Bibliografias temáticas / Translations from Babylonian

Literatura científica selecionada sobre o tema "Translations from Babylonian"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 25 de julho de 2024

Última modificação: 26 de julho de 2024

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Artigos de revistas sobre o assunto "Translations from Babylonian"

Pettem, Michael. "Matthew 2:7: The Danger of Assuming the Wrong Background". Evangelical Quarterly 93, n.º 3 (20 de setembro de 2022): 216–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-bja10001.

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Abstract Most English translations of the story of the Star of Bethlehem either say explicitly or seem to imply that Herod learns from the magi the point in time at which the star appeared. This translation reflects an unusual understanding of two words in the Greek text, as well as raising the question why he killed children aged over a range of two years if he knew the exact age of the baby. These problems have been raised in the critical literature, yet many modern versions continue to offer a grammatically and logically strange interpretation. This article will argue that this interpretation is based on the assumption of a Hellenistic genethliac astrological background for the text, and that the perceived need for this common translation disappears if a Babylonian astrological background is assumed.

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Cavigneaux, Antoine, e Emmert Clevenstine. "On the Periphery of the Clerical Community of Old Babylonian Ur". Altorientalische Forschungen 50, n.º 1 (1 de junho de 2023): 33–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aofo-2023-0005.

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Abstract We offer transliterations, translations, and autograph copies of three Old Babylonian tablets held by the Musée d’Art et d’Histoire (MAH) in Geneva. MAH 15899 adds a new name to the roster of temple administrators in Ur, and leads us to propose a new interpretation of the year-name Rīm-Sîn IIa. MAH 16042 concerns a second son of the Uqqû first recognized in MAH 15896. MAH 15953 extends the family tree of the well-known Balamunamḫe of Larsa and connects the family with the religious life of the city. It probably postdates Samsu-iluna’s reconquest of Ur (Si 10) but it is difficult to say by how long. The witness lists of the tablets are intertwined with each other and with tablets from scientific excavations. These interrelationships reflect a common origin in Ur, and permit speculation about the location of the site from which they were plundered for the antiquities market.

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Lasair, Simon. "Theorizing in the Absence of a Theory:The Case of the Aramaic Targums to the Pentateuch". TranscUlturAl: A Journal of Translation and Cultural Studies 1, n.º 2 (22 de julho de 2009): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.21992/t9np7q.

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Targums are a kind of ancient Jewish translation literature that may have played an important role in synagogues, private devotion, and education. The reason scholars adduce such widespread use for the targums is because they translate the Hebrew Bible from Hebrew into Aramaic, another ancient Semitic language widely used by Palestinian and Babylonian Jews. Despite their supposed popularity, there are no sustained discussions in ancient Jewish literature concerning how to produce a targum, or what makes a quality targum. This is in direct contrast to some of the early theoretical discussions that informed ancient Christian translations of the Bible. Similarly, internal evidence from the targums suggests they underwent extended diachronic growth, thus eliminating the possibility of a single author, translator, or—as conventionally designated—targumist. As a result, theorizing the situation of a targumist is extremely difficult, in that to do so modern scholars must rely exclusively on the evidence presented by the targums themselves. Furthermore, the targumist must remain at the level of a hypothetical composite in order to reflect the historical realities of targumic production and development. Nevertheless, in this paper I will examine three issues that might give some insight into the situation of the Pentateuch Targums (targums to the first five books of the Hebrew Bible): 1) the targumic “shadow” of the Hebrew Bible; 2) the basic unit of meaning in the targums; and 3) the possible translational role of the targumic narrative expansion—extended portions of text that add new material to the Hebrew Bible narrative. By examining these issues I hope to tease out some of the translational dynamics and cross-cultural issues that likely influenced the production of the targums. And although the targumist must remain a hypothetical construct, the consistency of translational dynamics within the Pentateuch Targums probably reflects a tacit consensus of approach among the targums’ producers. As a result, it becomes possible to theorize in the absence of a theory.

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Aleksandrov, Boris E. "On the meaning of the logogram LÚ(.MEŠ)MAŠ.EN.KAK in Hittite cuneiform". Shagi / Steps 10, n.º 2 (2024): 54–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2412-9410-2024-10-2-54-71.

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The article is devoted to the use of the logogram LÚ(.MEŠ)MAŠ.EN.KAK in Hittite texts. This logogram was borrowed from Mesopotamian cuneiform, in which it rendered the Akkadian word muškēnum (lit. ‘the one who bows down, performs proskynesis’). In 1950 E. Laroche showed that the logogram should be read as ašiwant- ‘poor’ in Hittite. However, subsequently several scholars have pointed out that this meaning did not fit well into many contexts. Therefore it was suggested that LÚ(.MEŠ)MAŠ.EN.KAK was rather a social term referring to a certain group of Hittite population dependent of the state (‘palace’) (V. Souček, I. M. Diakonoff). Such renderings of the logogram as ‘semi-free, dependent, serfs, servants’ which are widely used in the literature conform with this interpretation. But there seem to be insufficient evidence in the sources to substantiate these translations. The article analyses two texts from ancient Tapikka (HKM 8, 105) which were not yet known in the 1960s when the main study on the Hittite LÚ(.MEŠ)MAŠ.EN.KAK appeared. It is suggested that the solution should be sought in the Mesopotamian tradition of the Old Babylonian time in which the Akkadian equivalent of the logogram, the noun muškēnum, denoted commoners, ordinary citizens economically independent of the palace.

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Bal, Mieke, e Michelle Williams Gamaker. "Towards a Babel ontology". European Journal of Women's Studies 18, n.º 4 (novembro de 2011): 439–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350506811415591.

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This article presents a few issues in the making of our film A Long History of Madness that pertain to the ‘Babylonic’. Spoken in 12 languages, ranging across six centuries, and shot in five countries, the film possesses an inherent Babylonism. It makes a case for a multilingual mode of communicating. Yet, beyond the obvious need for verbal communication, for which subtitles are necessary but insufficient, the film presents other reasons for extending the concept of translation. The knot of potential confusion and the need for ‘translation’ are the ontological uncertainties surrounding ‘madness’ itself. The key questions are: are people mad? Do they perform madness, or do others perceive them as mad because they are too dissimilar from them to be accepted as ‘normal’? This fundamental uncertainty affects all forms of alterity. Translation becomes, then, a tool to negotiate alterity under the terms of the acceptance of this ontological uncertainty.

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Stolper, Matthew W. "Late Achaemenid Texts from Dilbat". Iraq 54 (1992): 119–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900002540.

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Writing in 1931, Eckhard Unger observed that published Neo-Babylonian texts written at or referring to Dilbat and dated by the Neo-Babylonian kings were scarce; those dated by the early Achaemenid kings, up to the end of the reign of Darius I, were more numerous; the latest unequivocally dated text from Dilbat was VAS 6, 331, dated by Bēl-šimânni, one of the Babylonian rebels against Xerxes; Seleucid and Parthian texts from Dilbat were unknown. In 1976 these observations still held, and Joachim Oelsner contemplated the possibility that the dearth of later texts from Dilbat was connected with Xerxes' suppression of the Babylonian revolts in the early years of his reign.Oppert-Menant, Doc. jur. 276 ff. No. VI was problematic. Its publication in 1877 did not include a facsimile of the cuneiform text, but relied on a transliteration that is now antiquated and partly incomprehensible, accompanied by a largely unsuccessful effort at translation. It was plainly written at Dilbat on 7/IX/14 Darius, called “Kings of Lands”. Oppert ascribed it to Darius I, but the omission of “King of Babylon” from the royal title (or at least from the transliteration of the title) suggests to a modern reader that Darius II was intended. Oelsner judged properly that as long as the cuneiform text was not available there was no way to assign the text confidently to the reign of one Darius or the other.

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Al-Rawi, F. N. H. "Texts from Tell Haddad and elsewhere". Iraq 56 (1994): 35–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900002795.

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This article presents a number of short, but important, inscriptions found on objects excavated at Tell Haddad and elsewhere. Texts nos. 1–6 are from Tell Haddad or the neighbouring site of Tell al-Sib, no. 7 is from Sippar and nos. 8–10 are of unknown provenance.1. Inscription of Arīm-Līm of Mê-Turan. IM 124744; Haddad 577 (Figs. 1–2)This inscription, written on a stone foundation tablet re-used as a door socket (overall dimensions 36 × 22 × 13·8 cm), was excavated at Tell Haddad, out of context near the Neo-Assyrian buildings in Area 3, Level 1, but derives originally from the early Old Babylonian period. The text was made available some years ago to the Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia Project of the University of Toronto, in whose system it is catalogued as E4.16.1. A transliteration and translation has been published by D. Frayne, Old Babylonian Period (RIME 4), p. 700.

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Worthington, Martin. "Of Sumerian Songs and Spells". Altorientalische Forschungen 46, n.º 2 (6 de novembro de 2019): 270–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aofo-2019-0018.

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Abstract The paper explores the uses of the Sumerian expression ser3-ku3, with a view to clarifying its sense.The paper arises from my study of Babylonian šerkugû, which I argue to have the meaning ‘incantation’ (see fn. 16). This is a loan from Sumerian *ser3-ku3-ga. The form with -ga (arising from the addition of the ‘adjectival a’ to ku3.g ‘holy, pure’) is not currently attested in Sumerian. (I thank Pascal Attinger, pers. comm., for the observation that apparent attestations of ser3-ku3-ga, e.g. in Martu A 58, are in fact locatives in -a). It does however occur in spellings of Babylonian šerkugû (CAD Š/2, 316b). It argues that there are two main uses, ‘incantation’ and ‘hymn’, probably correlating respectively with one-word (‘univerbated’) and two-word incarnations of the expression. This hypothesis finds support in the phrase’s loan and translation into Babylonian.

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Brown, Raymond E. "The Babylonian Talmud on the Execution of Jesus". New Testament Studies 43, n.º 1 (janeiro de 1997): 158–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500022578.

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In my The Death of the Messiah, preparatory to examining the Gospel accounts of the trial/interrogation of Jesus by the chief priest(s) and San-hedrin, I surveyed the extra-Gospel evidence for authoritative Jewish involvement in the death of Jesus, derived from Jewish, Christian, and pagan sources. From the Jewish evidence I discussed two items: the witness of Josephus (Ant. 18.3.3; #63–t) and a baraita from TalBab Sanhedrin 43a which I quoted from the London Soncino translation (Nezikin volume 3.281):On the eve of Passover Yeshu was hanged. For forty days before the execution took place, a herald went forth and cried, ‘He is going forth to be stoned because he has practised sorcery and enticed Israel to apostacy. Anyone who can say anything in his favour, let him come forward and plead on his behalf.’ But since nothing was brought forward in his favour he was hanged on the eve of Passover.

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Wasserman, Nathan. "Treating Garments in the Old Babylonian Period: “At the Cleaners” in a Comparative View". Iraq 75 (2013): 255–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900000486.

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This article examines UET 6/2, 414, the Old Babylonian dialogue between a fuller and a client, commonly referred to as “At the Cleaners”, from the point of view of ancient technology. Drawing upon a wide range of Talmudic and Classical sources mentioning laundry, and based on a careful philological reading of the Akkadian text, this study offers a new understanding of the different stages of washing and treatment of luxury garments in the Old Babylonian period. It is argued that the possible humorous aspect of the text is irrelevant to the fact that UET 6/2, 414 is a unique composition in antiquity, offering a long and accurate sequence of laundry instructions. Washing procedures and ways of treating luxury garments in Mesopotamia are outlined step by step; new Akkadian terms pertaining to garments and clothing are presented; wages of laundry workers in ancient Mesopotamia are briefly discussed. The study concludes with a new edition and translation of UET 6/2, 414.

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Mais fontes

Livros sobre o assunto "Translations from Babylonian"

Harper, Robert Francis. Assyrian and Babylonian literature: Selected translations. New York: D. Appleton, 1986.

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ʻIshtār wa-maʼsāt Tammūz. Dimashq: al-Ahālī, 1999.

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Cohen, Yoram. Wisdom from the late Bronze Age. Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2013.

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William, Rogers Robert. The religion of Babylonia and Assyria: Especially in its relations to Israel : five lectures. New York: Eaton and Mains, 1988.

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al- Ṭūfān fī al-marājiʻ al-samāwīyah. Dimashq: al-Ahālī, 1999.

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1933-, Gardner John, Maier John R e Henshaw Richard A. 1921-, eds. Gilgamesh: Translated from the Sīn-leqi-unninnī version. New York: Vintage Books, 1985.

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The Assyrian eponym canon: Containing translations of the documents, and an account of the evidence, on the comparative chronology of the Assyrian and Jewish kingdoms, from the death of Solomon to Nebuchadnezzar. London: Samuel Bagster, 1986.

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1915-, Jacobsen Thorkild, ed. The harps that once-: Sumerian poetry in translation. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1987.

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Piotr, Michalowski, e Reiner Erica 1926-, eds. Letters from early Mesopotamia. Atlanta, Ga: Scholars Press, 1993.

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Lutz, Henry F. Early Babylonian Letters from Larsa (Ancient Texts and Translations). Wipf & Stock Publishers, 2005.

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Capítulos de livros sobre o assunto "Translations from Babylonian"

Ben-Eliyahu, Eyal, Yehudah Cohn e Fergus Millar. "Talmudic Texts". In Handbook of Jewish Literature from Late Antiquity, 135–700 CE. British Academy, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197265222.003.0002.

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This chapter describes the following Talmudic texts: the Mishnah; the Tosefta; the Talmud Yerushalmi/Palestinian Talmud; the Talmud Bavli/Babylonian Talmud; Minor Tractates; and external tractates (Tractate Derekh Erets Zuta and Pereq HaShalom, Tractate Derekh Erets Rabbah, Tractate Kallah, Kallah Rabbati, Tractate Soferim, Tractate Semaṭot, Avot DeRabbi Natan and (Sefer) HaMaasim). For each of these texts, details on the contents, dating, language, printed editions, translations, commentaries, bibliography, electronic resources and manuscripts are provided.

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Roebuck, Thomas. "‘Ancient Rabbis Inspired by God’". In The Mishnaic Moment, 193–214. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192898906.003.0009.

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The edition of Mishnah tractate Joma published in 1648 by Robert Sheringham (1602–1678) was an exceptional achievement, albeit a strange one. Taking its cue from translations and editions of Mishnah tractates that had been produced in the Netherlands, Sheringham’s book was the first of its kind to be published in England. Sheringham’s book was also, however, an outlier among English Mishnaic scholarship, and has seemed to evince an unusual degree of sympathy for Hebraic traditions. This chapter places this strange work into context through an analysis of Sheringham’s practice as a reader of the Mishnah and his sources (especially the Babylonian Talmud and Maimonides’ commentary on the Mishnah). It demonstrates that Sheringham saw the Mishnah as a key with which to unlock the centrality of Jewish traditions within the culture of the ancient world, an approach which drew mixed reactions from Sheringham’s contemporaries.

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"6 Edition: The Old Babylonian Word List Izi from Nippur". In Translation as Scholarship, 189–417. Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781501509810-006.

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Di Paolo, Silvana. "TRANSLATING IMAGES FROM TEXTS IN OLD BABYLONIAN KIŠ:". In Dieux, rois et capitales dans le Proche-Orient ancien, 851–80. Peeters Publishers, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/jj.3919379.45.

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"Transliteration and Translation of texts with comments". In Old Babylonian Texts from Dilbat, Sippar, and Other Places, 1–176. Peeters Publishers, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/jj.6988020.4.

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"Exempting Women from the Obligation to Eat in the Sukkah during the Jewish Festival of Sukkoth". In Women’s Religions in the Greco-Roman World, editado por Ross Shepard Kraemer, 101–2. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195170658.003.0046.

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Abstract translation: Jacob Neusner, The Talmud of Babylonia: An American Translation, BJS (Chico, Calif.: Scholars Press, 1984–94). work, text, and bibliography: See entry 36. A Women, slaves, and minors are exempt from the religious requirement of dwelling in a sukkah. A Minor who can take care of himself is liable to the religious requirement of dwelling in a sukkah. M’SH W: Shammai the Elder’s daughter-in-law gave birth, and he broke away some of the plaster and covered the hole with sukkah-roofing over her bed, on account of the infant.

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Ben-Eliyahu, Eyal, Yehudah Cohn e Fergus Millar. "Historical Introduction". In Handbook of Jewish Literature from Late Antiquity, 135–700 CE. British Academy, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197265222.003.0001.

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This chapter first sets out the aim of this book, which is to provide a guide on Jewish literature composed in the first millennium ce in Hebrew or Aramaic, either in Palestine under Roman rule or in Babylonia under the rule of the Sassanid kings of Persia. It offers essential information on the printed editions of each; their contents and likely date of redaction; translations into European languages; modern commentaries, whether in a European language or Hebrew; electronic texts, if available; and the manuscripts in which each is found. The discussions then turn to how to approach the Jewish literature of Late Antiquity and the character of Late Antique Jewish literature.

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Brody, Robert. "Sa’adyah, the Man of Halakhah". In Sa'adyah Gaon, 118–39. Liverpool University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781904113881.003.0007.

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This chapter examines the variety of genres and structures that Sa'adyah Gaon employed, including their talmudic and halakhic contents. It reveals how Sa'adyah incorporated halakhic and aggadic elements drawn from the Talmud and midrash in different genres, particularly in his piyutim and biblical commentaries. It also talks about the writing of responsa, which was the only literary activity in which the Babylonian geonim before Sa'adyah's time engaged in. The chapter reviews many of Sa'adyah's responsa that were originally written in Arabic and Hebrew translation. It describes Sa'adyah's responsa, in which he conducts a systematic analysis of principles in order to arrive at a practical solution for the specific case under discussion.

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