Artigos de revistas sobre o tema "The Second Franco-Mexican War"
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Golson, Eric. "Spanish Civilian Labour for Germany During the Second World War?" Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 31, n.º 1 (março de 2013): 145–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610913000050.
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AbstractFor political reasons, the Spanish dictator Francisco Franco limited the number of civilian Spanish workers sent to Germany during the Second World War. Despite agreeing to send 100,000, the number of workers never exceeded 9,550. Their impact on the German war economy was small. This paper demonstrates that, in limiting worker transfers, Franco went against his own economic incentives, considering that the Spanish government was taking a commission from the workers’ remittances. By limiting the number of workers sent, Franco satisfied the Allies’ pressure to minimise cooperation with Germany. In support of this argument, this article offers updated estimates for the number of workers, their skill levels and remittances. It also provides the first estimates of Spanish costs and income from the programme.
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GREENFIELD, JEROME. "THE MEXICAN EXPEDITION OF 1862–1867 AND THE END OF THE FRENCH SECOND EMPIRE". Historical Journal 63, n.º 3 (12 de fevereiro de 2020): 660–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x19000657.
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AbstractThe French expedition to Mexico from 1862 to 1867 rarely features in accounts of the origins of the Franco-Prussian War or of the liberalization of the French Second Empire in its final years. By contrast, this article uses a range of archival and published sources to argue that the failure of the Mexican expedition was an important factor in the crisis that convulsed French politics in the late 1860s. The legitimacy of the fiscal-military system was undermined, partly because of the burdens that the expedition imposed on the French people. There resulted difficulties over finance and the army, which hindered the Second Empire's ability to confront the Prussian threat and accelerated the emergence of the ‘Liberal Empire’ with the constitutional reforms of 1867–70. Liberalization, though, could not rescue the imperial regime, and the legitimacy crisis of the Second Empire was only resolved by a transition to a parliamentary democracy under the Third Republic.
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Krelenko, Denis M. "Francoist Spain in the context of the Second World War: Deeds and intentions". Izvestiya of Saratov University. History. International Relations 22, n.º 1 (21 de fevereiro de 2022): 71–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2022-22-1-71-81.
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The article is devoted to two peripheral problems of international relations on the eve and during the Second World War. At this time Spain was trying to solve its territorial problems in North Africa and the Iberian Peninsula. The author’s attention is focused on the activities of the caudillo F. Franco in solving these problems. Franco managed to strengthen the influence of Spain in Tangier, but was unable to return Gibraltar to his country.
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Lénárt, András. "Franco’s Choice: The Reevaluation of Spain’s Neutrality and Non-Belligerence During the Second World War". Studia Historyczne 63, n.º 1(249) (20 de julho de 2022): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/sh.63.2020.01.04.
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General Francisco Franco established his dictatorship in Spain in 1939 after winning the Civil War fought against the democratic Republican government. The same year, the Second World War broke out. The Caudillo wanted his country to remain neutral, but Spain soon moved forward to the status of non-belligerence: Franco backed Mussolini and Hitler on the level of propaganda, and he also sent voluntary troops to help the Germans, although he also maintained relations with the Allies. Later, the country returned to the status of neutrality. The aim of my article is to highlight the main features of the Spanish attitude and the government’s diplomatic maneuvers between the Axis powers and the Allies, paying special attention to Franco’s possibilities and doubts.
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Drozda, Martin. "Prusko-francouzská válka v kramářských tiscích". Acta Musei Nationalis Pragae – Historia litterarum 66, n.º 3-4 (2021): 72–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.37520/amnpsc.2021.018.
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The study deals with the Franco-Prussian War in chapbooks. This conflict provided the last major stimulus for this medium, which gradually disappeared in the second half of the 19th century. Chapbooks on the subject of the Franco-Prussian war comprised mostly broadside ballads, but prayers and small prose prints were created as well. The importance of satirical songs significantly increased at that time. The article studies the interpretation of the war conflict in chapbooks, especially the glorification of French commanders and the authors’ hatred for Prussian soldiers, which stemmed from the defeat of the Austrian army in 1866. Attention is also paid to reflections on the main figures in the conflict (Napoleon III, Otto von Bismarck). The paper shows the genre diversity of chapbooks in the second half of the 19th century, at a time when they were gradually disappearing.
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Soland, Peter. "The miracle (and mirage) of Mexican flight: Aviation development in Mexico, during and after the Second World War". Journal of Transport History 40, n.º 1 (15 de janeiro de 2019): 25–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022526618823931.
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This paper explores the development of Mexican commercial aviation (and more specifically the trajectory of Compañía Mexicana de Aviación) against the background of Mexico’s Second World War alliance with the USA and its post-war economic expansion. USA foreign aid allowed Mexican president Manuel Ávila Camacho (1940–46) to further develop the country’s aviation network and personnel. The Second World War’s disruption of tourism allowed Mexico to reap the benefits of a rapidly growing vacation industry. The election of Miguel Aléman in 1946 reinforced commercial aviation and tourism as crucial, co-dependent elements in modernising the country and making Compañía Mexicana de Aviación a symbol of national progress. Although the Second World War emerges as a crucial point in the development of Mexican aviation, the same processes that buoyed commercial airlines also reinforced cultural stereotypes that were exploited for USA tourists and masked reckless financial decisions that nearly bankrupted Compañía Mexicana de Aviación’s in late 1950s.
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Loseva, Evgeniya A. "Evolution of cooperation between France and Germany in the field of higher education". Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, n.º 1 (31 de janeiro de 2020): 69–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2020-1-69-77.
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For the first time in Russian-language historiography on the basis of an analysis of the most important components of Franco-German cooperation in the field of higher education the evolution of cooperation between higher education institutions of France and Germany in the post-war period is presented. The prerequisites for Franco-German cooperation after the Second World War are determined. The evolution of academic mobility between these countries is considered. The results of activities to create equivalents of documents on higher education in France and Germany are revealed. The Franco-German joint institutions of higher education are characterized. The aim of this work is to consider the evolution of cooperation between France and Germany in the field of higher education in the post-war period of time through the prism of its key aspects. The relevance of this study is due to the lack of research on this issue in Russian-language historiography. In addition, the study of Franco-German relations in the field of science and higher education in the post-war period is also of practical importance, since the experience of this cooperation, or its individual aspects, can be used in the field of higher education and science of our state. As a result of the analysis of key aspects of the Franco-German university cooperation, the following stages were identified in bilateral cooperation. 1. Establishment of Franco-German educational cooperation (1949–1963) – a period of post-war contradictions and the emergence of academic mobility between universities in France and Germany. The intensification of Franco-German cooperation in higher education was due to the unfolding Cold War and the ongoing process of European integration: the cultural sphere acted as a means of overcoming Franco-German antagonism. 2. Franco-German cooperation after the conclusion of the Treaty of Elysee (1963 – the end of the 1970s) – a period of expansion of academic mobility and the creation of new tools for its implementation; at the same time, this period of cooperation was marked by a shift in the attention of the governments of France and Germany towards national education issues. 3. The beginning of the process of institutionalization of Franco-German cooperation (late 1970s – 1993). The transition to the third stage of cooperation is due to the emergence of new trends in bilateral educational partnerships: the creation of coordinating institutes and joint educational institutions and the beginning of solving the problem of equivalence of diplomas. 4. The cooperation of France and Germany after the formation of the EU in 1993 – the Franco-German partnership at the present stage and within the European Higher Education Area. The implementation of the provisions of the Bologna Agreement in practice significantly unified the higher education systems of France and Germany, which facilitated bilateral academic exchanges, and the two countries’ participation in European educational programs became an additional incentive for their intensification.
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Khrishkevich, Tatiana. "Artistic commemoration of the wars in Germany". Metamorphoses of history, n.º 29 (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.37490/s241436770026640-4.
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The research addresses the topic of artistic commemoration of the wars in which Germany took part: from the victorious Franco-Prussian War to two crushing defeats in world wars. The article is devoted to the military monuments (Kriegerdenkmal), which were erected at every stage of German history: the Second Reich, the Weimar Republic, the Third Reich, the GDR and the FRG. The commemoration of the wars pursued various goals: the rise of Reich patriotism and the glorification of national unity, popular pacifism, instilling aggressive nationalism, overcoming the past. The symbolism of the memorials stemmed not only from the results of the wars, but also from previous historical experience. This is the time during which the nation has gone from the idea of its own exclusivity to the need for atonement and the formation of a "culture of memory" addressed to the younger generation. War memorials erected in the second half of the XIX – XX centuries are of two different types: tombstones erected directly over the graves of fallen soldiers and monuments commemorating the event, but not being an index of the grave. For the Franco-Prussian and World War I, examples of war memorials installed on graves, including monuments to opponents, are most characteristic. The theme of memorials dedicated to the Second World War is much more diverse. In addition to military cemeteries, they reflect the history of concentration camps, Resistance, Operation Tiergartenstrasse 4. After World War II, the memorial was assigned the role of a monument in the name of peace.
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Kisatsky, Deborah. "Joan Maria Thomàs. Roosevelt, Franco, and the End of the Second World War." American Historical Review 117, n.º 4 (21 de setembro de 2012): 1196. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/117.4.1196.
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Vershinin, A. A. "USSR and the Red Army through the Eyes of the French Military Attaché E. Mendras (1933–1934)". Modern History of Russia 11, n.º 3 (2021): 686–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2021.308.
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The article, largely based on new documents from Russian and French archives, examines an important aspect of Franco-Soviet relations on the eve of the Second World War: the interaction between the militaries of the two countries. The question of cooperation between the two armies was raised immediately after the signing of the Franco-Soviet non-aggression pact in 1932. The following year, the first French military attaché, E. Mendras, arrived in Moscow. A proponent of the revival of the Franco-Russian alliance, he explored Soviet reality to determine the real potential of the USSR as a possible ally. Despite a number of shortcomings of the Soviet socio-political system, Mendras came to the conclusion that the political regime in the country was quite stable, and its armed forces had the necessary resources to conduct a European war. At the same time, he questioned Moscow’s foreign policy goals and was critical of Soviet ideology as a factor in political decision-making. At first, the military attaché recommended that the French leadership enhance the alliance with the USSR. However, his attitude gradually changed against the background of a lack of complete mutual understanding with the Soviets and contradictions on the issue of rapprochement with Moscow, which cleaved the military-political leadership in Paris. In 1934, Mendras was skeptical about the prospects for cooperation with the USSR. This turn, in many ways, reflects a general change in the vector in Soviet-French relations in the mid-1930s, which led to their deterioration on the eve of the Second World War.
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Herrán Ávila, Luis. "Las Falsas Derechas: Conflict and Convergence in Mexico's Post-Cristero Right after the Second Vatican Council". Americas 79, n.º 2 (2 de março de 2022): 321–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2021.148.
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AbstractIn the wake of the Second Vatican Council, Mexican traditionalist Catholics mobilized in apparent unity against Catholic “progressivism” and the Left. Yet, they succumbed to their own internecine fights. This article examines the conflicts within Mexico's post-Cristero Right during the 1960s and 70s by tackling the ruptures and realignments surrounding the excommunication of Fr. Joaquín Sáenz Arriaga, a traditionalist Jesuit famed for attacking conciliar reforms and the legitimacy of Paul VI's papacy. I argue that the ensuing debates put into question the apparent coherence of conservatives in the face of social unrest after 1968, highlighting the long-standing entropy of right-wing Catholicism, as traditionalists clashed over matters of orthodoxy, Catholics’ historical relationship with the postrevolutionary state, and the contested memory of the Cristero War, which they used to legitimize their positions and define the terms of their traditionalism. Using anticommunism and anti-Semitism to wage their battles, these traditionalists occupied important spaces in the public sphere, contributed to Mexico's Cold War polarizations, and shaped the Mexican Right's international outlook. Their conflicts attest to the contentious plurality of the Mexican Right during this period, which invites further study to better understand how these actors situated themselves in a rapidly changing world.
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Bowles, Brett. "Becoming a Franco-American: Jean Renoir, the Second World War, andA Salute to France". Studies in French Cinema 10, n.º 2 (junho de 2010): 111–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/sfc.10.2.111_1.
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Adhraa AbdulHussein Naser, Dr. "Iraq Wars: From A literary text to Social Context". لارك 3, n.º 46 (30 de junho de 2022): 45–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31185/lark.vol3.iss46.2548.
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This article investigates Iraq wars presentation in literature and media. The first section investigates the case of the returnees from the war and their experience, their trauma and final presentation of that experience. The article also investigates how trauma and fear is depicted to create an optimized image and state of fear that could in turn show Iraqi society as a traumatized society. Critics such as Suzie Grogan believes that the concept of trauma could expand to influence societies rather than one individual after exposure to trauma of being involved in wars and different major conflicts. This is reflected in Iraq as a country that was subjected to six comprehensive conflicts in its recent history, i.e. less than half a century; these are the Iraq-Iran war, the first Gulf war, the economic sanctions, the second Gulf war 2003, the civil war, and the wars of liberation against ISIS.
The second section investigates Franco Moretti's theory of the Dialectic of Fear and the implication of this hypothesis of stereotyping on the Iraq war and its transformation from an anomaly expressed issue in the media and creative texts to a social reality that is measured by presenting what is not acceptable as an acceptable pattern in the case of war and shock between Iraq and the wars that took place in the west, and the extent of its impact on the protraction of the state of social trauma suffered by Iraqis, who are still suffering under the effects of prolonged political conflicts even after the end of military field conflicts.
The research sheds the light on studies such as the Dialectic of Fear by Franco Moretti, Risk Society by Ulrich Beck and Oh My God: Diaries of American Soldiers in Mesopotamia edited and translated by Buthaina Al-Nasiri.
Key words: Iraqi war, trauma, risk society, social context, stereotyping.
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Katz, Michael B., Mark J. Stern e Jamie J. Fader. "The Mexican Immigration Debate". Social Science History 31, n.º 2 (2007): 157–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200013717.
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This article uses census microdata to address key issues in the Mexican immigration debate. First, we find striking parallels in the experiences of older and newer immigrant groups with substantial progress among second- and subsequent-generation immigrants from southern and eastern Europe and Mexican Americans. Second, we contradict a view of immigrant history that contends that early–twentieth–century immigrants from southern and eastern Europe found well–paying jobs in manufacturing that facilitated their ascent into the middle class. Both first and second generations remained predominantly working class until after World War II. Third, the erosion of the institutions that advanced earlier immigrant generations is harming the prospects of Mexican Americans. Fourth, the mobility experience of earlier immigrants and of Mexicans and Mexican Americans differed by gender, with a gender gap opening among Mexican Americans as women pioneered the path to white–collar and professional work. Fifth, public–sector and publicly funded employment has proved crucial to upward mobility, especially among women. The reliance on public employment, as contrasted to entrepreneurship, has been one factor setting the Mexican and African American experience apart from the economic history of most southern and eastern European groups as well as from the experiences of some other immigrant groups today.
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TYRE, JESS. "Music in Paris during the Franco-Prussian War and the Commune". Journal of Musicology 22, n.º 2 (2005): 173–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2005.22.2.173.
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ABSTRACT The years 1870––71 marked the beginning of dramatic changes in French political and cultural life. A few short months witnessed defeat to Germany in the Franco-Prussian War and the fall of the Second Empire, as well as the rapid rise of the Paris Commune and its subsequent violent suppression through the establishment of republican government. The Parisian musical world, while severely affected by the events of war and deprived of performers and audiences, did not come to a standstill. Indeed, these years ushered in a remarkable increase in the number of institutions and concert societies dedicated to supporting French music and to making what would become the standard repertoire more accessible to the average citizen. Music heightened reactions to the turmoil of war and revolution in Paris at this crucial moment in France's history. Because of their stringent governmental control and largely middle- and working-class audiences, entertainments organized initially by wartime concert societies, and then under the aegis of the Commune, provide us with the greatest opportunity for understanding the political and social contexts in which music operated. Through investigation of the contemporary French press it can be shown that: (1) the perceived function of musical performance was adjusted to suit the practical and symbolic needs of a besieged city; (2) all the factions competing for power during the war and the post-war insurrection in Paris appropriated the connotations of civilization, social stability, and good taste that surrounded ““art music””; (3) the Commune's sudden rejection of the Austro-German musical tradition marked a brief but significant moment in which nationalistic preoccupations supplanted historically cosmopolitan attitudes toward foreign art. The study concludes with a meditation on Alfred Roll's painting of the execution of a Communard trumpeter, in which we find one of the strongest images relating war and rebellion to music in the France of 1871.
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Núñez Seixas, Xosé M. "Spanish Views of Nazi Germany, 1933–45: A Fascist Hybridization?" Journal of Contemporary History 54, n.º 4 (18 de janeiro de 2018): 858–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417739366.
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From the early 1930s, admiration for Hitler and Nazi Germany became characteristic of Spanish fascists. They were fascinated by the image of National Socialism and its example of ‘national resurgence’. During the war, the influence of Nazi Germany among Spanish fascists, traditionalists and supporters of the emerging Franco regime increased. On their return, Spanish travellers to Nazi Germany portrayed an enthusiastic image of a new society, marked by strong national pride, economic resurgence, social solidarity and material welfare. Until the end of the Second World War, several thousand Spanish Fascists and supporters of the Franco Regime visited Nazi Germany as soldiers on their way to and from the Eastern front, as civil workers or as students. A study of the experiences of such individuals may broaden our perspective on how Nazi Germany influenced foreign visitors. What image of Nazi Germany did those visitors paint in their letters, diaries and memoirs? What was left from this experience in post-1945 Spanish memories?
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Thiam, Oumar. "Facets and Artifices of War: A Historical Reading of “The Warrior’s Soul” by Joseph Conrad". International Journal of English Literature and Social Sciences 7, n.º 6 (2022): 016–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.22161/ijels.76.3.
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This paper closely observes the code of conduct of the war actors engaged in a Napoleonic war. In “The Warrior’s Soul”, the latter, as a palimpsest, is reminiscent of no other crisis than the Grand Army’s invasion of Tsar Alexander’s Russia in 1812. Narrowing down its attack and occupation field in this short-story under our study, this history-based conflict unfolds to show a manifest Franco-Russian opposition if we consider Moscow and Paris metropolis as a space-time. In the second and final phase of the short-story, what we find as the Moscow narration, the story on the war bends exclusively over the military herds which are depicted from a battlefield equally chaotic and horrific. In such apocalyptic disorder, the patriotic and conservative will of the Russian adjutant and Officer is put in competition with a heroic altruism we relate to the Tomassov-De Castel case. By looking deeper and deeper into the story of experience marked with the Russian pride and patriotism and that of the Franco-Russian duo, our analysis of “The Warrior’s Soul” as a polemic and historic writing further exposes the horrors and illusions of a war to better exalt honour, ethics and dignity within humans.
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Grugel, Jean, e Monica Quijada. "Chile, Spain and Latin America: The Right of Asylum at the Onset of the Second World War". Journal of Latin American Studies 22, n.º 1-2 (março de 1990): 353–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00015492.
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In December 1938 an alliance of the Radical, Communist and Socialist parties took office in Chile, the first Popular Front to come to power in Latin America. A few months later, in Spain, the Nationalist forces under Generalísimo Franco occupied Madrid, bringing an end to the civil war. Shortly after, a serious diplomatic conflict developed between Spain and Chile, in which most of Latin America gradually became embroiled. It concerned the fate of 17 Spanish republicans who had sought asylum in the Chilean embassy in the last days of the seige of Madrid, and culminated in July 1940 when the Nationalist government broke off relations with Chile. Initially, the issue at the heart of the episode was the right to political asylum and the established practice of Latin American diplomatic legations of offering protection to individuals seeking asylum (asilados). The causes of the conflict, however, became increasingly obscured as time went on. The principles at stake became confused by mutual Spanish– Chilean distrust, the Nationalists' ideological crusade both within Spain and outside and the Chilean government's deep hostility to the Franco regime, which it saw as a manifestation of fascism. The ideological gulf widened with the onset of the Second World War. This article concentrates primarily, although not exclusively, on the first part of the dispute, April 1939–January 1940. In this period asylum, which is our main interest, was uppermost in Spanish–Chilean diplomatic correspondence.
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Narcis, Stéphane. "The staging of the Franco-Algerian experience". International Journal of Francophone Studies 24, n.º 3 (1 de dezembro de 2021): 241–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijfs_00040_7.
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Salut cousin! is a 1996 Algerian comedy that touches on issues of immigration, belonging, family and identity. The work, written and directed by Algerian Merzak Allouache, focuses on two cousins, their interactions, lives and the challenges they face in the racially charged environment of Paris. In this review article, the film is examined and discussed regarding what it can tell audiences regarding issues of identity amongst immigrants in a growingly hostile and threatening country. This article outlines the history of the immigration debate in France following after the Second World War, and leading up to the film’s first broadcast in the mid-1990s. It then attempts to explore the issues of race, diversity and acceptance that lie at the heart of Salut cousin! The article further analyses the reality faced by those of Franco-Algerian heritage, an element that is brought to the forefront through the film’s interpretation of immigrant life.
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Morant i Ariño, Toni. "Spanish Fascist Women’s Transnational Relations during the Second World War: Between Ideology and Realpolitik". Journal of Contemporary History 54, n.º 4 (24 de outubro de 2018): 834–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009418798440.
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Spanish fascist women played a very active role in the Falange’s cross-border relations with Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy during the Spanish Civil War and the Second World War. From the very beginning, fascist women took a preeminent place in these contacts and exchanges in order to see with their own eyes how both fascist models were at a practical level. These relationships between fascist women’s organizations were born out of deep ideological affinity and were especially fluid, firstly on a bilateral level and after 1940 on the ‘New Order’ Europe-wide multilateral, transnational collaboration. However, they lacked neither of political calculation nor could abstract from the wider frame of international politics in such an eminently war period. As this article will show, Falangist women used these fluid but less studied relationships to consolidate their own political position at home and explore other ways of political participation in a Nazi-Fascist New Europe, while at the same time trying to secure there a pre-eminent place for non-belligerent Spain. In the end, concerns about the own survival of the Franco dictatorship as the fate of war clearly changed in 1943, let ideological affinity succumb to the diplomatic conveniences they had once meant to overcome.
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Buonaiuto, Zoë Rose. "A Grave Reconciliation: The Establishment of German War Cemeteries in Normandy, 1944–1964". International Journal of Military History and Historiography 38, n.º 2 (20 de outubro de 2018): 170–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24683302-03802003.
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After the Battle of Normandy, one of the primary concerns in the region was what to do with the bodies of the former occupiers: the German war dead. As the Allied graves registration units left Normandy, local French leaders were responsible for the care of German war graves until the German War Graves Commission (Volksbund Deutsche Kriegsgräberfürsorge, VDK) took over maintenance responsibilities in the mid-1950s and officially inaugurated them as VDK sites in the early 1960s. This essay traces that transition and argues that in the period between 1944 and 1964 it was necessary for Normandy and greater France to assume the role of host to German war dead in perpetuity. The act of hosting German war dead on French soil smoothed the conditions necessary for Franco-German reconciliation in the second half of the 20th century.
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Kruizinga, Samuël. "The First Resisters: Tracing Three Dutchmen from the Spanish Trenches to the Second World War, 1936–1945". War in History 27, n.º 3 (5 de julho de 2019): 368–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344519831030.
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About 700 Dutchmen joined the Republican forces in the Spanish Civil War (1936–39) to fight Franco specifically and fascism generally. After 1945, both surviving veterans and those writing their histories agreed that after their return, they continued their fight against fascism in Nazi-occupied Holland. This article presents a microhistory of the trajectory of three Dutchmen, and finds the links between Spain and resistance in these three cases neither obvious nor very strong. In doing so, this article highlights not only the wide varieties of anti-fascist experiences, but also emphasizes the twists in turns in how these were subsequently refashioned.
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Chin, Rachel. "After the Fall: British Strategy and the Preservation of the Franco-British Alliance in 1940". Journal of Contemporary History 55, n.º 2 (30 de maio de 2019): 297–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009419846951.
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The conclusion of the Franco-German armistice in June 1940, followed by the severing of Franco-British diplomatic relations less than two weeks later, has been viewed by historians as the end of Anglo-French cooperation against the Nazi war machine and the beginning of a resurgence in tensions between two historical rivals. However, my research argues that in the days and weeks surrounding the French defeat the British government followed a policy of continuity in its depictions of the Anglo-French relationship. It did so by publically distancing the bulk of the metropolitan French population from Marshal Philippe Pétain’s government. Shining a light on these British policies provides new insights into a number of crucial points. First: the assumption that once victory was achieved, France would assume a place in the victor’s circle. Maintaining, rhetorically at least, the indivisibility of the French population with British war aims was thus crucial to the survival of the long-term and ultimately post-war Anglo-French relationship. Second: these early claims of the non-representativeness of Pétain’s government are important because they suggest that the construction of the French myth of resistance began much earlier and was in fact born out of the idea of Anglo-French cooperation rather than conflict.
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Torrens, Erica. "Biomedical knowledge in Mexico during the Cold War and its impact in pictorial representations of Homo sapiens and racial hierarchies". História, Ciências, Saúde-Manguinhos 26, n.º 1 (março de 2019): 219–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0104-59702019000100013.
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Abstract This paper provides an overview of the state of Mexican genetics and biomedical knowledge during the second half of the twentieth century, as well as its impact on the visual representation of human groups and racial hierarchies, based on social studies of scientific imaging and visualization (SIV) and theoretical concepts and methods. It also addresses the genealogy and shifts of the concept of race and racialization of Mexican bodies, concluding with the novel visual culture that resulted from genetic knowledge merged with the racist phenomenon in the second half of the twentieth century in Mexico.
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Navarro Navarro, Javier. "SECOND SPANISH REPUBLIC OF THE PRE-WAR PERIOD (1931-1936) AND HER MEMORY IN CINEMA IN SPAIN". Latin-American Historical Almanac 32, n.º 1 (12 de abril de 2021): 308–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2021-32-1-308-323.
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This article analyzes the memory and representation of the Second Spanish Republic, particularly its years in peace (1931-1936), in Span-ish fiction cinema and made in this country, from 1939 to the present day. The most common ideas and images in this vision of the Second Republic present in cinematography are studied, and the continuity / evolution or change in them throughout the Franco dictatorship, the Democratic Transition and to this day, taking as an example some films. Finally, some general conclusions are addressed that highlight a lower visibility of this period in Spanish cinematography in general compared to the period of the Civil War (1936-1939), as well as the persistence of certain stereotypes around the Second Republic.
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Laurie, Bruce. "Paul Foos, A Short, Offhand, Killing Affair: Soldiers and Social Conflict During the Mexican-American War. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002. 223 pp. $49.95 cloth; $18.95 paper". International Labor and Working-Class History 65 (abril de 2004): 221–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904400131.
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In this book, Paul Foos seeks to rescue the Mexican-American War from its status as a forgotten war, a status it has long shared with the Korean War. His approach is in keeping with recent work on the history of war from the perspective of the ordinary soldier, the regulars and militiamen who did the fighting at the front, not from the perspective of the generals. He thus mines a rich and fruitful seam of first person accounts written by soldiers themselves in the form of letters and memoirs long overlooked by historians. He seeks to correct two standard interpretations of the war. One of these, in the triumphalist tradition, interprets the conflict as a limited war that reflected and unleashed American “nationalism;” the other sees it as a victory for moralistic political elites who rescued the nation from the reckless expansionism of Southern extremists by limiting the acquisition of Mexican land in the final settlement. Both interpretations—and the second in particular—spotlight the leading men, insisting it was a war that the “masses” did not “understand, nor did they care” (9). Readers of this lively and eye-opening book are unlikely to put much credence in the received wisdom.
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Stanco, Enrico Angelo. "Un contesto ceramico medio-repubblicano nella Valle del Mignone (Frassineta Franco Q. 266)". Papers of the British School at Rome 69 (novembro de 2001): 97–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006824620000177x.
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A SITE WITH MID-REPUBLICAN POTTERY IN THE VALLE DEL MIGNONE (FRASSINETA FRANCO Q. 266)During field survey in the area of the Monti della Tolfa, carried out by the Gruppo Archeologico Romano between 1975 and 1984, a clandestine excavation was discovered. It yielded a concentration of pottery sherds from the rubbish dump of a small rural settlement of the second quarter of the second century BC. Some of the pottery was of local production, whilst some had been imported. The study of the finds in comparison with those from published sites dated to between the middle of the third and the end of the second centuries BC allows this pottery facies to be placed clearly within a quite precise chronological framework. This phase coincides with the construction, or the definitive laying out, of the Via Claudia, within the context of the general territorial restructuring that was taking place in South Etruria and central Italy, undertaken by the Roman state between the end of the Second Punic War and the middle of the second century.
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Cuerda-Galindo, Esther. "Physicians imprisoned in Franco Spain’s Miranda de Ebro “Campo de Concentración”". Medical History 66, n.º 3 (julho de 2022): 264–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2022.20.
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AbstractMiranda de Ebro was created in 1937 to imprison Republicans and foreigners who fought with the International Brigades in Spanish Civil War. From 1940, the camp was used only to concentrate detained foreign refugees with no proper documents. More than 15 000 people, most of them from France and Poland, were kept there until the camp was closed in January 1947. Playing both sides of the international divide, fascist Spain at various points in time allowed passage and was a country of refuge both for those escaping Nazism and for Nazis and collaborators who, at the end of World War II (WWII), sought to escape justice. Treatment of each of these groups passing through Miranda was very different: real repression was meted out to the members of the International Brigades (IB), tolerance shown towards those escaping Nazism, and protection and active cooperation given to former Nazis and their collaborators. For the first time, data about foreign physicians imprisoned in Miranda de Ebro were consulted in the Guadalajara Military Archive (Spain). From 1937 to 1947, 151 doctors were imprisoned, most of them in 1942 and 1943, which represents around 1% of the prisoners. Fifty-two of the doctors were released thanks to diplomatic efforts, thirty-two by the Red Cross, and ten were sent to other prisons, directly released or managed to escape. All of them survived. After consulting private and public archives, it was possible to reconstruct some biographies and fill the previous existing gap in the history of migration and exile of doctors during the Second World War.
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Pagès, Maria. "The shift to national Catholicism and the Falange in the Second World War: The case of Garbancito de la Mancha (1945)". Journal of Visual Political Communication 6, n.º 1 (1 de junho de 2020): 81–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jvpc_00004_1.
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This article analyses the political undercurrents running through the first European hand-drawn animated feature-length film, which was made in Barcelona in 1945. It was titled Garbancito de la Mancha and will be analysed at discursive, iconic and visual levels. The goal is to establish whether political events during the Second World War years as well as the early years (1939‐45) of the Franco dictatorship are reflected in the film. After the Spanish Civil War (1936‐39), two main political parties struggled to control the nation. One of them was the Spanish version of fascism (the Falange); the other was the Catholic Party (National-Catholicism). The end of the Second World War was to mark a showdown between the two parties for political hegemony. The outcome set the tone for the regime until its demise in 1975 with Franco’s death. Given that the film was made by key political figures of the period, the ideology of the film will be revealed by visualizing the myths and values for the period spanning from 1939 to 1951 when Spain pursued autarky (self-sufficiency).
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Ryabov, Sergey M. "Danish-French Relations: From the “Autumn of the Middle Ages” to the Early Modern Period". Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 26, n.º 1 (2024): 167–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2024.26.1.011.
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This article accompanies the publication and translation of two messages from king Frederick II of Denmark to king Charles IX of France and to Catherine de’ Medici. The former focuses on the bestowing of a knighthood to the Danish monarch and him becoming a knight of the French Order of St Michael and his acceptance of the Order’s golden chain. The latter concerns the role of the French crown and its ambassador in Copenhagen, Charles de Danzay, in stabilizing the international situation during the Northern Seven Years’ War, and in finding a peaceful compromise between the main adversaries, the Danish and the Swedish kingdoms. The author places both epistolary works in the context of the epoch under study, considering the main stages of Franco-Danish relations in the second half of the fifteenth century — late sixteenth century. The author notes that to the present day, in historiography, there is no integrated concept of description of dynastic, political, and economic contacts between Denmark and France in the Middle Ages and the early modern period (before 1600). This paper partly solves this problem by dividing the history of Franco-Danish contacts into three periods. The first (1456–1519) represents the time of the beginning of diplomatic relations between the French kingdom and the Danish state. The second (1519–1561) consists of a series of bilateral crises and attempts to find a way out of a difficult international situation. The third (1561–1589) marks the stabilization of Franco-Danish relations and the transformation of friendly communication into an allied partnership. The author concludes that, having undergone a series of crises and difficult periods, the Franco-Danish relations in the second half of the sixteenth century transformed into strong allied ties, which allowed France to maintain its influence in the north of Europe by the beginning of the seventeenth century.
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Janicka, Anna. "BALKAN REALPOLITIK LESSON: “WEEKLY REVIEW” IN 1876". Polish Studies of Kyiv, n.º 38 (2022): 18–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/psk.2022.38.18-38.
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The article presents little-known articles on the Balkan War of 1875–1878 published in Przegląd Tygodniowy, a magazine of the young Warsaw intelligentsia promoting positivism and social and civilizational reforms. The second war in Europe in a short time (after the Franco-Prussian War of 1870–1871) became an intellectual challenge for the generation of reformers. The Russian Empire appeared in it as a force bringing freedom to the Balkan nations, forcing various Polish political and intellectual circles to opt for Russia, which defended the slogans of Pan-Slavism, or for Turkey, which was called the “sick state of Europe”. The short-term support of Russia by the editors of Przegląd Tygodniowy turned out to be a painful lesson for the positivists in realpolitik, geopolitics, ethnopolitics, responsibility for one’s word, strategic analysis and domestic policy.
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Orduña Prada, Mónica. "Hildreth Meière: Connections to Spain Before and During the Spanish Civil War". REDEN. Revista Española de Estudios Norteamericanos 1, n.º 1 (30 de novembro de 2019): 75–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.37536/reden.2019.1.1374.
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The prestigious American Art Deco artist Hildreth Meière provided humanitarian assistance to the victims of the Spanish Civil War and in the Second World War. Acting as the vice-president of the American Spanish Relief Fund created in 1937 and run by P. Francis X. Talbot, S. J. with the goal of helping people affected by the war in the Franco zone, and to also deliver medicine and medical supplies from the United States through diplomatic channels. She visited Spain in 1925, 1938 and 1961. On the first trip she came to see the works of Spanish painters and made contact with important aristocratic families of the time (the Duke of Sotomayor, the Marquises of La Romana and Arcos, the Duchess of Vistahermosa, etc.). In 1938 she started humanitarian aid, collecting money and donations from New York society for orphans of the civil war and acted as a propaganda distributor for the Francoist cause in the United States. On this occasion she met with people familiar with the situation in Spain to solve the problems of humanitarian aid: Luis Bolín, Pablo Merry del Val, Cardenal Gomá, Carmen de Icaza, and Mercedes Sanz Bachiller. Meière actively participated in providing humanitarian aid in the Franco zone during the years of the civil war while also acting as a staunch supporter of the Francoist cause. After the civil war she continued her collaboration to alleviate aid deficiencies in Spain by facilitating the transport of anesthetics, medicines, surgical materials, etc, but her perspective towards Francoism was changing and gradually her ties to Spain weakened. It was only three years before her death in 1961 that she made one last trip to Spain.
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Park, Sang Chul. "A study on economic cooperation in the EU and East Asia: can Franco-German cooperation be a model for Japan and Korea?" Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto, n.º 70 (30 de abril de 2024): 65–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.18543/ced.2990.
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The economic integration has been the most important agenda since the Second World War particularly in Europe because many European nations were heavily destroyed and ruined. After the severe destruction, European political leaders started to rethink how to restore Europe economically and politically in order to establish a long-term peace in Europe. The two major countries, France and Germany, initiated this based on reconciliation processes and signed on the Elysee Treaty that is legally binding and known as the de jour approach. Unfortunately, East Asian countries, Japan and South Korea took a different path, without reconciliation processes, based on the de facto approach only for economic cooperation. As a result, it is not solid yet, but contains fragile risks for the two countries to cooperate in a sustainable way. This paper investigates how and why Franco-German tandem has played core roles in the EU integration. Furthermore, it argues what are successful factors for Franco-German cooperation. Last, but not least, it analyzes whether the Franco-German model can be adapted for the Japan-Korea economic cooperation or not. Received: 31 January 2024Accepted: 05 March 2024
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SAMBANIS, NICHOLAS, STERGIOS SKAPERDAS e WILLIAM C. WOHLFORTH. "Nation-Building through War". American Political Science Review 109, n.º 2 (23 de abril de 2015): 279–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055415000088.
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How do the outcomes of international wars affect domestic social change? In turn, how do changing patterns of social identification and domestic conflict affect a nation’s military capability? We propose a “second image reversed” theory of war that links structural variables, power politics, and the individuals that constitute states. Drawing on experimental results in social psychology, we recapture a lost building block of the classical realist theory of statecraft: the connections between the outcomes of international wars, patterns of social identification and domestic conflict, and the nation’s future war-fighting capability. When interstate war can significantly increase a state’s international status, peace is less likely to prevail in equilibrium because, by winning a war and raising the nation’s status, leaders induce individuals to identify nationally, thereby reducing internal conflict by increasing investments in state capacity. In certain settings, it is only through the anticipated social change that victory can generate that leaders can unify their nation, and the higher anticipated payoffs to national unification makes leaders fight international wars that they would otherwise choose not to fight. We use the case of German unification after the Franco-Prussian war to demonstrate the model’s value-added and illustrate the interaction between social identification, nationalism, state-building, and the power politics of interstate war.
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DOWLING, ANDREW. "Prohibition, Tolerance, Co-option: Cultural Appropriation and Francoism in Catalonia, 1939–75". Contemporary European History 27, n.º 3 (23 de julho de 2018): 370–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777318000267.
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Dictatorships, autocracies and authoritarian political systems must adapt if they wish to survive. The long-lasting dictatorship of Franco's Spain (1939–75) underwent a series of internal adaptations during its almost forty years of existence. The initial project of the Franco regime, which included the destruction of its social and political enemies, lasted until the end of the Second World War. The second phase, marked by a failed autarkic experiment, ended in 1959. The economic change that followed entailed a moderate opening in political terms, whilst maintaining a dictatorial apparatus. This article examines a further feature in the evolution of the Franco regime which initially sought to impose a monolithic national identity (Spanish) by means of the repression of its national minorities (Basque, Catalan, Galician and so on). Due to the absence of a violent political movement as existed in the Basque Country in the form of ETA, Catalonia is a particularly fruitful source to examine the shifts that took place in the Franco regime's policy towards Spain's historic nationalities. This article focuses on the intermediate spaces that appeared between overt opposition on the one hand and active collaboration on the other. This article assesses the evolving policy towards Catalan culture and identity during the dictatorship. I find three main phases in the regime's strategy: repression, followed by comparative tolerance with a final phase of the co-option of Catalan culture, for the purposes of regime legitimation.
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Filatov, Georgy. "ECONOMIC RELATIONS BETWEEN THE USSR AND THE FRANCOIST SPAIN IN THE 1960-S". Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, n.º 4 (28 de dezembro de 2017): 20–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2017-4-20-26.
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Relations between Spain and the Soviet Union in the XX century had periods of rapid development and quick decline. During the civil war in Spain the ties intensified unprecedentedly, but the rule of Francisco Franco was marked by the transformation of the two states into ideological and political opponents. The period of World War II can be considered as the lowest point in the relationship, when Spanish volunteers fought in the Wehrmacht on the Eastern Front. The situation did not improve after the war, when the Soviet Union proposed the most stringent measures to influence the Franco regime. Nevertheless, since the second half of the 1950s, when both regimes experienced a period of relative liberalization, direct channels of communication, primarily economic, have begun to appear. Together with symbolic steps that the sides exchanged, the development of economic relations contributed significantly to the change. The Soviet Union supplied aluminum, cellu-lose and tractors, Spain exported agricultural products and copper. Since the middle of the 1960s, the range of goods has become more diverse: in Soviet deliveries, oil and oil products have played an increasing role, and Spain has provided more and more consumer goods. In the second half of the 1960s a new sphere has opened for the trade relations between Madrid and Moscow - fishing. Active development of the fishing industry in the USSR required new fishing areas, and the Spanish ports were convenient for basing Soviet fishing vessels. In the end of the decade, the sides signed a number of bilateral treaties regulating the mutual use of coastal infrastruc-ture. Economic ties between the USSR and the francoist Spain began to pave the way for establishing normal relations between the two countries.
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Nelson, Sioban, Paola Galbany-Estragués e Gloria Gallego-Caminero. "The Nurses No-One Remembers: Looking for Spanish Nurses in Accounts of the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939)". Nursing History Review 28, n.º 1 (1 de setembro de 2019): 63–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/1062-8061.28.63.
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Accounts of Spanish nursing and nurses during the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) that appear in the memoirs and correspondence of International Brigade volunteers, and are subsequently repeated in the secondary literature on the war, give little indication of existence of trained nurses in country. We set out to examine this apparent erasure of the long tradition of skilled nursing in Spain and the invisibility of thousands of Spanish nurses engaged in the war effort. We ask two questions: How can we understand the narrative thrust of the international volunteer accounts and subsequent historiography? And what was the state of nursing in Spain on the Republican side during the war as presented by Spanish participants and historians? We put the case that the narrative erasure of Spanish professional nursing prior to the Civil War was the result of the politicization of nursing under the Second Republic, its repression and reengineering under the Franco dictatorship, and the subsequent national policy of “oblivion” or forgetting that dominated the country during the transition to democracy. This policy silenced the stories of veteran nurses and prevented an examination of the impact of the Civil War on the Spanish nursing profession.
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Begović, Boris. "Ekonomske odredbe Versajskog mirovnog ugovora: preispitivanje nakon jednog veka". Novi arhiv za pravne i društvene nauke Pravnog fakulteta Univerziteta u Beogradu, n.º 1/2021 (11 de maio de 2021): 67–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.51204/novi_arhiv_pfub_21105a.
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Contrary to widespread belief, reparations imposed on Germany by the economic provisions of the Treaty of Versailles did not undermine the German economy, nor push it into a vicious cycle of crises and backwardness, from which emerged National Socialism and Adolf Hitler’s power takeover. In the first decade after the conclusion of the Treaty of Versailles, Germany’s economy prospered, with high growth rates. In the same decade, German National Socialists managed to win over only a negligible segment of the constituency, and Franco-German relations even improved. The turn took place with the Great Depression, which was, however, not related to the Treaty of Versailles whatsoever. Thus, it is a myth that the Treaty, predominantly through its economic provisions, led to the Second World War. The shortcomings of the Treaty of Versailles, with regard to providing sustainable peace in Europe, should be sought in the framework of the outcome of the First World War, which ended in an armistice, not German surrender. It was only after the Second World War that German unconditional surrender, full occupation of the country and dismemberment of German militarism created the grounds for political stability and sustainable peace in Europe.
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Hernández Armas, Carlos Augusto. "Mexican propaganda during the Second World War. A reflection on media power, through Discourse Analysis". Latin-american Historical Almanac 25, n.º 1 (31 de março de 2020): 98–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2020-25-1-98-121.
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Lannon, Frances. "Women and Images of Women in the Spanish Civil War". Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 1 (dezembro de 1991): 213–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679037.
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At the end of the Spanish Civil War in the spring of 1939, General Franco celebrated his victory by decreeing that full military honours be accorded to two statues of the Virgin Mary. The first was Our Lady of Covadonga, patron of the first great reconquest of Spain through the expulsion of Islam in the middle ages. Now, after removal by her enemies ‘the Reds’ during the Civil War, she had been restored to her northern shrine in Asturias, marking the completion of what the decree described as the second reconquest. The other statue was of Our Lady of the Kings (de los Reyes) in Seville, invoked—so the decree ran—during the battle of Lepanto against the Turks in 1571 and the battle of Bailén agaínst the French in 1808, and invoked once more in the first desperate days of the military rising in July 1936, when a victory for the ‘Red hordes’ in Seville might have changed the whole course of the war. In Covadonga and Seville, in the undefeated stronghold of the Virgin of the Pillar in Zaragoza, and across the length and breadth of the country, the Virgin Mary had saved Spain and deserved every honour and tribute. It was equally true that from far north to far south, Franco and his armies and his Nazi, Fascist, and Islamic allies had made Spain safe for the Virgin Mary. There would be no more desecrated churches, no more burned statues, no more banned processions, just as there would be no more socialists, anarchists, communists or democrats. Spain would be Catholic and authoritarian, and Spanish women could concentrate their energies on emulating Mary, and being good wives and mothers or nuns.
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McGarry, Fearghal. "Irish newspapers and the Spanish Civil War". Irish Historical Studies 33, n.º 129 (maio de 2002): 68–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400015510.
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Early in life I had noticed that no event is ever correctly reported in a newspaper, but in Spain for the first time, I saw newspaper reports which did not bear any relation to the facts, not even the relationship which is implied in an ordinary lie. I saw great battles reported where there had been no fighting, and complete silence where hundreds of men had been killed.George Orwell (1943)The Spanish Civil War was one of the most controversial conflicts of recent history. For many on the left, it was a struggle between democracy and fascism. In contrast, many Catholics and conservatives championed Franco as a crusader against communism. Others felt Spain was the beginning of an inevitable conflict between fascism and communism which had increasingly threatened the stability of inter-war Europe. Spain has remained a battleground of ideologies ever since. Many supporters of the Spanish Republic attribute its defeat to the failure of other democratic states to oppose fascism, a policy of appeasement which ultimately led to the Second World War; for others on the left, including Orwell, Spain came to symbolise the betrayal of socialism by the Soviet Union — a disillusioning suppression of liberty repeated in subsequent decades in Hungary, Czechoslovakia and elsewhere. Ireland was no less drawn to Spain than other European nations. Within months of the war breaking out, close to one thousand Irishmen were fighting among the armies of both sides on the frontlines around Madrid. But for most Irish people, influenced by the Catholic church and sensational newspaper reports of anticlerical atrocities, the ideological conflict was perceived to be between Catholicism and communism rather than left and right. The outbreak of the war was followed by an immense outpouring of popular sympathy for Franco’s Nationalists. During the autumn of 1936 the Irish Christian Front organised mass pro-Franco rallies which attracted the support of opposition politicians, clergymen and much of the public. The dissenting voices of support for the Spanish Republic emanating from the marginalised Irish left were ignored or, more often, suppressed. De Valera’s Fianna Fáil government expressed its support for Spain’s Catholics while, somewhat awkwardly, adopting a position of neutrality for reasons of international diplomacy.
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Bess, Michael K. "Routes of Conflict: Building Roads and Shaping the Nation in Mexico, 1941–1952". Journal of Transport History 35, n.º 1 (junho de 2014): 78–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/tjth.35.1.6.
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This essay explores the social, political, and economic impact of road building in Mexico during the Second World War and early Cold War years. It examines the evolution of federal road-building policy alongside regional case studies of construction efforts in the states of Veracruz and Nuevo León to highlight how local politics were influenced by broader transnational processes related to the U.S.—Mexico bilateral relationship. The author argues that road building was an essential component of Mexican economic modernisation in the 1940s and early 1950s, which facilitated new rural—urban market connections and established the development of key commercial industries in the country.
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Pachocka, Marta. "Zagadnienie mocarstwowości Francji w dobie V Republiki (do 2007 roku)". Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego. Studia i Prace, n.º 1 (5 de dezembro de 2012): 233–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kkessip.2012.1.9.
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During World War II and the postwar years, France’s international position has been weakened. The seizure of power by Charles de Gaulle in 1958 contributed to a stabilization of the political situation in the country and to a redefinition of French foreign policy. The article analyzes the international position of France from the end of World War II until 2007, when Nicolas Sarkozy won the presidential election. Thus, the article covers the period of the existence of two French republics: the Fourth Republic in the years 1946–1958 and the Fifth Republic, which remains Hexagone’s contemporary political system since 1958. The article consists of three parts. In the first part the external and internal conditions of the birth of the Fifth Republic are presented, with particular emphasis on the role of its creator – Ch. de Gaulle. The second part discusses the importance of France in Europe aft er 1945, emphasizing its contribution to the process of European integration and to the development of relations with the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, the USSR/Russian Federation and the Mediterranean countries. Then, the third part of my article stresses the position of France in the system of international relations after World War II, analyzing it on the example of Franco-American and Franco-NATO relations, the French policy towards the Arab and African countries, and finally, on the example of the Republic’s multilateral diplomacy. I conclude that in the examined period 1945–2007 France is an example of the former global superpower, which builds and strengthens its international position as a regional power with global interests.
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Young, Robert J. "French Military Intelligence and the Franco-Italian Alliance, 1933–1939". Historical Journal 28, n.º 1 (março de 1985): 143–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00002259.
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‘Watersheds’ and ‘turning points’ are two standard literary devices for addressing the question of direction in history. Once that direction is determined, one is able to survey the roads not taken, sorting out the possible and the probable from the unavoidable. This paper forswears the vocabulary of turning points, but it owes something to the idea such language expresses. Put cryptically, our discussions of the origins of the Second World War could afford to pay closer attention to Franco-Italian relations in the 1930s. Next to the Manchurian, Rhenish, Spanish, Austrian, Czech and Polish crises of that decade, the crisis within the ephemeral alliance between Paris and Rome has been given short shrift. Even within the context of the Ethiopian crisis there is a tendency to measure the implications against Anglo-French, Anglo-Italian and Italo-German relations. The net effect is to downplay the importance of relations between France and Italy. And from that, to choose but one example, comes an exaggerated sense of the ease with which the French fell into line with British policy in the Mediterranean, and with which the Italians subsequently received German overtures respecting Austria and Central Europe.
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Chang, K. "Muted Reception: U.S. Propaganda and the Construction of Mexican Popular Opinion during the Second World War". Diplomatic History 38, n.º 3 (7 de junho de 2013): 569–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/dh/dht107.
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Marco, Jorge. "Rethinking the Postwar Period in Spain: Violence and Irregular Civil War, 1939–52". Journal of Contemporary History 55, n.º 3 (25 de junho de 2019): 492–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009419839764.
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There is a consensus among scholars regarding the slow transformation of ‘hot-blooded terror’ into ‘cold-blooded terror’ during the Civil War and the postwar period in Spain. This article challenges this framework in two ways. First, it argues that the Spanish Civil War did not end in 1939, but lasted until 1952, divided in three stages: symmetric nonconventional warfare (July 1936 – February 1937), conventional civil war (February 1937 – April 1939), and irregular civil war (April 1939–52). Second, it argues that the narrative of ‘cold-blooded terror’ after 1939 has obscured the complexity of the political violence imposed by the Franco dictatorship. The author argues that throughout the three stages of the Civil War the Francoists implemented a process of political cleansing, but that from April 1939 two different logics of violence were deployed. These depended on the attitude of the vanquished – resignation or resistance – after the defeat of the Republican army. The logic of violence directed against the subjugated enemy was channelled through institutional instruments. In contrast, the logic of counterinsurgency directed against the guerrilla movement, alongside instruments such as military courts and the prison system, imposed a wide repertoire of brutal practices and massacres against civilians and combatants.
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Thompson, John Patrick. "Pinta Pasado, Crea Futuro: a new approach for remembering the Second Republic, the Civil War, and the Franco dictatorship". Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies 25, n.º 3 (2 de setembro de 2019): 343–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14701847.2019.1659603.
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Seydel, Ute. "Memorias de Concepción Lombardo de Miramón. Una reflexión sobre el proyecto político fallido de Maximiliano de Habsburgo, Napoleón III y el partido conservador mexicano". Anuario de Letras Modernas 14 (31 de julho de 2009): 95–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/ffyl.01860526p.2008.14.677.
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Concepción Lombardo de Miramón reconstructs, interpretes and signifies in her Memorias the events related to the War of Reform, the French Intervention and the Second Empire in Mexico. She describes the conflicts between the Mexican liberals and conservatives and includes reflections on the lack of political experience and on the wrong decisions made by Maximilian of Habsburg which ultimately led to the failure of the Empire and the execution not only of the emperor himself but also of the Mexican generals Miguel Miramón and Tomás Mejía. This article reveals that Lombardo de Miramón’s point of view is determined by the idiosyncrasy of a criolla woman who defends the traditions and values based on Catholicism. This contribution highlights, too, the intention of Miguel Miramón’s widow to emphasize the moral integrity and patriotism of her husband who defended the national sovereignty and opposed himself to the project of other conservatives to invite a foreign aristocrat to be the Mexican emperor, but is nevertheless considered in the collective memory as a traitor and anti-hero.
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Preston, Paul. "A Catalan contribution to the myth of the contubernio Judeo-Masónico-Bolchevique". Modern Italy 16, n.º 4 (novembro de 2011): 461–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2011.611230.
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One of the principal justifications for the military coup of 1936 and the subsequent plan of extermination behind right-wing violence in the Civil War was the accusation that the Second Republic was the anti-Spanish instrument of the Jewish-Masonic-Bolshevik conspiracy. Thus, when the conspirators declared that punishment had to be inflicted on freemasons, liberal politicians, journalists, school-teachers, professors, as well as on leftists and trade-unionists, they used the idea of an evil Jewish conspiracy to destroy the Christian world. Of all of the writers who called for an assault on progressive Spain, those who might be termed the ‘theorists of extermination’, the most influential was the Catalan priest, Juan Tusquets Terrats (1901–1998). Awareness and approval of The Protocols of the Elders of Zion was promoted through his enormously popular writings. During the Civil War, he became an adviser to Generals Mola and Franco and his file-card index of names of supposed freemasons was part of the infrastructure of repression.
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Nállim, Jorge A. "Antifascismo, revolución y Guerra Fría en México: la revista América, 1940-1960". Latinoamérica. Revista de Estudios Latinoamericanos, n.º 70 (14 de fevereiro de 2020): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/cialc.24486914e.2020.70.57164.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
El artículo analiza la revista América en 1940-1960 como un espacio político-cultural privilegiado para el estudio de procesos históricos nacionales, regionales y transnacionales. Nacida de la confluencia de grupos vinculados al estado revolucionario mexicano, la izquierda y el exilio español en México, delimitó un programa original en defensa de la Revolución Mexicana, el antifascismo, los aliados en la Segunda Guerra Mundial y el exilio republicano español. Eventualmente, en el período de post-guerra y en un proceso de continuidades y rupturas, mantuvo su firme adhesión gobierno y partido revolucionarios, dio mayor cabida a temas culturales y artísticos y se vinculó a grupos locales e internacionales relacionados con la Guerra Fría cultural a favor de Estados Unidos. El análisis de los grupos, ideas y transformaciones de América permite, así, identificar aspectos relevantes de la trama social, política e ideológica detrás del mundo cultural mexicano de la época.The article analyzes the magazine América in 1940-1960 as a privileged political and cultural space for studying national and transnational historical processes. Born out of the convergence of groups linked to the Mexican revolutionary state, the left, and the Spanish exile in Mexico, it originally defined a program in defense of the Mexican Revolution, antifascism, the Allies in the Second World War, and the Spanish Republican exile. Eventually, and in a process combining continuities and changes in the post-war period, it kept its firm support for the revolutionary government and party while it opened its pages to cultural and artistic contributions and established relations with local and international groups tied to the United States-led cultural Cold War. Thus, the analysis of America’s groups, ideas, and transformations makes it possible to identify relevant aspects of the social, political, and ideological network behind the Mexican cultural world of the time.