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Artigos de revistas sobre o assunto "United States. Congress 1964). House)"
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Owens, John E. "Extreme Advocacy Leadership in the Pre-Reform House: Wright Patman and the House Banking and Currency Committee." British Journal of Political Science 15, no. 2 (1985): 187–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400004154.
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Committee chairmen in the United States House of Representatives were often very powerful figures until the reforms of the early 1970s – as the numerous tales about those stereotyped villains, the southern Democrats, bear witness. Yet, surprisingly little explicit typologizing about leadership in congressional committees appears in the academic literature despite a growing awareness of the different goals which congressmen pursue and the variety of environments in which they operate. Just two different models of chairmen's power were developed in the context of the pre-reform Congress. In the 1950s and early 1960s, the accepted view, perhaps caricature, was that committee chairmen were autocratic, obstructionist (at least as far as liberals were concerned), conservative, possibly senile, and more than likely representative of constituencies outside the mainstream of national politics. A list of chairmen seen as fitting into this mould would include men such as ‘Judge’ Howard Smith, chairman of the Rules Committee from 1955 to 1967; his somewhat less skilful successor from 1967 to 1972, William Colmer of Mississippi; Graham Barden, the provocative chairman of the Education and Labor Committee between 1953 and 1960; and the authoritative Carl Vinson of Georgia, chairman of the Armed Services Committee for seventeen years until 1966.
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Patterson, Samuel C., and Gregory A. Caldeira. "Party Voting in the United States Congress." British Journal of Political Science 18, no. 1 (1988): 111–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000712340000497x.
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By the standard of most European parliaments, levels of party voting in the United States Congress are relatively low. Nevertheless, party voting does occur in the House of Representatives and the Senate. In the American context, a party vote occurs when majorities of the two congressional parties, the Democrats and the Republicans, oppose one another. The authors construct measurements of levels of party voting in Congress in the years after the Second World War. They then develop a model to test the effects of a number of independent variables that influence fluctuations in party voting levels over time. The study models the time series for party voting and demonstrates striking differences between the House and Senate in the correlates of partisan cleavage.
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Jordan, Larry. "Federal Trauma Legislation: The 101st United States Congress." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 5, no. 3 (1990): 255–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00026923.
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The United States Congress presently is considering comprehensive legislation regarding emergency medical services (EMS) and trauma systems planning. This legislation amends the Public Health Service Act and, if enacted, would represent the federal government's first significant statutory mandate to exercise a leadership role in EMS since the federal EMS program was abolished in the early 1980s. On 14 November 1989, the House passed House Resolution (H.R.) 1602, Trauma Care Systems Planning and Development Act of 1989, authored by Representative Jim Bates. The Senate is considering similar legislation (S. 15) by Senator Alan Cranston, titled the Emergency Medical Services and Trauma Care Improvement Act of 1989. The Senate Bill is awaiting final action by the full Senate. If the Senate approves S. 15, a joint House and Senate conference committee will meet to present its own conference report to each of those bodies for consideration and passage.
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صبري شاكر, أحمد, та أزهار عبد الرحمن عبد الكريم. "نشوء وتنامي الصلات التجارية الأميركية مع الصين حتى عام 1844". Journal of Education College Wasit University 1, № 23 (2018): 161–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.31185/eduj.vol1.iss23.197.
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1- D.C.U.S.A , The Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States Archive. . 2- L.C.C. , The Letters of Continental Congress 
 3- A.C.U.S.C.D.D., Annals of Congress , U.S. Congressional Documents and Debates ,1774-1875.
 4- A.C.C.R., Annals of Congress Commercial Report. 
 5- U.S.H.R.E.D. ,United States House of Representatives Executive Documents.
 6- (T.E.C.F.P.) ,Treaties The Empire of China Foreign Powers.
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Corbett, Charles R. "UNITED STATES PROGRESS TOWARD ENACTMENT OF COMPREHENSIVE OIL SPILL LIABILITY AND COMPENSATION LEGISLATION." International Oil Spill Conference Proceedings 1987, no. 1 (1987): 559–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.7901/2169-3358-1987-1-559.
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ABSTRACT Comprehensive oil spill liability and compensation legislation, including adoption of two important international oil spill treaties, has eluded the United States for too long. Although there is broad agreement in the Administration, both houses of Congress, oil and shipping interests, state governments and the environmental community that we need comprehensive oil spill legislation, these often divergent interests have not been able, at least as of this writing (December 1986), to agree on a compromise package. Both houses of Congress passed bills during the 99th Congress, the latest House versions in Titles VI and VIII of H.R. 5300 and, in the Senate, S. 2799. These bills were dissimilar in several ways. However, most informed interests suggested that, had a compromise House bill emerged near the end of the Congress, a Senate-House conference committee could have reached agreement between the House offer and S. 2799. Unfortunately this did not occur. Also, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee reported out favorably (to the full Senate), the ratification of the 1984 protocols to the 1969 Civil Liability Convention and the 1971 Fund Convention (CLC and Fund), with a “reservation” and a number of “understandings.” The need for appropriate legislation arises from deficiencies in and the patchwork approach of current U.S. legislation.
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Rogova, Natalia. "Midterm Elections in the United States." Russia and America in the 21st Century, no. 6 (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760023481-6.
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The article deals with the midterm elections of 2022 in the United States. It analyses the race, ethnic, gender and age composition of the electorate of the two main political parties. It also discusses priorities of the supporters of the Democratic and Republican parties. The article provides analyses of the outcome of the elections of members of the Senate and the House of Representatives, and of the new balance of power in the US Congress.
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Jenkins, Jeffery A., and Justin Peck. "Building Toward Major Policy Change: Congressional Action on Civil Rights, 1941–1950." Law and History Review 31, no. 1 (2013): 139–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248012000181.
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The mid-1960s witnessed a landmark change in the area of civil rights policy in the United States. After a series of tortuous internal battles, with Southern legislators using all available procedural tools to maintain their states' discriminatory Jim Crow legal systems, the United States Congress adopted two statutes—the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965—which insured civil and political equality for all Americans. The Acts of 1964 and 1965 were the culmination of a decade-long struggle by black Americans to secure the citizenship rights that had been denied to them for more than a half century. Beginning with the Brown v. Board of Education (1954) Supreme Court decision, the civil rights movement built momentum, as formal organizations like the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) grew in strength and informal (grass roots) organizations spread throughout the South and the Nation. As national public opinion shifted increasingly toward providing new civil rights guarantees for blacks, Congress responded with new legislation: the Civil Rights Act of 1957 (the first civil rights law since 1875), the Civil Rights Act of 1960, and a legislative proposal to prohibit the poll tax in 1962 (which would be ratified by three-quarters of the states in 1964 and become the 24th Amendment to the United States Constitution).
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Manchikanti, Laxmaiah. "Evolution of US Health Care Reform." Pain Physician 3, no. 20;3 (2017): 107–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.36076/ppj.2017.110.
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Major health policy creation or changes, including governmental and private policies affecting health care delivery are based on health care reform(s). Health care reform has been a global issue over the years and the United States has seen proposals for multiple reforms over the years. A successful, health care proposal in the United States with involvement of the federal government was the short-lived establishment of the first system of national medical care in the South. In the 20th century, the United States was influenced by progressivism leading to the initiation of efforts to achieve universal coverage, supported by a Republican presidential candidate, Theodore Roosevelt. In 1933, Franklin D. Roosevelt, a Democrat, included a publicly funded health care program while drafting provisions to Social Security legislation, which was eliminated from the final legislation. Subsequently, multiple proposals were introduced, starting in 1949 with President Harry S Truman who proposed universal health care; the proposal by Lyndon B. Johnson with Social Security Act in 1965 which created Medicare and Medicaid; proposals by Ted Kennedy and President Richard Nixon that promoted variations of universal health care. presidential candidate Jimmy Carter also proposed universal health care. This was followed by an effort by President Bill Clinton and headed by first lady Hillary Clinton in 1993, but was not enacted into law. Finally, the election of President Barack Obama and control of both houses of Congress by the Democrats led to the passage of the Affordable Care Act (ACA), often referred to as “ObamaCare” was signed into law in March 2010. Since then, the ACA, or Obamacare, has become a centerpiece of political campaigning. The Republicans now control the presidency and both houses of Congress and are attempting to repeal and replace the ACA. Key words: Health care reform, Affordable Care Act (ACA), Obamacare, Medicare, Medicaid, American Health Care Act
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Mozumi, Seiichiro. "The Kennedy–Johnson Tax Cut of 1964, the Defeat of Keynes, and Comprehensive Tax Reform in the United States." Journal of Policy History 30, no. 1 (2017): 25–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030617000379.
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Abstract:In 1964, President Lyndon B. Johnson, the successor of John F. Kennedy, signed into law the largest tax cut in U.S. history until 1981, the so-called Kennedy–Johnson tax cut. Many scholars have evaluated it as representative Keynesian tax policy; this article focuses on the effort of the Treasury Department, tax experts such as Stanley S. Surrey and Wilbur D. Mills, the chairman of House Committee on Ways and Means, to reform the federal income tax system comprehensively—making it simpler, fairer, and more equitable—and their defeat by the 1964 tax cut. Through the policymaking and legislative process, the Kennedy administration’s Council Economic Advisers defeated the Treasury and Surrey by domesticating Keynes’s ideas on tax policy. Until the 1964 passage of the tax cut, Mills, with his inconsistent action, abandoned the accomplishment of their ideal tax reform.
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Merriam, Scott. "Olmsted, Challenging The Secret Government; The Post-Watergate Investigations Of The CIA And FBI." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 22, no. 1 (1997): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.22.1.53.
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Almost immediately after Watergate, the news broke that the CIA and FBI had been guilty of huge abuses of power both in the United States and abroad. The media, Congress, and the White House all promised investigations. However, contrary to popular expectations, the inquiries were stymied. The end result, Olmsted argues, was that neither Congress nor the press pushed for changes, or challenged the executive branch, in the oversight of the intelligence community.
Teses / dissertações sobre o assunto "United States. Congress 1964). House)"
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Webster, Daniel Charles. "The taking of the Fifth : the contested 1960 election in the Indiana Fifth Congressional District." Virtual Press, 1985. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/467700.
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Elections are seldom covered in detail below the level of the national contests. Regional, district, and local elections often appear to be too provincial to be worth the time and effort to research and analyze in any detail."Taking the Fifth" is about a contested congressional race that was in dispute between various local and forces longer than any other House race on record.The Fifth District of Indiana leaned Republican, but it swung to the Democrats about once a decade. The 1960 election broke that historic pattern.Since 1960 was a pivotal election year for both political parties, and since the U. S. Congress was divided by various regional and philosophical factions, it is the contention of the dissertation that the Indiana Fifth District took on more importance than it would have under normal circumstances.Pursuit of power by local and national figures became inextricably involved with the struggle of the candidates in the Fifth District of Indiana. Intraparty grudges between district and state Democratic leaders, scars from Republican battles for congressional leadership posts, Dixiecrat versus urban Democrats maneuvering for dominance on key congressional committees, and an energetic young President and his allies -- bent on making a lasting mark on history -- all influenced the outcome of the race.As the gap widens between election day in Indiana and final settlement of the contest, the two candidates fade into secondary roles, and eventually appear to be little more than pawns for the congressional and national figures who had pre-empted the contest for their own political purposes.
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Smith, Zachary C. "From the Well of the House: remaking the House Republican party, 1978-1994." Thesis, Boston University, 2012. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/32065.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University<br>PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.<br>From the Well of the House analyzes the remaking of the House Republican Party into an aggressive, partisan organization. It explores how a new generation of Representatives elected after 1978 transformed the GOP, instituting a style of congressional politics that favored confrontation, media spectacle, and personal scandal. Following key actors, including Newt Gingrich, Bob Walker, Vin Weber, and the Conservative Opportunity Society, this dissertation explores key events and illustrates how the House Republican Conference changed from passive acceptance of their minority status to pugnacious fighters for the majority.
Throughout their careers Gingrich and his Congressional allies promoted a style of politics in the House, first as backbenchers then from leadership positions, which advocated conflict and attack. They showed that aggression was a winning strategy and other Congressmen followed their lead. By examining in depth events that led the House Republican Conference to adopt a more confrontational stance, including the formation of the Conservative Opportunity Society, the use ofC-SPAN as an effective political weapon, the House Bank scandal, and conflicts with Speakers Tip O'Neill and Jim Wright and Presidents George H.W. Bush and Bill Clinton, this dissertation demonstrates that the 1994 Republican Revolution was the product of more than a decade of dedication and hard work.
While numerous scholars have analyzed the rise ofthe New Right and the conservative ascendancy in American politics after the 1970s, From the Well of the House breaks new ground by exploring this shift in the arena of Congressional politics. In so doing, it both elucidates the deep background of the House Republican Party's successful efforts to become a majority and establishes the significance of Congress in the transformation of recent American politics.<br>2031-01-02
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McCall, Sarah B. "The Musical Fallout of Political Activism: Government Investigations of Musicians in the United States, 1930-1960." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277608/.
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Government investigations into the motion picture industry are well-documented, as is the widespread blacklisting that was concurrent. Not nearly so well documented are the many investigations of musicians and musical organizations which occurred during this same period. The degree to which various musicians and musical organizations were investigated varied considerably. Some warranted only passing mention, while others were rigorously questioned in formal Congressional hearings. Hanns Eisler was deported as a result of the House Committee on Un-American Activities' (HUAC) investigation into his background and activities in the United States. Leonard Bernstein, Marc Blitzstein, and Aaron Copland are but a few of the prominent composers investigated by the government for their involvement in leftist organizations. The Symphony of the Air was denied visas for a Near East tour after several orchestra members were implicated as Communists. Members of musicians' unions in New York and Los Angeles were called before HUAC hearings because of alleged infiltration by Communists into their ranks. The Metropolitan Music School of New York, led by its president-emeritus, the composer Wallingford Riegger, was the subject of a two day congressional hearing in New York City. There is no way to measure either quantitatively or qualitatively the effect of the period on the music but only the extent to which the activities affected the musicians themselves. The extraordinary paucity of published information about the treatment of the musicians during this period is put into even greater relief when compared to the thorough manner in which the other arts, notably literature and film, have been examined. This work attempts to fill this gap and shed light on a particularly dark chapter in the history of contemporary music.
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Meyer, Alix. "Le Congrès républicain (1994 – 2006)- Révolutions conservatrices, contradictions électorales, évolutions institutionnelles." Thesis, Lyon 2, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LYO20083.
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Le Congrès des Etats-Unis est une institution méconnue, mal comprise et souvent dénigrée, y compris par ses propres membres. On le dit en crise, inadapté aux exigences du monde moderne. L’objectif est donc d’évaluer les forces et les faiblesses objectives du Congrès contemporain pour le réinsérer dans la dynamique des freins et contre-pouvoirs au coeur du système politique américain. La période retenue s’étale de la victoire des Républicains menés par Newt Gingrich en 1994 jusqu’aux élections de mi-mandat de 2006 et au retour des Démocrates. De la présidence Clinton à Bush, ces douze années offrent un contexte institutionnel varié. Elles forment une trajectoire historique fascinante de la rhétorique révolutionnaire qui accompagne les victoires de 1994 à la résignation d’une défaite marquée par une certaine corruption institutionnelle, partisane et idéologique. Le cœur de notre étude vise à étudier les conséquences institutionnelles du retour à un équilibre partisan dans les deux chambres du Congrès. La compétition entre les deux partis a été accompagnée par la polarisation du système politique. Notre étude retrace les débuts de l’entrée dans une nouvelle ère sur la colline du Capitole. On cherchera à combiner une approche politique et institutionnelle en analysant plus particulièrement trois domaines de l’action politique particulièrement révélateurs: les finances via la procédure budgétaire, la réforme de l’Etat providence, et les relations avec le judiciaire via les nominations des Juges d’Appel fédéraux, lieu privilégié de frictions entre la Maison-Blanche et le Sénat. À cette perspective institutionnelle, il s’agira d’ajouter une étude sociologique de cohorte des membres du Congrès, nécessaire pour comprendre les ressorts de l’action institutionnelle. Au-delà des membres de la chambre, l’étude d’une période dominée par le parti de l’éléphant nous permettra de plonger au cœur du mouvement conservateur. Après avoir présenté les racines historiques de l'idéologie conservatrice qui domine au sein du Parti républicain, il s'agira de révéler comment un mouvement contestataire a transformé l’institution du Congrès mais aussi comment l’institution a transformé le mouvement conservateur et le Parti républicain. Dans un contexte international de renforcement du pouvoir exécutif, l’étude du Congrès doit permettre de redécouvrir certaines leçons sur les modalités de fonctionnement d’un système démocratique. Il s’agit de montrer qu'au-delà des questions techniques, des jeux de procédures obscures, dans la tension qui anime le Congrès, se joue l’avenir du concept de démocratie représentative ; de rétablir un certain équilibre dans la perception du système américain : système plus complexe qu’il n’apparaît dans les médias et même parfois la littérature. On ne peut se contenter d’étudier la présidence impériale sans prêter attention au vortex qui siège, toujours, au coeur de la constitution. Ainsi, sans faire un panégyrique du pouvoir législatif, il s’agira de remettre en cause la tentation d’un Césarisme plus ou moins démocratique qui chercherait à faire du Congrès une chambre d’enregistrement des volontés de l’exécutif<br>The United States Congress is often disparaged including by its own members. The critics of the institution decry the gridlock on Capitol Hill and Congress's alleged inability to deal with the challenges of the modern world. The unpopularity of today's Congress calls into question its ability to represent the American people. In that context it is necessary to try to assess whether or not Congress is truly dysfunctional. To that end, this study proposes to study a period of twelve years from 1994 to 2006 during which the Republican party dominated the institution. In 1994, under the leadership of Newt Gingrich, the Republicans returned to the majority in the House of Representatives for the first time in forty years. In 2006, after another midterm election, the Republican majorities in the House and the Senate were soundly defeated. Drawing on the long and tortuous history of the relationship between the Republican party and conservatism, the new majorities proposed large-scale change that amounted to a conservative revolution. They had initially laid out a clearly conservative agenda that insisted on balancing the budget and reducing the size of government. A detailed study of their fiscal policy and their attempts at entitlement reform over the period actually leads us to conclude that they eventually governed over ever larger deficits and a growing federal government whose policies were adjusted to favor different portions of the population. It is therefore necessary to try to account for the discrepancy between the initial goals and the eventual results. This entails studying first the evolution of the Republican members of Congress themselves to see whether the policy changes can be explained by the members becoming more moderate. Another explanation centers on the relationship between the members of the Congress and their constituents. The Republican majorities could have been forced to moderate their positions by the voters themselves in the elections of 1996, 1998, 2000, 2002 and 2004. Here the complex interplay that implies the interpretation of election results comes into play. Over the past decades, the American political system has been polarizing clearly. The growing ideological gap between the two parties and their bases calls into question the institutional stability of an institution built on the necessity to compromise. Especially since both parties have polarized while the margins of the majorities have grown more narrow. It is thus essential to look at the constraints set up by the institutional system. The arcane nuances of the legislative process directly impinges on the content of legislation. Indeed, if the majority rules decisively over the House of Representatives, in the Senate, the minority can very easily block most initiatives. The growing recourse to procedural shortcuts offered by the budget process is a testament to that fact.Finally, the relationship with the president of the United States is very much a factor in the equation. The twelve years of Republican domination in Congress covers two very different periods. Until January 2001, they had to battle with President Clinton in a context of divided government. Following George W. Bush's election in 2000, they started working under the command of the White House. The stark contrast in the way Senate republicans dealt with the two presidents when it came to their judicial nominees for the Federal Courts of Appeal offers an excellent opportunity to evaluate the continuing yet variable strength of the system of checks and balances set up by the U.S. Constitution. A deeper understanding of the workings of the contemporary Congress might allow for a more nuanced vision of the institution as much more than a roadblock on the road of presidential leadership and, perhaps, lead to a better appreciation of the way its members are trying or failing to fulfill their constitutional duty
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Tollestrup, Jessica Scott. "Limitation Riders in the Postreform House: A Test of Procedural Cartel and Conditional Party Government Theories." PDXScholar, 2010. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/398.
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The theoretical debate over the ability of parties and leaders in the House of Representatives to influence legislative decision-making is at the center of much of the literature on Congress. On the one hand, the Procedural Cartel perspective argues that while the tools used by the majority party leadership to assure the triumph of its preferences may vary depending on the institutional context, the basic ability of the leadership to impact legislative outcomes remains consistent. In contrast, Conditional Party Government (CPG) theory posits that any power the majority party and its leadership possesses over legislative decision-making is directly conditioned upon the amount of agreement within the majority party caucus as to collective goals, as well as the amount of ideological polarization that exists between the majority and minority parties. This thesis provides an original test of these two theoretical perspectives by evaluating their comparative ability to account for the proposal and passage of limitation riders on the House floor during the annual appropriations process since the 1980s. Limitation riders provide a good vehicle to test theories of congressional voting as they often have important policy implications in areas of significant controversy. In addition, the extent to which the individual members or legislative parties are able to successfully utilize limitation riders as a means of making substantive policy is indicative of larger patterns of committee or party domination of the floor process. After reviewing the relevant literature on congressional decision-making, this analysis proceeds to outline the theoretical predictions that the Procedural Cartel and CPG perspectives make regarding limitation riders. An original dataset comprised of over 800 limitation riders from the 97th through the 110th Congresses is analyzed both with respect to overall proposal and passage rates as well their party of origin. This study finds that while the CPG perspective is best able to account for what occurs during periods of low polarization and cohesion, Procedural Cartel provides the most accurate prediction of what occurs when polarization and cohesion are high. These findings suggest that, although these theories both have some ability to account for congressional decision-making on the House floor, both of these frameworks need to be revisited so that they can accurately account for what occurs during floor phase of the legislative process.
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McAndrews, John Russell. "Representation and lawmaking in the United States Congress and the Canadian House of Commons." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/59099.
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This dissertation considers two aspects of legislative representation: (1) how citizens use information about legislative activities and outcomes to assess the performance of the US president and the congressional majority party, and (2) why Canadian MPs debate government bills—even when the government controls the outcome. An investigation of these questions is divided into three principal chapters. First, I examine the effects of legislative outcomes on citizens’ assessment of the president and the majority party in Congress. Prominent theories of legislative behavior argue—and media pundits often assert—that Americans reward these actors if they succeed in passing their bills. But what if the bill is divisive, as is likely the case with well-publicized legislation? Using survey experiments, I show that, on average, citizens still express greater approval for the president and the majority party if Congress passes their ideologically contentious bills—compared with if Congress does not pass them. However, I also find that this reward is typically concentrated among those who already favor the underlying policy change; among policy opponents, the effect is often statistically indistinguishable from zero. Second, I investigate the sophistication of citizens’ judgments of legislative performance. Specifically, do inferential biases—common in other domains—interfere with how citizens evaluate the president and the congressional majority party in light of bill failure? Again using survey experiments, I find that citizens avoid the serious inferential mistake of treating these actors as if they had performed poorly. Instead, I show that their assessments—even in the absence of diagnostic information about those involved—are broadly consistent with realistic beliefs about legislative performance and the obstacles to success in Congress. Third, I explore why Canadian MPs debate government bills. Whereas recent research tends to emphasize legislative speech as a means of communicating with the electorate, the particular rules of government bill debate—coupled with the relatively low visibility of such deliberations—suggest alternative motivations. Using an original dataset of 53 debates, I find no evidence of personal vote seeking; instead, I find patterns of debate participation consistent with attempted obstruction by bill opponents and attempted persuasion by bill proponents.<br>Arts, Faculty of<br>Political Science, Department of<br>Graduate
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Hasecke, Edward Brooke. "Balancing the Legislative Agenda: Scheduling in the United States House of Representatives." Connect to this title online, 2002. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1031248502.
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Thesis (Ph. D)--Ohio State University, 2002.<br>Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xi, 169 p.: ill. Includes abstract and vita. Advisor: John Wright, Dept. of Political Science. Includes bibliographical references (p. 162-169).
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Phillips, Stephen. "A cup of tea a study of the Tea Party Caucus in the United States House of Representatives." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2012. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/602.
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Over the course of the last few years, a new movement has taken the American political system by storm, the Tea Party. The movement has not only captivated our media but also the minds of ordinary Americans and political elites. According to popular consensus and academic opinion, the Tea Party is comprised of a group of conservative-leaning Republicans who want a smaller government and a lesser tax burden. This is what we think of the Tea Party, but is it true? It is perceived that Tea Party members differ significantly from their Republican colleagues in the House of Representatives, but do they? Do they truly represent the Tea Party philosophy and agenda? By creating an original data set on the Republican members of the United States House of Representatives, and examining variables such as the political lean, economic and employment make-up of a member's district, their endorsements and incumbency, as well as high priority legislative votes from the 112th Congress, I will be able to investigate the characteristics and tendencies of Tea Party Caucus members. Once one looks at the 242 member House Republican Caucus and further examines the sixty members of the Tea Party Caucus, the data shows that Tea Party Caucus members largely originate from safe Republican districts and have served in previous congressional terms. Analysis shows that Tea Party Caucus members do vary significantly from their House Republican colleagues when examining their districts, but do not vary as considerably when examining their voting patterns.<br>B.A.<br>Bachelors<br>Sciences<br>Political Science
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Parks, Ryan William. "Rhetorical strategies of legitimation : the 9/11 Commission's public inquiry process." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2470.
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This research project seeks to explore aspects of the post-reporting phase of the public inquiry process. Central to the public inquiry process is the concept of legitimacy and the idea that a public inquiry provides and opportunity to re-legitimate the credibility of failed public institutions. The current literature asserts that public inquiries re-legitimise through the production of authoritative narratives. As such, most of this scholarship has focused on the production of inquiry reports and, more recently, the reports themselves. However, in an era of accountability, and in the aftermath of such a poignant attack upon society, the production of a report may represent an apogee, but by no means an end, of the re-legitimation process. Appropriately, this thesis examines the post-reporting phase of the 9/11 Commission’s public inquiry process. The 9/11 Commission provides a useful research vehicle due to the bounded, and relatively linear, implementation process of the Commission’s recommendations. In little more than four months a majority of the Commission’s recommendations were passed into law. Within this implementation phase the dominant discursive process took place in the United States Congress. It is the legislative reform debates in the House of Representatives and the Senate that is the focus of this research project. The central research question is: what rhetorical legitimation strategies were employed in the legislative reform debates of the post-reporting phase of the 9/11 Commission’s public inquiry process? This study uses a grounded theory approach to the analysis of the legislative transcripts of the Congressional reform debates. This analysis revealed that proponents employed rhetorical strategies to legitimise a legislative ‘Call to Action’ narrative. Also, they employed rhetorical legitimation strategies that emphasised themes of bipartisanship, hard work and expertise in order to strengthen the standing of the legislation. Opponents of the legislation focused rhetorical de-legitimation strategies on the theme of ‘flawed process’. Finally, nearly all legislators, regardless of their view of the legislation, sought to appropriate the authoritative legitimacy of the Commission, by employing rhetorical strategies that presented their interests and motives as in line with the actions and wishes of the Commission.
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Fauvrelle, Marie. "Une nouvelle histoire du féminisme aux Etats-Unis : du Women’s Armed Services Integration Act de 1948 au Civil Rights Act de 1964." Thesis, Paris 2, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA020024.
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En 1948 le Président Harry S Truman signe le "Women’s Armed Services Integration Act". Cette loi est en fait le fait d’armes de Margaret Chase Smith, sénatrice et représentante de l’état du Maine. En 1948, à travers le" Women’s Armed Services Integration Act" Madame Smith met en avant ces milliers de femmes qui, après l’enrôlement obligatoire pour cause de deuxième guerre mondiale, voient en l’armée une nouvelle carrière qui s’ouvre à elles. Seule femme ayant été élue, sous la bannière républicaine, à la Chambre des représentants et au Sénat de son propre chef, Margaret Chase Smith rencontre le sénateur Joseph McCarthy, « grand ordonnateur » des audiences du HUAC dans les années 50, lors d’un dîner informel. Les Américaines s’organisent aussi pour leurs droits, sur le plan syndical les années 50 peuvent bien être la “missing wave” clamée par l’historienne Dorothy Sue Cobble. Cette thèse, ayant pour toile de fond l’étude de cas de deux cents femmes interrogées par le HUAC de McCarthy, met en lumière, de façon significative, les individus et les militantes, femmes réelles qui sont les principales protagonistes des changements historiques, notamment une égalité à travers le Civil Rights Act de 1964. Comme la « micro histoire » de l’école italienne dont les chercheurs étudient ces nouveaux acteurs de l’Histoire, appelés de manière suggestive « les gens ordinaires », ce présent travail sur le maccarthysme se penche sur des individus représentatifs de leur genre, de leur race et de leur combat. Ainsi, cette démarche s’inscrit dans la perspective de la Nouvelle Histoire que le Professeur Paul-Marie Veyne définit comme représentative des « dimensions collectives de l’individu. » Les audiences du HUAC et de McCarthy, tenues de 1950 à 1954, dévoilent les histoires de divers citoyens, plus précisément de citoyennes obligées de se démener pour améliorer leur condition de vie. Mille trois cent cinquante-deux livres, trois cent douze articles de Presse et une centaine d’articles universitaires portant sur le maccarthysme peuvent être répertoriés de nos jours, mais rares, sinon aucune de ces analyses ne mettent en avant le rôle des femmes appelées devant le HUAC et les Commissions d’enquête sur le communisme dans les années McCarthy<br>In 1948 President Harry S Truman signed the "Women's Armed Services Integration Act". This law is in fact an exploit of Senator Margaret Chase Smith, representing the state of Maine. In 1948, through the "Women's Armed Services Integration Act", Mrs Smith proposed a career to those thousands of women who saw in the army a new horizon. Only woman having been elected under the Republican banner, in the House of Representatives and the Senate, Margaret Chase Smith met Senator Joseph McCarthy, at the head of the HUAC in the Fifties. While servicewomen benefited from the" Women's Armed Services Integration Act", the other american women organized for their rights, especially through trade unions. Feminine activism was alive in the Fifties which can be seen as the “missing wave” coined by historian Dorothy Sue Cobble. This thesis, having as background the case study of some 200 women, sheds light on individuals, real women who were the main characters of historical change, namely an equality achieved through the Civil Rights Act. As the “micro histoire” of the Italian school whose researchers study these new actors of history, called “ordinary people”, this present work on McCarthyism leans on individuals representative of their gender, their race and their fight. Thus, this approach falls under the prospect for New History which Professor Paul-Marie Veyne defines as representative of “collective dimensions of the individual.” The investigations of HUAC presided by McCarthy, in the Fifties, reveal the stories of various citizens, especially women always in a struggle to lead a better life. One thousand three hundred and fifty-two books, three hundred and twelve newspaper articles and a hundred university articles concerning McCarthyism can be listed, but scarcely, if not none, of deal with the role of women called before the HUAC and the Committees of inquiry on Communism in the McCarthy years
Livros sobre o assunto "United States. Congress 1964). House)"
1
Service, Congressional Information, ed. CIS index to unpublished US House of Representatives committee hearings, 1965-1968, 1947-1964 supplement. Congressional Information Service, 1999.
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2
Service, Congressional Information, ed. CIS index to unpublished US House of Representatives committee hearings, 1959-1964. Congressional Information Service, 1997.
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3
The speakers of the U.S. House of Representatives: A bibliography, 1789-1984. Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986.
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4
1939-, Rose Charles G., Galloway George B. 1898-1967, Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service., and United States. Congress. House. Committee on House Administration., eds. History of the United States House of Representatives, 1789-1994. U.S. G.P.O., 1994.
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House, United States Congress, and LexisNexis Academic & Library Solutions., eds. Unpublished U.S. House of Representatives committee hearings: [1969-1972, 1945-1968 supplement]. Congressional Information Service, 2003.
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Jacobson, Gary C. The electoral origins of divided government: Competition in U.S. House elections, 1946-1988. Westview Press, 1990.
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Service, Congressional Information, ed. CIS index to unpublished US House of Representatives committee hearings, 1969-1972, 1945-1968 supplement. LexisNexis, 2003.
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8
K, Anderson Donnald, ed. Official alphabetical list of the House of Representatives of the United States: One Hundred Third Congress : corrected to August 16, 1994. U.S. G.P.O., 1994.
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United States. Congress. House. Official list of members of the House of Representatives of the United States, and their places of residence: One Hundred Third Congress, August 16, 1994. U.S. G.P.O., 1994.
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Service, Congressional Information, ed. CIS index to unpublished US House of Representatives committee hearings, 1947-1954. Congressional Information Service, 1992.
Encontre o texto completo da fonteCapítulos de livros sobre o assunto "United States. Congress 1964). House)"
1
Kreppel, Amie. "Understanding the European Parliament from a Federalist Perspective: The Legislatures of the United States and European Union Compared." In Comparative Federalism: The European Union and the United States in Comparative Perspective. Oxford University PressOxford, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199291106.003.0011.
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Abstract The US Congress is frequently referred to as the most influential democratic legislature in the world (Laundy 1989; Olson 1994; Davidson and Oleszek 1998; Lijphart 1999), while the European Parliament (EP) is often begrudged even its status as a functioning parliament (Westlake 1994; McCormick 1999). Yet a careful comparison of them reveals some unexpected similarities. In terms of its internal organization, partisan voting patterns and policymaking roles the EP resembles the American House of Representatives more than its national European counterparts.
2
Seabrook, Nicholas R. "Introduction." In Drawing the Lines. Cornell University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501705311.003.0001.
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As the results of the 2002 election flashed across their television screens, Texas’s congressional Republicans could be forgiven for feeling a certain amount of dissatisfaction with the redistricting process in the United States. Their party had seen its share of the statewide vote in U.S. House elections increase from 49.8 percent in 1992 to 54.9 percent in 2002. Yet, even with this latest ten-point victory over the Democrats in the popular vote, they had once again failed to convert their increasingly dominant electoral support into a Republican majority in the state’s congressional delegation. A partisan gerrymander, passed in the wake of the 1990 Census and left largely intact by the district boundaries implemented by the federal courts following the 2000 Census, had allowed the Democratic Party to maintain its overall majority in the Texas delegation for more than a decade. The Democrats won twenty-one of Texas’s thirty seats in Congress in 1992, and managed to retain control of nineteen in 1994 and seventeen from 1996 to 2000, despite averaging just 45.8 percent of the two-party vote in these elections. In 2003, the Texas Republicans, armed for the first time with control of both houses of the state legislature and the governorship, undertook an unprecedented mid-decade redrawing of the state’s congressional boundaries. Though many Republicans in the state government were opposed to the idea of redrawing the district boundaries mid-decade, the effort was initiated under considerable pressure from Republicans in Congress, most notably House majority leader Tom DeLay (...
3
"Pricing Pharmaceuticals in a World Environment." In Pharmaceutical Economics And Policy, edited by Stuart O. Schweitzer. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195300956.003.0009.
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Abstract International comparisons of pharmaceutical prices are playing an increasing role in public policy toward the pharmaceutical industry. Many countries including Italy, Spain, Portugal, and Canada refer to prices of drugs in other countries when setting allowable prices in their own country. In the United States, the Congress and many other consumer organizations have been eager to know if U.S. drug prices are higher than those in other industrial countries. Although earlier studies (e.g., Reekie 1984, Schut and Van Bergeijk 1986, Szuba 1986, Pharmacy Freedom Fund 1990, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services [USDHHS] 1990) have indicated that prescription drug prices are generally higher in the United States than in foreign countries, these studies have been criticized for methodological shortcomings, leading some to discount their conclusions. In the early 1990s, the Congress requested the Government Accountability Office (GAO) to compare ex-manufacturer prices in the United States to those of drugs sold in Canada and the United Kingdom. The GAO found significant price differences at the manufacturers’ level between the United States and these other countries. In fact, all frequently dispensed prescription drugs included in their analyses were priced higher in the United States than they were in the United Kingdom and Canada. The GAO reports had an explosive effect on both the Congress and the pharmaceutical industry. Upon receiving the first report on the U.S.-Canada comparison in early 1992, a hearing was immediately held before the Subcommittee on Health and the Environment of the Committee on Energy and Commerce in the House of Representatives. Legislative bills targeted at regulating prescription drug prices were proposed at once, including the Prescription Drug Prices Review Board Act of 1993, sponsored by Congressman Fortney Stark (D-CA).
4
Meriwether, James H. "Majority Rule, 1980–1994." In Tears, Fire, and Blood. University of North Carolina Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469664224.003.0007.
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In hindsight, ending white minority rule in Namibia and South Africa may seem inevitable. Yet when the 1980s dawned, apartheid was in full force, South Africa's repressive government was in full control of Namibia, and Nelson Mandela was locked away on Robben Island as the African National Congress (ANC) suffered in exile. The Ronald Reagan administration was heading to the White House, and it seemed unlikely the United States would assume a robust stance of promoting change with "constructive engagement" and top-level opposition to economic sanctions. Yet the struggle in South Africa, the pressure from regional states, the Cold War dynamics of Cuban and Soviet involvement, and the global anti-apartheid movement forced change in Washington and Pretoria. Efforts by Desmond Tutu and other South African voices, organizations including the Free South Africa Movement, and activists across the United States helped promote divestment and the passage of the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act. In March 1990, Namibia became the final African nation to cast off the external rule of an imperial age. Newly released political prisoner Nelson Mandela attended, and four years later his election as president of South Africa finally ended the last vestige of white minority rule in Africa.
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Jost, Timothy Stoltzfus. "The Historical Foundations of American Health-Care Entitlements." In Disentitlement? Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195151435.003.0004.
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Abstract The two primary public health insurance entitlement programs of the United States, Medicare and Medicaid, were created by the Social Security Amendments of 1965 and became effective on July 1, 1966. Although these programs were the product of a vigorous, decades-long debate to which many contributed, they were most immediately the creation of Wilbur Mills, the then-powerful chairman of the powerful House Ways and Means Committee. Mills combined three proposals—President Lyndon B. Johnson’s administration’s Medicare proposal then before Congress as the King–Anderson bill; the American Medical Association’s “Eldercare” proposal; and a Republican alternative sponsored by Representative John W. Byrnes, sometimes referred to as “Bettercare”—to form the “three-layer cake,” that became Medicare and Medicaid. The Johnson administration’s Medicare proposal, a traditional social insurance program, became the Part A hospital insurance program; the AMA’s Eldercare, a limited, means-tested approach to insuring the elderly, became Medicaid; and Byrnes’s proposal for subsidizing private insurance became Part B of Medicare.
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Critchlow, Donald T. "Moving Forward Quietly Family Planning in the Johnson Administration." In Intended Consequences. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195046571.003.0003.
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Abstract “‘f7ollowmg John F. Kennedy’s assassination, Lyndon Bames Johnson £ launched the Great Society to eliminate poverty m the United States. Family plannmg became integral to his War on Poverty. Because Johnson feared a political backlash from Roman Catholics and Afncan-Amencans, his administration quietly pursued a policy of funding family planning programs through existing federal agencies. Congress proved much more willing to press ahead on family planning legislation, even without \Vhite House approval. Understanding the political situation, the population lobby worked actively to educate the nation about the threat of overpopulation, while cultivating liberal opinion within the Catholic Church. At the same time, leaders of the population movement undertook an extensive lobbymg campaign to expand federal family planning programs as a means of reducing welfare costs and the number of out-of-wedlock births among the poor. In 1967 Congress enacted the first e&gt;.l)licit family plannmg legislation through the Social Security amendments that mandated specific federal expenditures for family planning. This legislation went generally unnoticed, however, when Congress became caught up in an acrimonious debate over welfare reform also embodied in the Social Security legislation. By the time Johnson left office in 1968, a policy revolution in federal family planning had occurred, setting the stage for the further expansion of family planning programs under Richard Nixon.
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Gelman, David, and Max Goplerud. "United States." In The Politics of Legislative Debates. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198849063.003.0039.
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This chapter analyzes the trends in speaking behavior in the United States Congress from 1921 to 2010 in the House and Senate. We find that key determinants of political behavior from the existing American and comparative literature (seniority, committee leader, party leadership, ideological extremism, and majority party membership) correspond to more floor speeches by members. Senators deliver more speeches per member than their counterparts in the House, although the determinants of activity are broadly similar. Splitting the results by historical period and examining the relationship by the polarization of the chamber show that the effects of certain variables have changed considerably over time. In the House, in particular, the effects of committee leader, extremism, and majority party status have increased over time while the effect of seniority has noticeably decreased in the post-Gingrich period.
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Ranney, Austin. "Divided Party Control in the United States." In Electoral Politics. Oxford University PressOxford, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198273813.003.0010.
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Abstract Recent elections in the United States have continued a condition that is impossible in most democratic systems and rare in a few others, but seems to have become normal in America: namely, divided party control-a situation in which the President belongs to one party and the majority in one or both Houses of Congress belongs to the other party.1 Divided party control is possible only in those systems which directly elect both executives and legislators, with the voters casting separate votes for each. This makes it possible for voters to split their ballots between or among parties in voting for the two kinds of officials. Other systems in which this is possible are France under the Fifth Republic, Finland, and most Latin American nations (especially relevant for present purposes are those, such as Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, and Venezuela, that now hold reasonably free elections).2 If they maintain the courses on which they are now embarked, many republics of the former Soviet Union are likely to join the list (Lijphart 1984; Sartori 1987).3 Divided party control is rare but not unknown in presidential democracies other than the United States.
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Rothman, David J. "Medicare for the Middle Class." In Beginnings Count. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195111187.003.0004.
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Abstract From the New Deal until the mid-1960s, health insurance remained, at its core, a private responsibility. Exactly as Blue Cross and an expanding number of commercial insurers, like Metropolitan Life, had hoped, and in accord with the demonstrated abilities of voluntary organizations like the National Foundation for Infantile Paralysis, there seemed little need to bring government into the health care field. Not just ideology but performance confirmed the adequacy of the marketplace. It was not only that Americans shared a persistent distrust of government, but that in their own lives and in their everyday experiences, they felt no need to change the system. Periodically, legislation would be introduced to expand government health programs, but whether the initiative came from Congress, as in the 1943 Wagner-Murray-Dingell bill, or from the White House, as in the case of Harry Truman, it suffered defeat. The United States remained almost alone among industrialized countries in not providing national health insurance. In this framework, the passage of Medicare in 1965 outwardly represented a new departure in American health policy. For the first time, the federal government guaranteed that all citizens over the age of 65 would have access to hospital services. Repudiating allegations that it was socializing medicine, Congress enacted and Lyndon Johnson signed a bill that provided the funding to enable the elderly to forgo reliance upon private health insurance and enter hospitals at little expense to themselves. Although proponents expressed the belief, at the time privately and later more publicly, that its passage was to represent the first step on the road to national health insurance, in fact, Medicare turned out to be a dead end. It was not unreasonable to anticipate that once the government provided health insurance to those over 65 it would eventually come to serve those under 65, but the expectation proved wrong. In the aftermath of the 1965 legisla-tion, only the elderly (and the very poor, through the very differently administered and far less liberal program of Medicaid) experienced a shift in health care costs from the marketplace to the government. Everyone else still had to turn to the private sector to buy protection or otherwise pay their own medical bills. For the great majority of the country’s citizens, Medicare made no difference.
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Thompson, John M. "Triumphs and Setbacks." In Great Power Rising. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190859954.003.0005.
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Chapter 4 examines TR’s attempt to implement the Roosevelt Corollary in the Dominican Republic. Roosevelt avoided acting in 1904 in order to avoid any controversy that might harm his prospects in the upcoming election, and his actions after the election continued to be affected by resistance in Congress and the press. Many Republicans and Democrats were critical of an accord that arranged for the United States to take control of Dominican custom houses, the Dillingham-Morales agreement, and opposed efforts by the Roosevelt administration to secure ratification by the Senate. This confrontation occurred amid tension between TR and conservative, Republicans as well as growing concerns about TR’s expansion of the powers of the presidency. The chapter argues that this episode reinforced the president’s belief that the public could be a vital counterweight to elite opinion and Congress and that skilled political leadership was essential for an effective foreign policy.
Trabalhos de conferências sobre o assunto "United States. Congress 1964). House)"
1
Hawkins, William J., Douglas Mathieson, Chris J. Bruce, and Paul Socoloski. "System Development Test Program for the WR-21 Intercooled Recuperated (ICR) Gas Turbine Engine System." In ASME 1994 International Gas Turbine and Aeroengine Congress and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/94-gt-186.
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Westinghouse Electric Corporation has teamed with Rolls-Royce to develop an affordable, commercially based Intercooled/Recuperated Gas Turbine Engine System (ICR) for the United States Navy. This engine system known as WR-21 will become the next prime mover on Navy new construction surface combatants. The system development test program for the WR-21 engine system will be carried out at two test sites in geographically different locations. These are the US Navy’s Test Site at the Carderock Division Naval Surface Warfare Center in Philadelphia, Pa. and the Royal Navy’s Admiralty Test House at the Test and Evaluation Establishment, Pyestock in the United Kingdom. This paper will briefly describe the WR-21 engine system with a more detailed discussion of the system development test program itself. This will include descriptions of the system development testing to be performed and the test facilities and data acquisition systems at each test site location. Also discussed are the methods used to establish the required design commonality between each test site to establish test bed cross-calibration and provide test program flexibility and interchangeability of testing at each site.
2
Fumo, Nelson, Daniel C. Lackey, and Sara McCaslin. "Analysis of Autoregressive Energy Models of a Research House." In ASME 2015 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2015-50630.
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Energy consumption from buildings is a major component of the overall energy consumption by end-use sectors in industrialized countries. In the United States of America (USA), the residential sector alone accounts for half of the combined residential and commercial energy consumption. Therefore, efforts toward energy consumption modeling based on statistical and engineering models are in continuous development. Statistical approaches need measured data but not buildings characteristics; engineering approaches need building characteristics but not data, at least when a calibrated model is the goal. Among the statistical models, the linear regression analysis has shown promising results because of its reasonable accuracy and relatively simple implementation when compared to other methods. In addition, when observed or measured data is available, statistical models are a good option to avoid the burden associated with engineering approaches. However, the dynamic behavior of buildings suggests that models accounting for dynamic effects may lead to more effective regression models, which is not possible with standard linear regression analysis. Utilizing lag variables is one method of autoregression that can model the dynamic behavior of energy consumption. The purpose of using lag variables is to account for the thermal energy stored/release from the mass of the building, which affects the response of HVAC equipment to changes in outdoor or weather parameters. In this study, energy consumption and outdoor temperature data from a research house are used to develop autoregressive models of energy consumption during the cooling season with lag variables to account for the dynamics of the house. Models with no lag variable, one lag variable, and two lag variables are compared. To investigate the effect of the time interval on the quality of the models, data intervals of 5 minutes, 15 minutes, and one hour are used to generate the models. The 5 minutes time interval is used because that is the resolution of the acquired data; the 15 minutes time interval is used because it is a common time interval in electric smart meters; and one hour time interval is used because it is the common time interval for energy simulation in buildings. The primary results shows that the use of lag variables greatly improves the accuracy of the models, but a time interval of 5 minutes is too small to avoid the dependence of the energy consumption on operating parameters. All mathematical models and their quality parameters are presented, along with supporting graphical representation as a visual aid to comparing models.
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Shollenberger, Kim A. "Computational Fluid Dynamics (CFD) Within Undergraduate Programs." In ASME 2007 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. ASMEDC, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2007-43496.
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There has been a rapid increase over the past three decades in the use of computational fluid dynamics (CFD) analysis by industry as a tool to design and manufacture products. It is currently a vital part of the engineering process for many companies around the world, and utilized in nearly every manufacturing industry. Employers of engineering students who perform this type of analysis have expressed the need for students at the undergraduate or B.S. level to have some CFD experience. As a result, engineering programs in the United States have begun to respond to this need by developing new curriculum and by exposing students to the use of CFD for research. The level of incorporation and implementation of CFD into the undergraduate curriculum and research at institutions varies widely. The objective of this paper is to conduct a survey of the current use of CFD in the undergraduate curriculum within mechanical engineering departments in the United States. Twenty ABET accredited U.S. schools that offer a B.S. degree in mechanical engineering are investigated in this study that are a representative sample of engineering schools in the U.S. today in terms of admission standards, private versus public, predominate terminal degree, size, and geographic location. Topics investigated include if CFD classes are offered to undergraduates whether they are required or optional, when they are first introduced into the curriculum, number of credit hours dedicated to CFD, types of courses that include CFD, and whether commercial or in-house codes are utilized.
4
Lin, Lin, and Julie Doxsey. "Study of Performance of Attic Air Source Heat Pump in Maine." In ASME 2014 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2014-39406.
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Heat pumps are a popular heating source in many parts of the United States. They are not widely used in State of Maine due to an assumption that they are marginally useful in cold climates. An attic source heat pump is a variation on a conventional heat pump. In summer, the temperature in the attic is much higher than outside as it absorbs the heat from sunlight. In winter or evening, the attic captures the heat released from the house. Therefore, the attic makes a good candidate for the heat source of a heat pump. For this ongoing study, a laboratory scale heat pump was constructed and experimental tests were performed to establish its operating performance. A temperature controlled testing chamber was built to simulate the attic environment. Attic heat was used to heat up a water tank. COP value was measured for different attic temperatures. Experimental data were favorable to the use of an attic air source heat pump in Maine.
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Abdelmessih, Amanie N., and Siddiq S. Mohammed. "Uniquely Designed Solar Tube in a Natural/Forced Mini-Water Heating System." In ASME 2018 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2018-86896.
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Solar power is a clean source of energy, i.e. it does not generate carbon dioxide or other air pollutants. In 2017, solar power produced only 0.6 percent of the energy used in the United States, according to the Energy Information Administration. Consequently, more solar energy should be implemented, such as in solar water heaters. This research took place in Riverside, Southern California where there is an abundance of solar energy. In house uniquely designed and assembled solar tubes were used in designing a mini solar water heating system. The mini solar water heating system was set to operate under either natural or forced convection. The results of running the system under forced convection then under natural convection conditions are reported and discussed in the article. In addition, comparison of using two different solar water storage systems are reported: the first was water; the second storage medium was a combination of water and gravel. Since water heaters are extensively used for residential purposes, this research mimicked the inefficiencies in residential use and is compared with ideal operating conditions. The performance of the different cases studied is evaluated.
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MattaraChalill, Subin, Miller Jothi Kalamegam, and Mallika Parveen. "Upgradation of HVAC Systems in Exisiting Commercial Green House Using Evaporative Coolers in Middle East Climatic Conditions." In ASME 2015 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2015-51570.
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Commercial green houses are the back bone of farming industry in world where the climatic conditions are not stable especially in Middle East, Europe and United states. The commercial greenhouses are often high tech production facilities for vegetables or flowers. The glass greenhouses are filled with equipment like screening installations, heating, cooling, and lighting and also may be automatically controlled by a computer to maximize potential growth. Greenhouse concept will provide the stable indoor plant growth environment throughout the year irrespective of the outside climate variance. The indoor climate conditions can be maintained using the properly designed HAVC systems. The conventional commercial green houses are equipped with axial fans and the cooling pads to control the indoor climate conditions without central control of the equipment’s. Financial conditions of the commercial green houses are very important since the cost per plant will be determined by the overall contribution of the capital and operational expenses. In the present scenario the almost 30% of the net profit is eating by the HVAC systems operational cost. The major operation cost is due to the cooling pads work force and the electricity operational cost for the axial fans equipped with metal blade. The up gradation involves mainly the involvement of individual evaporative air-conditioned system instead of conventional systems. The green houses are equipped with individual evaporative cooling units, circulating fans, top mounted air louvers and the control systems to control the entire set up. The initial heat load calculations will give us an idea about the total heat load required to maintain the ambient conditions for indoor plant cultivation. CFD analysis will provide the exact equipment orientation and the load requirement. In conventional greenhouses the conventional equipment’s are equipped to get the results but the same will consume more electrical power and which is not effective in all weather conditions. Heat load calculations will provide us the system demand in a conditioned space based on the available material properties. Based on the heat load results we can do the proper equipment selection and set the airflow based on the demand. CFD analysis will help the modeling of the system in the actual condition. The aim of the study was to analysis the performance study of the individual evaporative cooling units in the greenhouse conditioned space. The results obtained from the heat loads and CFD analysis can be compared. The objective of the present work is to examine the designed Air conditioning system effectiveness in peak summer heat load conditions to check the design parameters (25 °C temperature and 50%RH) inside the greenhouse using Computational Fluid Dynamics (CFD) Analysis.
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Nokhosteen, Arman, Onur Ozkaya, and Sarvenaz Sobhansarbandi. "Performance Evaluation of a Solar Thermal Collector With Custom-Made Reflector: An Experimental Study in Midwest Region." In ASME 2022 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2022-96304.
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Abstract Aiming to meet the challenges of worldwide energy demand, solar energy is one of the fastest growing renewable energy sectors which can be used for providing heat to the end user on both residential and industrial scales. Amongst the various thermal systems used for providing solar heat, evacuated tube collectors are the most promising and play a crucial role in solar water heating (SWH) systems, therefore, increasing their efficiency and thermal output is extremely beneficial, especially in cold climates. In this study, an optimized parabolic reflector trough is designed in-house to eliminate the dependence of the system to sun’s availability and reduce the solar scattering. This solution will not only concentrate on increasing efficiency, but also modularity is a design targets to aid in increasing the market penetration of solar water heating systems. The system is tested in Midwest region of the United States and results are compared with regular solar water heater. The results show that maximum and minimum fin temperature enhancement of 19°C and 10°C were achieved, respectfully, with employing the solar reflector. Furthermore, as a result of the achieved enhancement, the proposed SWH system is more primed to be coupled with latent heat storage materials with higher melting temperature and latent heat of phase change.
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Price, Jeffrey R., Oscar Jimenez, Vijay Parthasarathy, and Narendernath Miriyala. "Ceramic Stationary Gas Turbine Development Program: Sixth Annual Summary." In ASME 1999 International Gas Turbine and Aeroengine Congress and Exhibition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/99-gt-351.
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The Ceramic Stationary Gas Turbine (CSGT) program is being performed under the sponsorship of the United States Department of Energy, Office of Industrial Technologies. The objective of the program is to improve the performance of stationary gas turbines in cogeneration through the selective replacement of cooled metallic hot section components with uncooled ceramic parts. This review summarizes the progress on Phase III of the program which involves field testing of the ceramic components at a cogeneration end user site and characterization of the ceramic components following the field test exposure. The Solar Centaur 50S engine, which operates a turbine rotor inlet temperature (TRIT) of 1010°C (1850°F), was selected for the developmental program. The program goals include an increase in the TRIT to 1121°C (2050 °F), accompanied by increases in thermal efficiency and output power. This will be accomplished by the incorporation of uncooled ceramic first stage blades and nozzles, and a “hot wall” ceramic combustor liner. The performance improvements are attributable to the increase in TRIT and the reduction in cooling air requirements for the ceramic parts. The “hot wall” ceramic liners also enable a reduction in gas turbine emissions of NOx and CO. The component design and material selection have been definitized for the ceramic blades, nozzles and combustor liners. Each of these ceramic component designs were successfully tested in short term engine tests in the Centaur 50S engine test cell facility at Solar. Based on the results of the engine testing of the ceramic components, minor redesigns of the ceramic/metallic attachments were conducted where necessary. Based on their performance in a 100 hour cyclic in-house engine test, the ceramic components are approved for field testing. To date, four field installations of the CSGT Centaur 50S engine totaling over 4000 hours of operation have been initiated under the program at an industrial cogeneration site. This paper discusses the component design and material selection, in house engine testing, field testing, and component characterization.
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Baldwin, Christopher, and Cynthia A. Cruickshank. "Using Forecasted Daily Maximum Temperatures to Control a Chiller Thermal Storage System." In ASME 2018 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2018-88307.
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Residential buildings in Canada and the United States are responsible for approximately 20% of secondary energy consumption. Over the past 25 years, air conditioning has seen the single largest increase of any residential end use. This load currently places a significant peak load on the electrical grid during later afternoon periods during the cooling season. One method to reduce or eliminate this peak load being placed in the grid is the use of a chiller coupled with a thermal storage system. The chiller operates during off-peak periods, predominately over-night to charge the thermal storage tank, and the stored cooling potential is realized to meet the cooling loads during peak periods. In previous studies, the use of a chiller has seen a reduction in annual operating costs, however a significant increase in energy occurs as a result of decreased performance of the chiller. To improve system performance, a new control scheme was developed, which uses the forecasted daily high for the next day to predict the cooling load for the day during peak periods for the day. The predicted cooling load is then used as the set-point for the cold thermal storage tank, allowing the peak cooling load to be met using stored cooling potential. This control scheme was implemented into a modelled house located in each of the 7 major ASHRAE zones, with a storage tank with a previously found optimal tank volume. Across each of the locations, a reduction in annual utility costs and overall energy required to meet the building loads observed, with the total cost savings between 0.3% and 1.5% and total electricity required to meet the cooling demand decreasing by as much as 10.2%.
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Wang, Chenli, and Hohyun Lee. "Economical and Non-Invasive Residential Human Presence Sensing via Temperature Measurement." In ASME 2018 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2018-88211.
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Heating, ventilation and cooling (HVAC) is the largest source of residential energy consumption in United States, encompassing about 25% of total residential energy usage. A significant portion of energy is wasted by unnecessary operation, such as overheating/overcooling or operation without occupants. Wasteful behaviors will consume twice the amount of energy compared to energy conscious behaviors. Many market programmable thermostats exist to address this problem, however, difficulties in persistent programming of such products and lack of understanding of underlying physics prevent users from achieving tangible impact. Hence, fully autonomous energy control system is desirable to engage as many people into energy conscious behaviors as possible. Occupancy measurement is necessary components to enable fully autonomous control. Occupancy information can save energy by automatically turn off the HVAC system when the building is not occupied, or floats to a more energy-efficient setback temperature when the activity level is low. A number of existing sensor solutions available on the market include Passive Infrared (PIR), ultrasonic, Bluetooth/GPS, and CO2 sensors, but these are either too expensive, not user-friendly, or limited in detection scope. These sensors are also incapable of detecting whether or not the occupant is an animal or a human. The work in this paper proposes an economical, reliable, non-invasive package to both detect human presence in a residence of a wide variety of geometries at the time and predict future occupancy pattern, by utilizing temperature sensors. To accomplish this, thermal sensors will be attached to both ends of door handles to collect the temperature data. This data will allow us to create a schedule to identify human activity leaving and exiting the space. At the same time, we will be collecting the skin temperature to determine the human activity level for better identification of the thermal comfort zone for occupants. The prediction model for occupancy pattern will be developed from previous data by using machine learning algorithm. For verification, experimental setup was built to verify our model by comparing actual human presence data from a house with the measured and predicted occupancy pattern from the temperature sensors. Future steps include implementing a data fusion scheme into the model to combine information from multiple types of sensors.
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Fraser, Douglas M. Posture Statement of General Douglas M. Fraser, United States Air Force Commander, United States Southern Command, Before the 112th Congress House Armed Services Committee. Defense Technical Information Center, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada565018.
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Lalisse, Matthias. Measuring the Impact of Campaign Finance on Congressional Voting: A Machine Learning Approach. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp178.
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How much does money drive legislative outcomes in the United States? In this article, we use aggregated campaign finance data as well as a Transformer based text embedding model to predict roll call votes for legislation in the US Congress with more than 90% accuracy. In a series of model comparisons in which the input feature sets are varied, we investigate the extent to which campaign finance is predictive of voting behavior in comparison with variables like partisan affiliation. We find that the financial interests backing a legislator’s campaigns are independently predictive in both chambers of Congress, but also uncover a sizable asymmetry between the Senate and the House of Representatives. These findings are cross-referenced with a Representational Similarity Analysis (RSA) linking legislators’ financial and voting records, in which we show that “legislators who vote together get paid together”, again discovering an asymmetry between the House and the Senate in the additional predictive power of campaign finance once party is accounted for. We suggest an explanation of these facts in terms of Thomas Ferguson’s Investment Theory of Party Competition: due to a number of structural differences between the House and Senate, but chiefly the lower amortized cost of obtaining individuated influence with Senators, political investors prefer operating on the House using the party as a proxy.
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Lazonick, William, and Matt Hopkins. Why the CHIPS Are Down: Stock Buybacks and Subsidies in the U.S. Semiconductor Industry. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp165.
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The Semiconductor Industry Association (SIA) is promoting the Creating Helpful Incentives to Produce Semiconductors (CHIPS) for America Act, introduced in Congress in June 2020. An SIA press release describes the bill as “bipartisan legislation that would invest tens of billions of dollars in semiconductor manufacturing incentives and research initiatives over the next 5-10 years to strengthen and sustain American leadership in chip technology, which is essential to our country’s economy and national security.” On June 8, 2021, the Senate approved $52 billion for the CHIPS for America Act, dedicated to supporting the U.S. semiconductor industry over the next decade. As of this writing, the Act awaits approval in the House of Representatives. This paper highlights a curious paradox: Most of the SIA corporate members now lobbying for the CHIPS for America Act have squandered past support that the U.S. semiconductor industry has received from the U.S. government for decades by using their corporate cash to do buybacks to boost their own companies’ stock prices. Among the SIA corporate signatories of the letter to President Biden, the five largest stock repurchasers—Intel, IBM, Qualcomm, Texas Instruments, and Broadcom—did a combined $249 billion in buybacks over the decade 2011-2020, equal to 71 percent of their profits and almost five times the subsidies over the next decade for which the SIA is lobbying. In addition, among the members of the Semiconductors in America Coalition (SIAC), formed specifically in May 2021 to lobby Congress for the passage of the CHIPS for America Act, are Apple, Microsoft, Cisco, and Google. These firms spent a combined $633 billion on buybacks during 2011-2020. That is about 12 times the government subsidies provided under the CHIPS for America Act to support semiconductor fabrication in the United States in the upcoming decade. If the Congress wants to achieve the legislation’s stated purpose of promoting major new investments in semiconductors, it needs to deal with this paradox. It could, for example, require the SIA and SIAC to extract pledges from its member corporations that they will cease doing stock buybacks as open-market repurchases over the next ten years. Such regulation could be a first step in rescinding Securities and Exchange Commission Rule 10b-18, which has since 1982 been a major cause of extreme income inequality and loss of global industrial competitiveness in the United States.