regulations described above. Each case focuses on whether it is legal to interpret a law or rule in a particular way.
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Gelman, David, e Max Goplerud. "United States". In The Politics of Legislative Debates, 801–24. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198849063.003.0039.
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This chapter analyzes the trends in speaking behavior in the United States Congress from 1921 to 2010 in the House and Senate. We find that key determinants of political behavior from the existing American and comparative literature (seniority, committee leader, party leadership, ideological extremism, and majority party membership) correspond to more floor speeches by members. Senators deliver more speeches per member than their counterparts in the House, although the determinants of activity are broadly similar. Splitting the results by historical period and examining the relationship by the polarization of the chamber show that the effects of certain variables have changed considerably over time. In the House, in particular, the effects of committee leader, extremism, and majority party status have increased over time while the effect of seniority has noticeably decreased in the post-Gingrich period.
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Revesz, Richard, e Jack Lienke. "War Stories". In Struggling for Air. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190233112.003.0005.
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To Representative Marsha Blackburn, Republican of Tennessee, the threat was clear: “Mr. Speaker, there is a war being waged on energy and on coal in this country. But it’s not coming from another country, it is coming from our own government.” Her colleague, Mike Pompeo of Kansas, agreed: “President Obama’s War on Coal means fewer jobs and higher energy costs for Americans.” Those who believed otherwise, Virginia Representative David McKinley warned, were “in dangerous denial.” It was September 20, 2012, two months before a presidential election that would pit incumbent Barack Obama against former Massachusetts governor Mitt Romney, and the United States House of Representatives was preparing to vote on the bluntly titled Stop the War on Coal Act. Democrats on the Energy and Commerce Committee called the proposed legislation, which would strip the EPA of its power to regulate coal-mining operations and coal-fired power plants under a host of federal laws, “the single worst anti-environment bill to be considered in the House this Congress.” But the bill’s sponsors argued that significantly curtailing the EPA’s authority over the coal industry was the only way to prevent the President’s war from claiming “even more victims.” The Stop the War on Coal Act passed the House on September 21, 2012, in a 233–175 vote, with the support of nineteen Democrats. No one thought it had any chance of moving in the Democrat-controlled Senate. Instead, the House’s vote, which would be its last act before election day, was “only meant to be an instrument to bludgeon Obama and other Democrats,” as one commentator put it—a reminder to the coal-country electorate of the existential threat posed by the current President and his party. It hadn’t always been this way. On the contrary, four years earlier, Barack Obama had enjoyed a brief, involuntary tenure as the coal industry’s “spokesperson-in-chief.” About a month after Obama emerged victorious from the 2008 election, the American Coalition for Clean Coal Electricity (ACCCE), a “partnership of the industries involved in producing electricity from coal,” released an advertisement made up entirely of video excerpts from a speech he had given at a September 2008 campaign rally in Lebanon, Virginia.
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Chervinsky, Lindsay M. "The Late President of the United States, Is No More!" In Making the Presidency, 231–36. Oxford University PressNew York, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197653845.003.0022.
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Abstract As the yellow fever receded, the president, the cabinet, and Congress returned to Philadelphia. Among the ranks of congressmen was a new face—John Marshall. Marshall had won a seat in the House of Representatives a few months earlier after George Washington had strongarmed him into running. Marshall immediately became the leader of a coalition of moderate Federalists and Republicans and guided Congress through an unprecedented moment when George Washington died that December. Adams said and did all the right things, but a weight was lifted. For the first time he was president without Washington’s shadow hovering from Mount Vernon.
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"7 A Sinuous Road: The Matter of Recognition of the Armenian Genocide in the United Nations, at the White House, and in Congress in the 1970s". In The United States and the Armenian Genocide, 81–89. Rutgers University Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.36019/9781978837959-008.
Texto completo da fonteTrabalhos de conferências sobre o assunto "United States. Congress 2007). House"
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Shollenberger, Kim A. "Computational Fluid Dynamics (CFD) Within Undergraduate Programs". In ASME 2007 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. ASMEDC, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2007-43496.
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There has been a rapid increase over the past three decades in the use of computational fluid dynamics (CFD) analysis by industry as a tool to design and manufacture products. It is currently a vital part of the engineering process for many companies around the world, and utilized in nearly every manufacturing industry. Employers of engineering students who perform this type of analysis have expressed the need for students at the undergraduate or B.S. level to have some CFD experience. As a result, engineering programs in the United States have begun to respond to this need by developing new curriculum and by exposing students to the use of CFD for research. The level of incorporation and implementation of CFD into the undergraduate curriculum and research at institutions varies widely. The objective of this paper is to conduct a survey of the current use of CFD in the undergraduate curriculum within mechanical engineering departments in the United States. Twenty ABET accredited U.S. schools that offer a B.S. degree in mechanical engineering are investigated in this study that are a representative sample of engineering schools in the U.S. today in terms of admission standards, private versus public, predominate terminal degree, size, and geographic location. Topics investigated include if CFD classes are offered to undergraduates whether they are required or optional, when they are first introduced into the curriculum, number of credit hours dedicated to CFD, types of courses that include CFD, and whether commercial or in-house codes are utilized.
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Abdelmessih, Amanie N., e Siddiq S. Mohammed. "Uniquely Designed Solar Tube in a Natural/Forced Mini-Water Heating System". In ASME 2018 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2018-86896.
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Solar power is a clean source of energy, i.e. it does not generate carbon dioxide or other air pollutants. In 2017, solar power produced only 0.6 percent of the energy used in the United States, according to the Energy Information Administration. Consequently, more solar energy should be implemented, such as in solar water heaters. This research took place in Riverside, Southern California where there is an abundance of solar energy. In house uniquely designed and assembled solar tubes were used in designing a mini solar water heating system. The mini solar water heating system was set to operate under either natural or forced convection. The results of running the system under forced convection then under natural convection conditions are reported and discussed in the article. In addition, comparison of using two different solar water storage systems are reported: the first was water; the second storage medium was a combination of water and gravel. Since water heaters are extensively used for residential purposes, this research mimicked the inefficiencies in residential use and is compared with ideal operating conditions. The performance of the different cases studied is evaluated.
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Jernigan, Johnathan, Christopher Moore, Ron Rizzo e Kevin Schmaltz. "Design and Build of a Portable Instrumentation Elevation Tower". In ASME 2008 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. ASMEDC, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2008-67365.
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The Western Kentucky University (WKU) Department of Engineering is collaborating with National Park Service – Inventory and Monitoring scientists to support National Park Service (NPS) cave environment and ecosystems research. The NPS, together with the United States Geological Survey, provided the funding that has allowed WKU Engineering students, working with WKU faculty and staff and NPS scientists, to design, build, test and deliver two transportable instrumentation lift systems. Each lift tower has a stationary top platform and a secondary platform capable of continuously raising and lowering instrumentation over extended, unattended periods. NPS-owned instrumentation on the platforms collects air temperature, relative humidity and air velocity data, storing results to NPS-owned devices located on or below the tower. NPS scientists will use the system to gather more accurate data on the quality and movement of air within cave passages and develop predictive models of the environment. The new system will allow measurements as high as 30 feet and make long-term data collection feasible. A variety of design challenges were met by the students working on the project. Portability, flexibility and weight reduction were achieved through a collapsible aluminum base securing the tower, with three-foot PVC sections to build varying tower heights. Stability was accomplished with a tensioning cable system and a gripping mechanism integrated into the base to secure the incomplete tower. Cable spool design and data collection programming achieved positioning accuracy of the moving platform. In addition to satisfying functional needs, the towers were also designed to avoid damage to cave surfaces and meet challenging operating requirements. Tower components are reasonably lightweight and durable, components are shock-resistant, moisture-resistant, easy to dry and clean, and non-corroding. The design modularity facilitates transport by two NPS personnel using duffle bags, and is easy to set up and move. The towers support multiple instruments weighing as much as 10 pounds, can be modified to support instruments in varied configurations, and can be repaired in-house by NPS personnel. The towers were designed and tested to assure user friendly, reliable operation. Tower stability, ease of tower construction, accuracy of platform movement, and required battery life issues were solved by the students.
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Dellapenna, Joseph W. "Primer on Groundwater Law in the United States". In World Environmental and Water Resources Congress 2007. Reston, VA: American Society of Civil Engineers, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1061/40927(243)195.
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Connor, J. B., W. E. Cox e V. K. Lohani. "Public Water Supply in the United States: Trends in Surface Storage Capacity". In World Environmental and Water Resources Congress 2007. Reston, VA: American Society of Civil Engineers, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1061/40927(243)589.
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Davis, Darryl W. "Is the Current Approach to Managing Flood Threats in the United States Sustainable?" In World Environmental and Water Resources Congress 2007. Reston, VA: American Society of Civil Engineers, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1061/40927(243)253.
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Westcott, Nancy E., e H. Vernon Knapp. "Comparison of Gage vs Multi-Sensor (Radar plus Gage) Precipitation Estimates for Midwestern United States Counties". In World Environmental and Water Resources Congress 2007. Reston, VA: American Society of Civil Engineers, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1061/40927(243)273.
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Deegener, Matthias, e C. Christopher Kellum. "An Analysis of Differences between the Evolving United States and European Dedicated Short Range Communications (DSRC) Systems". In SAE World Congress & Exhibition. 400 Commonwealth Drive, Warrendale, PA, United States: SAE International, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.4271/2007-01-1737.
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"Trends in rates of suicide by decedent age over time: United States mortality data, 1960-2007". In 19th International Congress on Modelling and Simulation. Modelling and Simulation Society of Australia and New Zealand (MSSANZ), Inc., 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36334/modsim.2011.a1.chen.
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Fumo, Nelson, Daniel C. Lackey e Sara McCaslin. "Analysis of Autoregressive Energy Models of a Research House". In ASME 2015 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2015-50630.
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Energy consumption from buildings is a major component of the overall energy consumption by end-use sectors in industrialized countries. In the United States of America (USA), the residential sector alone accounts for half of the combined residential and commercial energy consumption. Therefore, efforts toward energy consumption modeling based on statistical and engineering models are in continuous development. Statistical approaches need measured data but not buildings characteristics; engineering approaches need building characteristics but not data, at least when a calibrated model is the goal. Among the statistical models, the linear regression analysis has shown promising results because of its reasonable accuracy and relatively simple implementation when compared to other methods. In addition, when observed or measured data is available, statistical models are a good option to avoid the burden associated with engineering approaches. However, the dynamic behavior of buildings suggests that models accounting for dynamic effects may lead to more effective regression models, which is not possible with standard linear regression analysis. Utilizing lag variables is one method of autoregression that can model the dynamic behavior of energy consumption. The purpose of using lag variables is to account for the thermal energy stored/release from the mass of the building, which affects the response of HVAC equipment to changes in outdoor or weather parameters. In this study, energy consumption and outdoor temperature data from a research house are used to develop autoregressive models of energy consumption during the cooling season with lag variables to account for the dynamics of the house. Models with no lag variable, one lag variable, and two lag variables are compared. To investigate the effect of the time interval on the quality of the models, data intervals of 5 minutes, 15 minutes, and one hour are used to generate the models. The 5 minutes time interval is used because that is the resolution of the acquired data; the 15 minutes time interval is used because it is a common time interval in electric smart meters; and one hour time interval is used because it is the common time interval for energy simulation in buildings. The primary results shows that the use of lag variables greatly improves the accuracy of the models, but a time interval of 5 minutes is too small to avoid the dependence of the energy consumption on operating parameters. All mathematical models and their quality parameters are presented, along with supporting graphical representation as a visual aid to comparing models.
Relatórios de organizações sobre o assunto "United States. Congress 2007). House"
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Fraser, Douglas M. Posture Statement of General Douglas M. Fraser, United States Air Force Commander, United States Southern Command, Before the 112th Congress House Armed Services Committee. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, março de 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada565018.
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Lalisse, Matthias. Measuring the Impact of Campaign Finance on Congressional Voting: A Machine Learning Approach. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, fevereiro de 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp178.
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How much does money drive legislative outcomes in the United States? In this article, we use aggregated campaign finance data as well as a Transformer based text embedding model to predict roll call votes for legislation in the US Congress with more than 90% accuracy. In a series of model comparisons in which the input feature sets are varied, we investigate the extent to which campaign finance is predictive of voting behavior in comparison with variables like partisan affiliation. We find that the financial interests backing a legislator’s campaigns are independently predictive in both chambers of Congress, but also uncover a sizable asymmetry between the Senate and the House of Representatives. These findings are cross-referenced with a Representational Similarity Analysis (RSA) linking legislators’ financial and voting records, in which we show that “legislators who vote together get paid together”, again discovering an asymmetry between the House and the Senate in the additional predictive power of campaign finance once party is accounted for. We suggest an explanation of these facts in terms of Thomas Ferguson’s Investment Theory of Party Competition: due to a number of structural differences between the House and Senate, but chiefly the lower amortized cost of obtaining individuated influence with Senators, political investors prefer operating on the House using the party as a proxy.
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Lazonick, William, e Matt Hopkins. Why the CHIPS Are Down: Stock Buybacks and Subsidies in the U.S. Semiconductor Industry. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, setembro de 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp165.
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The Semiconductor Industry Association (SIA) is promoting the Creating Helpful Incentives to Produce Semiconductors (CHIPS) for America Act, introduced in Congress in June 2020. An SIA press release describes the bill as “bipartisan legislation that would invest tens of billions of dollars in semiconductor manufacturing incentives and research initiatives over the next 5-10 years to strengthen and sustain American leadership in chip technology, which is essential to our country’s economy and national security.” On June 8, 2021, the Senate approved $52 billion for the CHIPS for America Act, dedicated to supporting the U.S. semiconductor industry over the next decade. As of this writing, the Act awaits approval in the House of Representatives. This paper highlights a curious paradox: Most of the SIA corporate members now lobbying for the CHIPS for America Act have squandered past support that the U.S. semiconductor industry has received from the U.S. government for decades by using their corporate cash to do buybacks to boost their own companies’ stock prices. Among the SIA corporate signatories of the letter to President Biden, the five largest stock repurchasers—Intel, IBM, Qualcomm, Texas Instruments, and Broadcom—did a combined $249 billion in buybacks over the decade 2011-2020, equal to 71 percent of their profits and almost five times the subsidies over the next decade for which the SIA is lobbying. In addition, among the members of the Semiconductors in America Coalition (SIAC), formed specifically in May 2021 to lobby Congress for the passage of the CHIPS for America Act, are Apple, Microsoft, Cisco, and Google. These firms spent a combined $633 billion on buybacks during 2011-2020. That is about 12 times the government subsidies provided under the CHIPS for America Act to support semiconductor fabrication in the United States in the upcoming decade. If the Congress wants to achieve the legislation’s stated purpose of promoting major new investments in semiconductors, it needs to deal with this paradox. It could, for example, require the SIA and SIAC to extract pledges from its member corporations that they will cease doing stock buybacks as open-market repurchases over the next ten years. Such regulation could be a first step in rescinding Securities and Exchange Commission Rule 10b-18, which has since 1982 been a major cause of extreme income inequality and loss of global industrial competitiveness in the United States.