Artigos de revistas sobre o tema "Terrasses du Port (Marseille, France)"

Control of invasive species relies partly on permanent surveillance at international points of entry. We report the exceptional trapping of one adult mosquito (Diptera: Culicidae) in the port of Marseille, France, in July 2018, during a routine survey conducted according to International Health Regulations. Morphological and molecular identification classified the specimen as a female Aedes (Stegomyia) aegypti (L.), vector of many arboviruses, absent from Europe and the Mediterranean rim since the 1950s. A world reference panel of approximately 23,000 genome-wide single nucleotide polymorphisms determined that the mosquito originated from Cameroon, west Africa. Cross-reference of this geographic location with boats traveling from Central Africa to Marseille during the trapping period suggests that the mosquito travelled within an identified merchant ship, a vehicles carrier connecting Douala, Cameroon to Marseille, France. This ship left Douala on June 25, 2018 and arrived 20 days later in Marseille on July 15. The mosquito was captured 350 m away from the dock. The interception of a propagule of an invasive species is a rare event that must be considered a priority to prevent its successful establishment.

Anchored in the port of Marseille, this article studies encounters between international solidarity, American humanitarianism, and Vichy France’s nationalism in times of war and exile. Being the main free harbour in France after the country’s defeat against Germany in the spring of 1940, Marseille saw hundreds of thousands of refugees seeking refuge and exile on its shores. This massive flux gave rise to a local internationalism of humanitarian and solidarity networks bonded by an anti-fascist ideology. American humanitarians, diplomats, and radical leftist militants shaped this eclectic internationalism by providing crucial support for European refugees escaping the Nazi-backed state repression in France. Using the local archives of the department of Bouches-du-Rhône, this paper analyses how these actors and their ideologies met in Marseille and interacted with or against Vichy France’s nationalism. In the end, the extended historiography on refugees, American humanitarianism, solidarity networks, and French nationalism will be used to analyse global ideologies in a local context during the Second World War.

Documentary and archaeological evidence concurs in placing the foundation of Marseille by colonists from Phocaea in around 600 B.C. The site can only have been chosen with an eye to its maritime commercial potential. Surrounded on the landward side by a chain of hills, the city's immediate hinterland was tiny, and only moderately fertile. Geographically, in the words of Camille Jullian, ‘Marseille … semble tourner le dos à la Provence’. But thanks to its magnificent, sheltered, deep-water harbour, now known as the Vieux-Port, the city has been a focal point for Mediterranean trade throughout its long history, and its immediate landward isolation has not affected its ability to exploit the Rhône corridor and establish commercial relations with the interior of France. Its location makes it a classic gateway community.

This paper applies the concepts of gateways and centrality, formerly opposing approaches to spatial planning, by now a powerful merged tool for archaeologists, to understand the dynamics of the evolution of cities and settlements in a long-term perspective. The samples are the two main port cities in South-Eastern Provence (France), Marseille and Arles. By means of several archaeological markers it will be shown how natural landscapes and political control influenced the fate of the economic development of both cities in Greco-Roman times. Therefore, this study focuses on the aspects of trade and administration encompassing the functionality of the ports as trans-shipment centers, the impact of political interference as well as the supply and exchange of long distance and local/regional products. Within this research framework, Marseille emerged as a static gateway for its service area with a distinct perspective on Mediterranean trade. Arles, however, was the main gateway for the whole Rhône corridor in Roman times due to its strategic location in an area characterized by a variety of landscapes and the promotion of politics as a port of the annona. The data presented here aim to reject the frequently used narrative of an ongoing competition between Arles and Marseille in favor of a more nuanced picture of economic interactions and overlapping trading networks.

A produce distribution survey was conducted to develop a calculated risk approach to packaging systems design. A database for simulating shock and vibration inputs was derived from two instrumented surveys of typical transport routes of apples and citrus fruit. These comprised spectral envelopes encompassing different truck types and road conditions, and a ship voyage from Haifa port in Israel to Marseille, France. Intermittent transient accelerations were segregated from continuous steady-state vibration records and presented separately as Fourier spectrum envelopes. Handling shocks sustained by pallet loads during forklift loading and unloading are also reported.

Abstract A new species of the thermosbaenacean genus Tethysbaena Wagner,1994 is described as T. ledoyeri n. sp. Together with an as yet undescribed amphipod (Niphargus sp.) it is an inhabitant of the brackish water of an aquifer that flows through the Basse-Provence Urgonian karstic system and reaches the Mediterranean Sea, 15 km east of Marseille, in the “Calanques” coast. The new taxon, being part of the T. argentarii-group, is compared with its closest allies in this group. Preliminary DNA data obtained from two specimens of the new species provide confirmation of its close ties to T. argentarii but also to T. scabra, the two geographically closest described species.

RésuméAlors que l’historiographie a privilégié intellectuels et militants, l’espace marseillais permet d’aborder l’histoire des populations noires par les milieux populaires. Le cas d’un petit groupe de navigateurs, devenus proxénètes à la faveur de la guerre, permet en effet de tester à la fois la portée et les limites d’une approche de leur trajectoire sociale par la « condition noire ». Ces souteneurs, éloignés de la culture légitime, marginaux par rapport à la norme sociale, sont toutefois très intégrés dans le milieu populaire localisé du port. Si la couleur de peau compte dans leur constitution en bandes, leur trajectoire ne diffère cependant pas significativement de celle des souteneurs blancs (et notamment corses) de Marseille: c’est surtout par l’appartenance à une même profession que s’explique ces carrières déviantes. Cette étude de cas interroge la portée sociale de la couleur de peau dans l’ensemble des facteurs sociaux dans les milieux populaires français et les luttes de classement en leur sein.

ABSTRACT France provides various forms of training or information in the field of oil pollution prevention and combat. Some to date have been directed only to French nationals; others are open to international participation. Every effort is made to fully train French nationals involved in pollution intervention. Handbooks are available and regularly updated; practical exercises allow them to keep pace with the evolution of equipment, and audio-visual aids complete the picture. For international participation, several types of actions are carried out. A 2½ week session called Infopol is directed to decision makers and other senior officials involved in contingency planning. They become acquainted with the knowledge acquired in France both by actual pollution fighting after accidents and through various practical exercises. This includes organization, storage of equipment, and its behavior and capabilities. Other sessions on more specific topics are organized either by the Port of Marseille authority, which may propose à la carte or set training programs at various levels, or by CEDRE (Centre de Documentation, de Recherche et d'Expérimentations sur les pollutions accidentelles des eaux), which also offers à la carte training courses for pollution control center managers as well as for field work coordinators and technicians from any background and level. All French centers already have extensive training experience and could help other countries develop their own training organizations or train their personnel.

Maritime transport emerges as a major source of ultrafine particle (UFP) pollution in coastal regions with consequences for the health of people living in port cities. Inhalation of UFPs can cause inflammation and oxidative stress, which are starting points for further diseases. In addition to primary particles, secondary organic aerosol (SOA) may form through the photo-oxidation of volatile organic compounds emitted in ship exhaust. The characterization of size-segregated and chemical properties of particles is essential for assessing the health implications related to shipping. We applied a coupled regional–local chemistry transport modeling system to study the effects of ship emissions on atmospheric concentrations of UFP and SOA in the Mediterranean port city Marseille (France), which is characterized by the combination of high port activity, industrialized emissions, and active photochemistry in summer. Our results show that the average potential impact from local shipping in the port area was 6–9% for SOA and 27–51% for total particle number concentration in July 2020. The estimated oxidative potential of daily mean particulate organic matter related to shipping was lower than the oxidative potential reported for heavy fuel oil (HFO). The lower oxidative potential in this study is very likely due to the low share of ships using HFO during stopover.

Le premier régiment de hussards actuel a été levé en 1721 en Turquie par Ladislas Bercheny, noble Hongrois passé au service de la France après l’échec de l’insurrection du prince Rakoczy contre l’Autriche. Avec l’autorisation du Régent et accompagné de quelques officiers, il partit recruter parmi les fidèles du prince exilé à Rodosto (Tekir-Dag) et ramena 174 Hongrois, chiffre qui lui avait été fixé, et 9 officiers. Le transfert en France se fit par deux bâtiments de commerce dont les capitaines les prirent à la place de leur cargaison habituelle. Les navires ne purent accéder au port de Marseille en proie à la peste. Les deux contingents débarquèrent l’un à Sète, l’autre à Agde à la fin de l’été 1721. Après la quarantaine règlementaire, le régiment fut employé pour compléter le cordon sanitaire isolant les Cévennes. D’abord sans uniforme et muni d’armes d’infanterie, il fut habillé avant de rejoindre à pied Haguenau où il prit garnison et reçut enfin ses chevaux. Bercheny le conduisit au combat dans toutes les campagnes de Louis XV. Sa brillante conduite lui valut de devenir, en 1743, inspecteur du corps des hussards et de recevoir, en 1758, la dignité de maréchal de France. Il se retira peu après dans son manoir de Luzancy, près de Meaux, et y mourut dans sa 89e année en 1778.

AbstractCadalso de los Vidrios leucogranite is extracted from the Sierra de Guadarrama (Spanish Central System) under the trade name ‘Blanco Cristal’. It is a fine- to medium-grained, hypidiomorphic and equigranular building stone that has been used in many heritage buildings, such as the Villena Palace (1534). The current annual production of Cadalso de los Vidrios leucogranite is approximately 8000 m3, of which 40% is exported around the world. It has been used in places such as the Vieux-Port in Marseille (France), Cork International Airport (Ireland) and the Puri EXIM Bank of Jakarta (Indonesia) among others. It is currently being used in the construction of the iconic tower of Jesus Christ of the Sagrada Familia Basilica, in Barcelona (Spain). Cadalso de los Vidrios leucogranite Blanco Cristal has excellent petrophysical properties, a uniform colour and good resistance to thermal shock and freezing temperatures. These qualities make Blanco Cristal an ideal material for monuments and buildings.

Because of its extent and geographical diversity, Algeria has a very rich animal heritage. Among its animals, sheep whose roots, so deep, become bogged down well beyond the Numidian period, constitute a heritage that is both natural and genetic, highly varied. However, it is mainly the two steppe breed, namely "Hamra" in the West and "Ouled Djellal" in the East, which have left their mark on the richness of this living national heritage. It should be known that in the early days of French colonization, large quantities of sheep from Algeria, stolen from different steppe regions of the country, were exported to France, but also to its colonies. However, research on this subject reveals that a strong preference for the Hamra breed has quickly seized the brokers responsible for the collection of livestock for export. Thus from 1929 until the last years of colonization, more than a million heads of sheep "Hamra" will be exported, annually, by the French colonists to the metropolis, more exactly to the port of Marseille. Embarkations were made from the port of Arzew, in the West, and the port of Algiers, for the Center and the East. Currently, to make their farms profitable, sheep owners have chosen the ovine genetic type which makes it possible to achieve the best economic and financial profits. And so it was from the time of the mechanization of the steppe and the drought of 1970 that the regression process of the ovine breed Hamra was accentuated. In fact, all thebreeders of the Hamra breed who were formerly hampered by the distances and especially by the reliefs and the lack of means of transport of the cattle began to use heavy breeding rams such as the Ouled Djellal type. This led, over time, to the genetic absorption of the Hamra sheep, which occurred in favor of the Ouled Djellal breed and its crosses, which now constitute more than 65% of the national herd population. Only 20% of which are purebred. Thus, after forty years and in the absence of a policy of management of animal genetic biodiversity, the Hamra breed is now in danger of total extinction. This could be the loss of a national genetic resource but also a heritage that is more than a thousand years old. In fact, apart a few former breeders who still hold a small number of sheep descended from the Hamra breed, this Algerian sheep breed has become unknown today by the majority of young breeders. Pending the reaction of the public authorities, the association for the preservation and promotion of the Hamra breed (APPRHamra), newly created in the wilaya of Naama, engaged with the scientific community (geneticists, agronomists, veterinarians ...) a action to promot this breed and militates in for the preservation of this animal heritage dating back several centuries.

Abstract Black coating of hard substrates by Mn and Fe oxides has long been reported from shallow, dark, submarine caves. However, these littoral metallic deposits have never been studied in detail, despite expected analogies with deep-sea polymetallic crusts. Submarine caves are characterized by darkness and low rates of exchanges with the open sea. Lack of primary production and confinement of inner water bodies result in marked oligotrophy and extremely reduced biomass, i.e. conditions close to those prevailing in deep-sea habitats. Field evidences suggested that the formation of Mn-Fe coatings was closely tied to these particular environmental conditions. The goal of this study was to examine the detailed features of Mn-Fe coatings from dark caves with different local conditions, and to try to identify the processes responsible for their deposition. Study sites and methods: Three sublittoral, single-entrance, caves were sampled by scuba diving along the coasts of Provence (France, Mediterranean Sea). The first site is a large karstic cave (Tremies Cave, 16 m depth at entrance floor, 60 m long; Marseille-Cassis area) with an ascending profile which results in a buffered thermal regime and markedly oligotrophic conditions due to warm water trapping in its upper part. Wall fragments were sampled at 30 m (medium confinement: zone B) and 60 m (strong confinement: zone C) from the cave entrance. The second site is a large tubular cavity open in conglomerate formations (3PP Cave, 15 m depth at entrance floor, 120 m long; La Ciotat) with a descending profile which results in relative permanence of winter temperatures within the inner parts, complex water circulation and presumed greater input of sedimented particles than in the preceding cave. Wall samples were taken at 25 m, 70 m and 100 m from entrance. The third site is a small, horizontal, cave open in quartzite formations (Bagaud Cave, 7 m depth at entrance floor, about 10 m long; WNW of Port-Cros Island, bay of Hyeres). Sampling was performed on walls of a narrow corridor between an anterior room and a smaller inner room. A sporadic outflow of continental waters is located in the inner room. The samples were preserved in 50% ethylic alcohol or studied soon after their sampling. Before carbon coating and SEM examination, or microanalyses with SEM-associated spectrometers, they were treated in a 33% Chlorox solution and thereafter washed in demineralized water and dried. Micromorphology: At low-medium magnification (<20,000), the aspect of coatings varies between caves and, especially, between inner-cave locations. All the described structures are made up of Mn and Fe oxides. In Tremies Cave, coatings of walls from zone B are composed of irregular erected constructions (height: 10s to 100s mu m) formed by the aggregation of roughly ovoid primary concretions of about 10 mu m. The surface of those primary concretions displays numerous lacunose to reticulate films (pores, about 0.5 mu m in diameter, are often subrounded). Remnants of these films and organomorphic corpuscles occur also within the primary concretions. On younger substrates (broken wall exposed since 1970), primary concretions are poorly developed and no prominent construction is visible. In more confined conditions (zone C), the erected constructions of ancient coatings are smaller and less numerous than in zone B but are well individualized. In this zone C, besides some remnants of lacunose to reticulate films, there is an appearance of filaments and ovoid corpuscles (height/width: 10-30/5-15 mu m), which seem to be linked to filaments by a short stalk. In 3 PP Cave, at 25-70 m from entrance, wall coatings present porous heaps of primary concretions. The surface and the inside of the latter comprise remnants of lacunose to reticulate films that evoke those observed in Tremies Cave. On younger substrates (hard parts of sessile invertebrates), coatings are restricted to micrometric organomorphic corpuscles with some remnants of lacunose or fibrous films. At 100 m from the entrance, coatings are shaped by numerous erected constructions, more or less coalescing. Besides remnants of lacunose films, the primary concretions contain interlacing filaments (diameter: 0.2-0.3 mu m) forming cords or veils. In Bagaud Cave, the primary concretions are aggregated in irregular heaps. Lacunose films are particularly frequent and tend to form three-dimensional mamillated structures that were not observed in the other caves. In particular, there is an appearance of tubular structures and of numerous hemispheroidal structures (diameter: 4-5 mu m) with an upper orifice. At higher magnification (20,000), whatever the cave and inner-cave location, the aspect of oxide deposits is rather smooth or, especially, microgranular. Mineral composition: The composition of coatings is different between caves and according to their inner-cave location. In both large caves (Tremies and 3 PP), the Mn/Fe ratio increases with the distance from the cave entrance, i.e. when exchanges with the open sea diminish. This trend is particularly clear in Tremies Cave, where the confinement gradient is strongly marked.

A white archipelago anchored in the Mediterranean Sea 2 km off the coast of Marseille (France), the port of Frioul is made up of the Pomègues islands (to the south) and Ratonneau (to the north). It is protected on the west side by the Berry breakwater (renovated in 1984), and on the east side by the Condorcet breakwater (figure 1.a). The port was built in the early 1820s (Berry breakwater) to take care of the quarantine of ships coming from areas infected by yellow fever, then developed in the 1850s (Condorcet breakwater in the East) to make it a military port. The current findings highlight that the eastern breakwater is seriously damaged and must be rehabilitated (figure 1.b). Accordingly, the rehabilitation solution, which consists to replace the actual rock armour unit, was physically modelled, and tested for its hydraulic stability and the overtopping performance as well as the forces and pressures acting on the crown wall. The process includes recreation of breakwater cross sections in a 2D wave flume at a scale of 1:35 (figure 2.a), and a optimized breakwater configuration proposed in a 3D wave basin at a scale of 1:50 (figure 2.b). These two campaigns made it possible to compare and optimize the design, first with the state of the art (Van Gent, M., et van der Werf, I., 2019) (Mares-Nasarre and van Gent, M., 2020), then with the observations and measurements collected from the modeling.

Waterfronts are the part of landscape between the town itself and the harbour, in which are located equipment dealing with maritime needs: stocking, wholesale, workers of the docks, tertiary activities, "sailortown"... Often they have an architectural outlook coming from the wealthy periods of ocean trade. Now new interest comes upon them, because of the extend of no more used maritime equipment in many great harbours.This paper analyses some examples taken in France (Le Havre, Marseille, Nantes) and precise the particularities of the French case. Then it tries to determine the general meaning of waterfronts elsewhere, their evolution and the mechanisms underlying their transformations. Les fronts portuaires sont cet espace construit entre la ville et le port pour répondre aux besoins de ce dernier : localisation des services, des entreprises à caractères maritimes, stockage, auxiliaires de la navigation, main d'œuvre travaillant sur les quais, «quartiers portuaires» ... Ils ont souvent gardé un aspect architectural lié à la prospérité des échanges ; ils sont une transition avec le reste de la ville qui a d'autres fonctions qui lui sont propres. Ils sont l'objet d'un regain d'intérêt à cause des friches portuaires qui sont en relation avec eux.Après l'analyse de cas types (Le Havre, Marseille, Nantes) l'article précise la spécificité des ports français dans ce domaine ; puis il élargit le problème et fournit un essai d'interprétation générale des évolutions et des mécanismes de fonctionnement de ces fronts portuaires.

In 1906, Traveller Karçınzade Süleyman Şükrü, starting from Anatolia, travelled to Iran, Ashgabat, Bukhara, Baku, West Turkistan, Caucasus, Austria, France, Marseille, African Continent, Tunisia, Morocco, Algeria, Egypt, Aden, India, Kolkata, Colombo, Ceylon, Singapore and China and reached Russia as the last stop, St. Petersburg. During this trip, he also brought his notes together in his work named Seyahatü'l Kübra. The impressions of China found in Seyahatü'l Kübra are grouped under eleven headings. These are details of the outer seas through which the traveller crosses until he reaches Shanghai, Beijing, Taku Port, the Pier of Hong Kong; the sea to the east of the Indian Peninsula, the Pacific Ocean, Tin-i China (Tianjin), Beijing, Cancaku, Lancosin (Lanzhou), Hoço (Hezhou), Hami, Urumqi. Şükrü tried to reveal clear data about China's outer seas, rivers, architecture of cities, temples, mosques, the situation of European states in China, what foreigners do, and the number of Muslims and mosques in the section of impressions of China. Similarly, in 1908, Kang Youwei, who came to Ottoman Empire, which he called the Turkish Country, collected his travel notes under the title of Turk Travelogue. In his travelogue, he gave detailed information about the political structure, military structure, education, architecture and historical places of the Turks. By comparing many points which he witnessed in Ottoman Empire with his own country or European countries, he examined the similarities or differences of these countries with the Ottoman Empire. The importance of these two travelogues stems from the fact that the periods in which the travellers travelled correspond to the same periods and that they witnessed almost the same events in terms of periods even though they were in two different countries. The aim of this study, which is a comparative study, is to examine the similarities and differences between the two countries in line with the perspectives of Şükrü and Kang. For this reason, in addition to the comparison method, content analysis, text scanning and text analysis methods will be adopted as a review method in the study.

IntroductionIn the year 2000, a group of likeminded individuals got together and convened the first annual World Barista Championship in Monte Carlo. With twelve competitors from around the globe, each competitor was judged by seven judges: one head judge who oversaw the process, two technical judges who assessed technical skills, and four sensory judges who evaluated the taste and appearance of the espresso drinks. Competitors had fifteen minutes to serve four espresso coffees, four cappuccino coffees, and four “signature” drinks that they had devised using one shot of espresso and other ingredients of their choice, but no alcohol. The competitors were also assessed on their overall barista skills, their creativity, and their ability to perform under pressure and impress the judges with their knowledge of coffee. This competition has grown to the extent that eleven years later, in 2011, 54 countries held national barista championships with the winner from each country competing for the highly coveted position of World Barista Champion. That year, Alejandro Mendez from El Salvador became the first world champion from a coffee producing nation. Champion baristas are more likely to come from coffee consuming countries than they are from coffee producing countries as countries that produce coffee seldom have a culture of espresso coffee consumption. While Ireland is not a coffee-producing nation, the Irish are the highest per capita consumers of tea in the world (Mac Con Iomaire, “Ireland”). Despite this, in 2008, Stephen Morrissey from Ireland overcame 50 other national champions to become the 2008 World Barista Champion (see, http://vimeo.com/2254130). Another Irish national champion, Colin Harmon, came fourth in this competition in both 2009 and 2010. This paper discusses the history and development of coffee and coffee houses in Dublin from the 17th century, charting how coffee culture in Dublin appeared, evolved, and stagnated before re-emerging at the beginning of the 21st century, with a remarkable win in the World Barista Championships. The historical links between coffeehouses and media—ranging from print media to electronic and social media—are discussed. In this, the coffee house acts as an informal public gathering space, what urban sociologist Ray Oldenburg calls a “third place,” neither work nor home. These “third places” provide anchors for community life and facilitate and foster broader, more creative interaction (Oldenburg). This paper will also show how competition from other “third places” such as clubs, hotels, restaurants, and bars have affected the vibrancy of coffee houses. Early Coffee Houses The first coffee house was established in Constantinople in 1554 (Tannahill 252; Huetz de Lemps 387). The first English coffee houses opened in Oxford in 1650 and in London in 1652. Coffee houses multiplied thereafter but, in 1676, when some London coffee houses became hotbeds for political protest, the city prosecutor decided to close them. The ban was soon lifted and between 1680 and 1730 Londoners discovered the pleasure of drinking coffee (Huetz de Lemps 388), although these coffee houses sold a number of hot drinks including tea and chocolate as well as coffee.The first French coffee houses opened in Marseille in 1671 and in Paris the following year. Coffee houses proliferated during the 18th century: by 1720 there were 380 public cafés in Paris and by the end of the century there were 600 (Huetz de Lemps 387). Café Procope opened in Paris in 1674 and, in the 18th century, became a literary salon with regular patrons: Voltaire, Rousseau, Diderot and Condorcet (Huetz de Lemps 387; Pitte 472). In England, coffee houses developed into exclusive clubs such as Crockford’s and the Reform, whilst elsewhere in Europe they evolved into what we identify as cafés, similar to the tea shops that would open in England in the late 19th century (Tannahill 252-53). Tea quickly displaced coffee in popularity in British coffee houses (Taylor 142). Pettigrew suggests two reasons why Great Britain became a tea-drinking nation while most of the rest of Europe took to coffee (48). The first was the power of the East India Company, chartered by Elizabeth I in 1600, which controlled the world’s biggest tea monopoly and promoted the beverage enthusiastically. The second was the difficulty England had in securing coffee from the Levant while at war with France at the end of the seventeenth century and again during the War of the Spanish Succession (1702-13). Tea also became the dominant beverage in Ireland and over a period of time became the staple beverage of the whole country. In 1835, Samuel Bewley and his son Charles dared to break the monopoly of The East India Company by importing over 2,000 chests of tea directly from Canton, China, to Ireland. His family would later become synonymous with the importation of coffee and with opening cafés in Ireland (see, Farmar for full history of the Bewley's and their activities). Ireland remains the highest per-capita consumer of tea in the world. Coffee houses have long been linked with social and political change (Kennedy, Politicks; Pincus). The notion that these new non-alcoholic drinks were responsible for the Enlightenment because people could now gather socially without getting drunk is rejected by Wheaton as frivolous, since there had always been alternatives to strong drink, and European civilisation had achieved much in the previous centuries (91). She comments additionally that cafés, as gathering places for dissenters, took over the role that taverns had long played. Pennell and Vickery support this argument adding that by offering a choice of drinks, and often sweets, at a fixed price and in a more civilized setting than most taverns provided, coffee houses and cafés were part of the rise of the modern restaurant. It is believed that, by 1700, the commercial provision of food and drink constituted the second largest occupational sector in London. Travellers’ accounts are full of descriptions of London taverns, pie shops, coffee, bun and chop houses, breakfast huts, and food hawkers (Pennell; Vickery). Dublin Coffee Houses and Later incarnations The earliest reference to coffee houses in Dublin is to the Cock Coffee House in Cook Street during the reign of Charles II (1660-85). Public dining or drinking establishments listed in the 1738 Dublin Directory include taverns, eating houses, chop houses, coffee houses, and one chocolate house in Fownes Court run by Peter Bardin (Hardiman and Kennedy 157). During the second half of the 17th century, Dublin’s merchant classes transferred allegiance from taverns to the newly fashionable coffee houses as places to conduct business. By 1698, the fashion had spread to country towns with coffee houses found in Cork, Limerick, Kilkenny, Clonmel, Wexford, and Galway, and slightly later in Belfast and Waterford in the 18th century. Maxwell lists some of Dublin’s leading coffee houses and taverns, noting their clientele: There were Lucas’s Coffee House, on Cork Hill (the scene of many duels), frequented by fashionable young men; the Phoenix, in Werburgh Street, where political dinners were held; Dick’s Coffee House, in Skinner’s Row, much patronized by literary men, for it was over a bookseller’s; the Eagle, in Eustace Street, where meetings of the Volunteers were held; the Old Sot’s Hole, near Essex Bridge, famous for its beefsteaks and ale; the Eagle Tavern, on Cork Hill, which was demolished at the same time as Lucas’s to make room for the Royal Exchange; and many others. (76) Many of the early taverns were situated around the Winetavern Street, Cook Street, and Fishamble Street area. (see Fig. 1) Taverns, and later coffee houses, became meeting places for gentlemen and centres for debate and the exchange of ideas. In 1706, Francis Dickson published the Flying Post newspaper at the Four Courts coffee house in Winetavern Street. The Bear Tavern (1725) and the Black Lyon (1735), where a Masonic Lodge assembled every Wednesday, were also located on this street (Gilbert v.1 160). Dick’s Coffee house was established in the late 17th century by bookseller and newspaper proprietor Richard Pue, and remained open until 1780 when the building was demolished. In 1740, Dick’s customers were described thus: Ye citizens, gentlemen, lawyers and squires,who summer and winter surround our great fires,ye quidnuncs! who frequently come into Pue’s,To live upon politicks, coffee, and news. (Gilbert v.1 174) There has long been an association between coffeehouses and publishing books, pamphlets and particularly newspapers. Other Dublin publishers and newspapermen who owned coffee houses included Richard Norris and Thomas Bacon. Until the 1850s, newspapers were burdened with a number of taxes: on the newsprint, a stamp duty, and on each advertisement. By 1865, these taxes had virtually disappeared, resulting in the appearance of 30 new newspapers in Ireland, 24 of them in Dublin. Most people read from copies which were available free of charge in taverns, clubs, and coffee houses (MacGiolla Phadraig). Coffee houses also kept copies of international newspapers. On 4 May 1706, Francis Dickson notes in the Dublin Intelligence that he held the Paris and London Gazettes, Leyden Gazette and Slip, the Paris and Hague Lettres à la Main, Daily Courant, Post-man, Flying Post, Post-script and Manuscripts in his coffeehouse in Winetavern Street (Kennedy, “Dublin”). Henry Berry’s analysis of shop signs in Dublin identifies 24 different coffee houses in Dublin, with the main clusters in Essex Street near the Custom’s House (Cocoa Tree, Bacon’s, Dempster’s, Dublin, Merchant’s, Norris’s, and Walsh’s) Cork Hill (Lucas’s, St Lawrence’s, and Solyman’s) Skinners’ Row (Bow’s’, Darby’s, and Dick’s) Christ Church Yard (Four Courts, and London) College Green (Jack’s, and Parliament) and Crampton Court (Exchange, and Little Dublin). (see Figure 1, below, for these clusters and the locations of other Dublin coffee houses.) The earliest to be referenced is the Cock Coffee House in Cook Street during the reign of Charles II (1660-85), with Solyman’s (1691), Bow’s (1692), and Patt’s on High Street (1699), all mentioned in print before the 18th century. The name of one, the Cocoa Tree, suggests that chocolate was also served in this coffee house. More evidence of the variety of beverages sold in coffee houses comes from Gilbert who notes that in 1730, one Dublin poet wrote of George Carterwright’s wife at The Custom House Coffee House on Essex Street: Her coffee’s fresh and fresh her tea,Sweet her cream, ptizan, and whea,her drams, of ev’ry sort, we findboth good and pleasant, in their kind. (v. 2 161) Figure 1: Map of Dublin indicating Coffee House clusters 1 = Sackville St.; 2 = Winetavern St.; 3 = Essex St.; 4 = Cork Hill; 5 = Skinner's Row; 6 = College Green.; 7 = Christ Church Yard; 8 = Crampton Court.; 9 = Cook St.; 10 = High St.; 11 = Eustace St.; 12 = Werburgh St.; 13 = Fishamble St.; 14 = Westmorland St.; 15 = South Great George's St.; 16 = Grafton St.; 17 = Kildare St.; 18 = Dame St.; 19 = Anglesea Row; 20 = Foster Place; 21 = Poolbeg St.; 22 = Fleet St.; 23 = Burgh Quay.A = Cafe de Paris, Lincoln Place; B = Red Bank Restaurant, D'Olier St.; C = Morrison's Hotel, Nassau St.; D = Shelbourne Hotel, St. Stephen's Green; E = Jury's Hotel, Dame St. Some coffee houses transformed into the gentlemen’s clubs that appeared in London, Paris and Dublin in the 17th century. These clubs originally met in coffee houses, then taverns, until later proprietary clubs became fashionable. Dublin anticipated London in club fashions with members of the Kildare Street Club (1782) and the Sackville Street Club (1794) owning the premises of their clubhouse, thus dispensing with the proprietor. The first London club to be owned by the members seems to be Arthur’s, founded in 1811 (McDowell 4) and this practice became widespread throughout the 19th century in both London and Dublin. The origin of one of Dublin’s most famous clubs, Daly’s Club, was a chocolate house opened by Patrick Daly in c.1762–65 in premises at 2–3 Dame Street (Brooke). It prospered sufficiently to commission its own granite-faced building on College Green between Anglesea Street and Foster Place which opened in 1789 (Liddy 51). Daly’s Club, “where half the land of Ireland has changed hands”, was renowned for the gambling that took place there (Montgomery 39). Daly’s sumptuous palace catered very well (and discreetly) for honourable Members of Parliament and rich “bucks” alike (Craig 222). The changing political and social landscape following the Act of Union led to Daly’s slow demise and its eventual closure in 1823 (Liddy 51). Coincidentally, the first Starbucks in Ireland opened in 2005 in the same location. Once gentlemen’s clubs had designated buildings where members could eat, drink, socialise, and stay overnight, taverns and coffee houses faced competition from the best Dublin hotels which also had coffee rooms “in which gentlemen could read papers, write letters, take coffee and wine in the evening—an exiguous substitute for a club” (McDowell 17). There were at least 15 establishments in Dublin city claiming to be hotels by 1789 (Corr 1) and their numbers grew in the 19th century, an expansion which was particularly influenced by the growth of railways. By 1790, Dublin’s public houses (“pubs”) outnumbered its coffee houses with Dublin boasting 1,300 (Rooney 132). Names like the Goose and Gridiron, Harp and Crown, Horseshoe and Magpie, and Hen and Chickens—fashionable during the 17th and 18th centuries in Ireland—hung on decorative signs for those who could not read. Throughout the 20th century, the public house provided the dominant “third place” in Irish society, and the drink of choice for itd predominantly male customers was a frothy pint of Guinness. Newspapers were available in public houses and many newspapermen had their own favourite hostelries such as Mulligan’s of Poolbeg Street; The Pearl, and The Palace on Fleet Street; and The White Horse Inn on Burgh Quay. Any coffee served in these establishments prior to the arrival of the new coffee culture in the 21st century was, however, of the powdered instant variety. Hotels / Restaurants with Coffee Rooms From the mid-19th century, the public dining landscape of Dublin changed in line with London and other large cities in the United Kingdom. Restaurants did appear gradually in the United Kingdom and research suggests that one possible reason for this growth from the 1860s onwards was the Refreshment Houses and Wine Licences Act (1860). The object of this act was to “reunite the business of eating and drinking”, thereby encouraging public sobriety (Mac Con Iomaire, “Emergence” v.2 95). Advertisements for Dublin restaurants appeared in The Irish Times from the 1860s. Thom’s Directory includes listings for Dining Rooms from the 1870s and Refreshment Rooms are listed from the 1880s. This pattern continued until 1909, when Thom’s Directory first includes a listing for “Restaurants and Tea Rooms”. Some of the establishments that advertised separate coffee rooms include Dublin’s first French restaurant, the Café de Paris, The Red Bank Restaurant, Morrison’s Hotel, Shelbourne Hotel, and Jury’s Hotel (see Fig. 1). The pattern of separate ladies’ coffee rooms emerged in Dublin and London during the latter half of the 19th century and mixed sex dining only became popular around the last decade of the 19th century, partly infuenced by Cesar Ritz and Auguste Escoffier (Mac Con Iomaire, “Public Dining”). Irish Cafés: From Bewley’s to Starbucks A number of cafés appeared at the beginning of the 20th century, most notably Robert Roberts and Bewley’s, both of which were owned by Quaker families. Ernest Bewley took over the running of the Bewley’s importation business in the 1890s and opened a number of Oriental Cafés; South Great Georges Street (1894), Westmoreland Street (1896), and what became the landmark Bewley’s Oriental Café in Grafton Street (1927). Drawing influence from the grand cafés of Paris and Vienna, oriental tearooms, and Egyptian architecture (inspired by the discovery in 1922 of Tutankhamen’s Tomb), the Grafton Street business brought a touch of the exotic into the newly formed Irish Free State. Bewley’s cafés became the haunt of many of Ireland’s leading literary figures, including Samuel Becket, Sean O’Casey, and James Joyce who mentioned the café in his book, Dubliners. A full history of Bewley’s is available (Farmar). It is important to note, however, that pots of tea were sold in equal measure to mugs of coffee in Bewley’s. The cafés changed over time from waitress- to self-service and a failure to adapt to changing fashions led to the business being sold, with only the flagship café in Grafton Street remaining open in a revised capacity. It was not until the beginning of the 21st century that a new wave of coffee house culture swept Ireland. This was based around speciality coffee beverages such as espressos, cappuccinos, lattés, macchiatos, and frappuccinnos. This new phenomenon coincided with the unprecedented growth in the Irish economy, during which Ireland became known as the “Celtic Tiger” (Murphy 3). One aspect of this period was a building boom and a subsequent growth in apartment living in the Dublin city centre. The American sitcom Friends and its fictional coffee house, “Central Perk,” may also have helped popularise the use of coffee houses as “third spaces” (Oldenberg) among young apartment dwellers in Dublin. This was also the era of the “dotcom boom” when many young entrepreneurs, software designers, webmasters, and stock market investors were using coffee houses as meeting places for business and also as ad hoc office spaces. This trend is very similar to the situation in the 17th and early 18th centuries where coffeehouses became known as sites for business dealings. Various theories explaining the growth of the new café culture have circulated, with reasons ranging from a growth in Eastern European migrants, anti-smoking legislation, returning sophisticated Irish emigrants, and increased affluence (Fenton). Dublin pubs, facing competition from the new coffee culture, began installing espresso coffee machines made by companies such as Gaggia to attract customers more interested in a good latté than a lager and it is within this context that Irish baristas gained such success in the World Barista competition. In 2001 the Georges Street branch of Bewley’s was taken over by a chain called Café, Bar, Deli specialising in serving good food at reasonable prices. Many ex-Bewley’s staff members subsequently opened their own businesses, roasting coffee and running cafés. Irish-owned coffee chains such as Java Republic, Insomnia, and O’Brien’s Sandwich Bars continued to thrive despite the competition from coffee chains Starbucks and Costa Café. Indeed, so successful was the handmade Irish sandwich and coffee business that, before the economic downturn affected its business, Irish franchise O’Brien’s operated in over 18 countries. The Café, Bar, Deli group had also begun to franchise its operations in 2008 when it too became a victim of the global economic downturn. With the growth of the Internet, many newspapers have experienced falling sales of their printed format and rising uptake of their electronic versions. Most Dublin coffee houses today provide wireless Internet connections so their customers can read not only the local newspapers online, but also others from all over the globe, similar to Francis Dickenson’s coffee house in Winetavern Street in the early 18th century. Dublin has become Europe’s Silicon Valley, housing the European headquarters for companies such as Google, Yahoo, Ebay, Paypal, and Facebook. There are currently plans to provide free wireless connectivity throughout Dublin’s city centre in order to promote e-commerce, however, some coffee houses shut off the wireless Internet in their establishments at certain times of the week in order to promote more social interaction to ensure that these “third places” remain “great good places” at the heart of the community (Oldenburg). Conclusion Ireland is not a country that is normally associated with a coffee culture but coffee houses have been part of the fabric of that country since they emerged in Dublin in the 17th century. These Dublin coffee houses prospered in the 18th century, and survived strong competition from clubs and hotels in the 19th century, and from restaurant and public houses into the 20th century. In 2008, when Stephen Morrissey won the coveted title of World Barista Champion, Ireland’s place as a coffee consuming country was re-established. 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