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Turinskaya, Kh M. "60 Years of Union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar". Asia and Africa today, n.º 5 (15 de dezembro de 2024): 40–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750030839-4.
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The article is devoted to the allied relations between Tanganyika and Zanzibar and the creation of a union state – Tanzania. 2024 is the 60th anniversary of the union between the two formerly sovereign states. The author dwells on the key events in the history of Tanganyika, Zanzibar, and Tanzania in the 60s of the 20th century: the Zanzibar Revolution of January 1964 – an anti-imperialist, anti-feudal, anti-Sultan, anti-Arab armed uprising; the fall of the Zanzibar Sultanate, ruled by Britain; elections in Zanzibar, in which the Afro-Shirazi Party and the Nationalist Zanzibar Party competed; independence of Tanganyika and Zanzibar. The TANU (Tanganyika African National Union) became the leading and only party in Tanganyika; the ASP (AfroShirazi Party) became the leading and only party in Zanzibar. In 1977, the parties united into the Revolutionary Party, or CCM (Chama Cha Mpinduzi), which has dominated the political arena in Tanzania even after the introduction of multiparty system in the 1990s The article examines the model of African socialism – the Tanzanian ujamaa and its fate in subsequent years in already liberal, multiparty, capitalist Tanzania, under all presidents: Nyerere, Mwinyi, Mkapa, Kikwete, Magufuli, Suluhu. Reminders of Tanzanian socialism and ujamaa in the text of the Union Constitution remain unchanged for the time being
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Turinskaya, K. M. "The “proconsul of african nationalism”: Nyerere and Tanzania". Etnograficheskoe obozrenie, n.º 6 (15 de dezembro de 2023): 178–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0869541523060118.
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In 2022, the 100th anniversary of Julius Nyerere (1922-1999), the leader of Tanganyika, the founder and first president of Tanzania, an outstanding African politician and statesman, was celebrated. His political legacy in Tanzania, as well as the socio-political dynamics in Tanganyika and Zanzibar are the milestones in the recent history of the East African region, in the history of ideology, national question, national movements on the continent. His name is associated with both African nationalism and pan-Africanism. The achievements of Nyerere as a nationalist - “gathering”, creating, structuring, stabilizing and preserving a multi-tribal Tanzania as an integral state unit - are at the same time the success of Nyerere as a pan-Africanist, since the Tanganyika-Zanzibar union is a relatively successful experience in the political unification of two previously separate sovereign territories.
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Fuo, Oliver, e Daniel Mirisho Pallangyo. "A Comparative Legal Analysis of Local Government Autonomy in South Africa and Tanzania". Journal of Comparative Law in Africa 10, n.º 2 (2023): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.47348/jcla/v10/i2a1.
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Over the past thirty years, there has been an increased drive towards decentralisation in Africa with the adoption of national constitutions that guarantee varying degrees of protection to local governments. In 2014, the African Union (AU) adopted the African Charter on Values and Principles of Decentralisation, Local Governance and Local Development (2014) to guide the decentralisation project for member states. The Charter acknowledges that the protection of local autonomy in decentralised legal frameworks is necessary for local governments to deliver on their developmental mandates. In this article, we explore from a comparative law perspective, how local autonomy is protected in the constitutions of South Africa and Tanzania. We also consider legislation regulating decentralisation in South Africa and Tanzania, comparing the similarities, differences, and challenges to local autonomy in these two countries in view of their different national legal frameworks. The comparative legal analysis helps to show the unique nature of the systems of decentralisation in both countries and lessons that can inform law reform. Although there are comparative studies on subnational autonomy in Africa, none has specifically compared local government autonomy in South Africa and Tanzania. The research is based on a critical and integrated analysis of primary and secondary sources of law.
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Itambu, Makarius P. "Endangered African Wild Dogs: Ecological Disturbances, Habitat Fragmentations, and Ecosystem Collapse in Sub-Saharan Africa." Tanzania Zamani: A Journal of Historical Research and Writing 13, n.º 1 (31 de dezembro de 2021): 171–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.56279/tza20211316.
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The African wild dog (Lycaon pictus) is among the species that have declined to the point where it is now listed as endangered by the International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN, 2012). Formerly, the African wild dog population was estimated to span 39 African countries, but today, they have disappeared from much of their former habitats, now occupying just 7% of their former geographic range. They are presently found in only 14 countries primarily in the southern part of the continent, including South Africa, Tanzania, Kenya, Zimbabwe, Namibia, and Botswana. The largest populations are presently found in northern Botswana, the Selous Game Reserve in Tanzania, and in Kruger National Park in South Africa. In East Africa, the largest population is found in Tanzania and Kenya in the Serengeti-Maasai-Mara ecosystems and in the Selous Game Reserve. The current, global population is estimated to be between 3000-5000 which is comprised of less than 1400 mature individuals. Methodically, this study deeply underscored these data from critical library research i.e., archival sources, books and articles, and other published literatures across the globe which are pertinent to this research topic.
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Shivji, Issa G. "Mwalimu and Marx in Contestation: Dialogue or Diatribe?" Agrarian South: Journal of Political Economy: A triannual Journal of Agrarian South Network and CARES 6, n.º 2 (agosto de 2017): 188–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2277976017731844.
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The October Russian Revolution of 1917 inaugurated the era of social transformation challenging the dominance of global capitalism. 1 It set in motion two lineages, one tracing its ancestry directly to October and its Marxist leader Vladimir Ilyich Lenin. Among these must be included the Chinese revolution of 1949, the Vietnamese revolution of 1945, and the Cuban revolution of 1959. The second lineage is that of national liberation movements in the former colonized countries of Africa and Asia. Tanzania’s independence movement Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) under the leadership of Julius Nyerere was one such national-popular movement that questioned both capitalism and imperialism with its blueprint called the Arusha Declaration: policy of socialism and self-reliance proclaimed in 1967. This essay focuses on Nyerere’s philosophical and political outlook and his contentious relationship with Marxism. It also documents the intellectual history of Marxist ideas in Tanzania.
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Cooper, Scott, e Clark Asay. "East African Monetary Union: The Domestic Politics of Institutional Survival and Dissolution". Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 2, n.º 2 (2003): 131–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156915003322763539.
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AbstractMany regional currency institutions were established in subSaharan Africa under colonial rule. Surprisingly, a number of these colonial institutions survived the transition to national independence, and several have survived to the present day (e.g., the West African franc zones and the Southern African rand zone). In order to understand why some of these regional institutions survived while others collapsed, we have to look carefully at member countries' domestic politics at the time of independence. This study looks at the stop-and-go pattern of postcolonial cooperation in East Africa to provide an understanding of the choice between regional cooperation and the breakup of regional institutions. Newly independent governments in Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania faced a choice between continuing regional institutional ties and dissolving regional institutions to issue their own national currencies. We argue that governments maintained regional currencies only when past institutions had created a domestic political constituency for continued regionalism. The most important historical legacy of colonial institutions was the way domestic political coalitions were reshaped. This study suggests, therefore, that there is a political mechanism to path dependence: past institutions continue to shape the present through changes in political alignments.
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Sebijjo Ssemmanda, Emmanuel. "Push and pull". Jumuiya: East African Community Law Journal 1, n.º 1 (31 de outubro de 2022): 165–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.58216/j-eaclj.v1i1.213.
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The Treaty for the Establishment of the East African Community (the EAC Treaty) was signed on 30 November 1999 between the Republics of Kenya, Uganda and the United Republic of Tanzania. Burundi and Rwanda acceded to the Treaty in 2007 and South Sudan in 2016. The East African Community (EAC) is the fastest growing Regional Economic Community (REC) in Africa, with a comparatively well-functioning Customs Union, a partly functioning Common Market, a fast-approaching Monetary Union, and an ultimate destination of a Political Federation. The EAC Treaty is an international treaty and its international status has been canvassed both by the East African Court of Justice (EACJ) – the EAC’s judicial organ – and the national courts of Partner States. As might be expected, the former has been progressive and supranationalist in its interpretation of the Treaty while the latter have dabbled in a ‘push and pull’ approach attempting, on the one hand, to limit the application of the Treaty in order to protect constitutional supremacy while fully accepting, on the other hand, its application in regard to ordinary national legislation. Amidst this discourse, an appreciation of the generally binding nature of ratified international treaties has emerged among national courts so that EAC law (herein referred to as Community law) – itself a manifestation of an international Treaty – could be a major beneficiary.
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Guerreiro, José. "Africa Integrated Maritime Policy, blue growth and a new ocean governance: case studies from the Atlantic and the Indian Ocean". Western Indian Ocean Journal of Marine Science, n.º 1/2022 (29 de novembro de 2022): 33–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/wiojms.si2022.1.2.
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Integrated maritime and blue economy policies are changing ocean governance by introducing new policy drivers, reshaping institutional frameworks, as well as demanding new management instruments (e.g., Maritime Spatial Planning (MSP)). This started in 2007 though the European Union Integrated Maritime Policy approach, and in 2009 the Africa Union initiated a similar process, leading both to the Africa integrated maritime strategy as well as a blue economy strategy. Several countries, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa, began to look to blue economy as a booster to socioeconomic welfare and initiated the development of national strategies, together with the necessary adaptation of institutional and legal networks. Case studies address those processes at the transition from the Atlantic to the Indian Oceans, focusing on Angola, Namibia, South Africa, Tanzania and Kenya in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region, as well as several African Small Islands Developing States (SIDS), particularly Cape Verde, S. Tomé and Príncipe, Seychelles, Madagascar and Mauritius. Findings show that all countries covered in the case studies are developing national ocean and/or blue economy strategies and adapting their governmental, institutional, and legal frameworks, although there is a deeper political impact in SIDS. Overall, these new policy drivers are leading to a new model of ocean governance by addressing integrated maritime policies and blue growth strategies, as well as introducing MSP as a new EEZ governance tool.
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Stein, Howard. "Theories of the State in Tanzania: a Critical Assessment". Journal of Modern African Studies 23, n.º 1 (março de 1985): 105–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00056524.
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InFebruary 1967, Tanzania, formed from the union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar, declared its intention to purpue a policy of ‘socialism’ and self-reliance. In the famous Arusha Declaration, the Tanganyika African National Union called for the Government to exercise control over the means of production and move away from over-reliance on foreign assistance in development. It stressed the need to strengthen agriculture and thereby improve the lives of the majority of the population which earned their livelihood in this sector. Finally, T.A.N.U. called for changes in the party to ensure that it contained only committed socialists. Closely linked to this was a leadership code for senior officals in ministries and parastatals which prohibited them from owing stock or holding directorships in private corporations. Renting out house was also declared impermissible.
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Wijsen, Frans, e Peter Tumainimungu Mosha. "‘BAKWATA is Like a Dead Spirit to Oppress Muslims’". Utafiti 14, n.º 2 (4 de março de 2020): 223–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26836408-14010013.
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Abstract During the 2015 general election campaigns in Tanzania, a controversy arose between the ruling party and the opposition coalition, concerning the proposed constitution draft and the position of Zanzibar within the Union. Beyond this controversy, there have existed the impacts of Islamic revivalism on the one hand, and a fear for the perpetuation of Islam in Tanzania on the other – issues which have played a significant role in the country since Independence. In this paper, we focus in particular upon popular Muslim preachers, such as Ponda Issa Ponda, who complain that the National Muslim Council of Tanzania [BAKWATA] is just an extension of the mainstream government – an organisation which is unsympathetic to Muslims’ interests, which violates Muslims’ rights, and which functions contrary to its own purpose. This complaint draws on long-term memory, reaching back even further than the 1968 banning of the East African Muslims Welfare Society [EAMWS]. Two interesting questions are addressed here concerning a central state’s involvement in religious affairs under multi-party rule: How has the Tanzanian government managed religious diversity? And how should its management style be evaluated, given the perspective that has developed with the shift in focus from ‘government’ to ‘governance’ in policy and management sciences?
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ECKERT, ANDREAS. "REGULATING THE SOCIAL: SOCIAL SECURITY, SOCIAL WELFARE AND THE STATE IN LATE COLONIAL TANZANIA". Journal of African History 45, n.º 3 (novembro de 2004): 467–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853704009880.
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This essay discusses British discourses and efforts to regulate social policy in both urban and rural areas in late colonial Tanzania. It focuses mainly on questions of social security and especially on the vague concept of social welfare and development, which after the Second World War became a favoured means of expressing a new imperial commitment to colonial people. The British were very reluctant about implementing international standards of social security in Tanganyika, mainly due to the insight that the cost of providing European-scale benefits could not be borne by the colonial regime in such a poor territory. They were far more enthusiastic in pursuing a policy of social development, embodied in social welfare centres and various other schemes. It is argued that in Tanzania, this policy remained focused on peasantization rather than on proletarianization and was characterized by a disconnection between Colonial Office mandarins in London, attempting to create bourgeois, respectable African middle classes, and colonial officials in Tanganyika, seeking to maintain the political legitimacy of the chiefs and headmen. Most Africans ignored rather than challenged many of these state efforts. However, the nationalist party, the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) under Julius Nyerere believed in these programmes and continued such dirigiste and poorly financed improvement schemes after independence.
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Sablah, Mawuli, Jennifer Klopp, Douglas Steinberg, Zaoro Touaoro, Arnaud Laillou e Shawn Baker. "Thriving Public—Private Partnership to Fortify Cooking Oil in the West African Economic and Monetary Union (UEMOA) to Control Vitamin A Deficiency: Faire Tache d'Huile en Afrique de l'Ouest". Food and Nutrition Bulletin 33, n.º 4_suppl3 (dezembro de 2012): S310—S320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/15648265120334s307.
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Background In sub-Saharan Africa, more than 42% of children are at risk for vitamin A deficiency, and control of vitamin A deficiency will prevent more than 600,000 child deaths annually. In the West African Economic and Monetary Union (UEMOA), an estimated 54.3% of preschool-age children are vitamin A deficient and 13% of pregnant women have night blindness. Objective To project the achievements of this West African coalition. Methods This article documents the achievements, challenges, and lessons learned associated with the development of a public—private partnership to fortify vegetable oil in West Africa through project reports and industry assessments. Results National-level food consumption surveys identified cooking oil as a key vehicle for vitamin A. Stakeholders therefore advocated for the production of fortified vegetable oil at large scale, supported industrial assessments, and reinforced the capacity of cooking oil industries to implement vitamin A fortification through effective coordination of public and private partnerships tied with standards, regulations, and social marketing. Strong alliances for food fortification were established at the regional and national levels. Stakeholders also developed policies, adopted directives, built capacity, implemented social marketing, and monitored quality enforcement systems to sustain fortification for maximum public health impact. The synergy created resulted from the unique and complementary core competencies of all the partners under effective coordination. The initiative began with the 8 UEMOA member countries and now includes all 15 countries of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), plus Cameroon, Tanzania, and Mozambique, forming a sub-Saharan Africa-wide initiative on food fortification. All members of the Professional Association of Cooking Oil Industries of the West African Economic and Monetary Union (AIFO-UEMOA) now fortify edible oil with vitamin A. Through multisector cooperation, an estimated 70% of the population has access to vitamin A–fortified edible oil in participating countries. Conclusions Sustainable fortification of cooking oil is now a reality in all UEMOA countries.
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Butiku, Joseph Waryoba. "Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere and the Making of Tanzania". Tanzania Zamani: A Journal of Historical Research and Writing 9, n.º 2 (1 de dezembro de 2017): 93–175. http://dx.doi.org/10.56279/tza20210923.
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This article is about Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere. It examines the main ideas that propelled his decision to become a full-time politician (1954) and establish a political party – The Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) and use it to mobilize the people of Tanganyika to demand independence from the British. The article examines a number of related issues and themes in the history of Tanzania and Nyerere’s contributions to it. It starts with a section on Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere – the person , where it shows who Mwalimu Nyerere himself said he was, the ideas and principles he stood for, and the way he elaborated and used them to mobilize the people of Tanzania for independence. It notes the sacrifices he made in keeping with what he said he was, for instance by resigning from important positions of responsibility for different reasons at different times. The paper then elaborates on Nyerere’s fundamental principles and beliefs: that people (men and women) are the purpose of society, and that modern states could and should be established on the basis of the principles of the traditional African society. In the last section, the paper elaborates on the type of nation Nyerere wanted to build and provides reflections on Nyerere’s achievements and disappointments as leader of an African country in the early independence period.
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Cichecka, Anna. "EU-Africa Relations: looking through a gender lens". Przegląd Europejski, n.º 4-2021 (9 de dezembro de 2021): 99–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.4.21.6.
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The expiry of the Cotonou Agreement encourages European states to change their approach towards African countries. Efforts undertaken by the European Union may end the relationship based on dependency and may open access to a more equal partnership with common interest at the centre. The consequences of the ongoing negotiations between the EU and Africa constitute important determinants for shaping economic, political and social relations in the coming years, and therefore deserve special attention. The results of this discussion will be also crucial to women’s status and gender concepts. Accordingly, the main aim of this article is to evaluate gender initiatives undertaken between the EU and Africa in selected aspects of their cooperation, with particular emphasis on the ongoing negotiations. The article has been elaborated on the basis of gender-sensitive analysis, that is also called a gender-lens perspective. Firstly, this article presents an overview of the evolution of gender agenda in institutional and legal framework of cooperation between Europe and Africa. Secondly, this text refers to the agreements and disagreements over gender agenda during the ongoing negotiations. And the last part of the article are conclusions. The research is based on the following methods and tools: critical analysis of existing sources (desk research); content analysis of subject literature, press releases and the information published by the European Union and African Union; as well as the field research and interviews that the author has conducted with representatives of the non-governmental organisations in Tanzania. The field research was funded by a grant from the National Science Centre – PRELUDIUM 9, number: 2015/17/N/HS5/00408.
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Geiger, Susan. "Tanganyikan Nationalism as ‘Women's Work’: Life Histories, Collective Biography and Changing Historiography". Journal of African History 37, n.º 3 (novembro de 1996): 465–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700035544.
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Although nationalism in Tanzania, as elsewhere in Africa, has been criticized for its shortcomings, and a ‘Dar es Salaam School’ has been charged with succumbing to its ideological biases, few historians have revisited or questioned Tanzania's dominant nationalist narrative – a narrative created over 25 years ago. Biographies written in aid of this narrative depict nationalism in the former Trust Territory of Tanganyika as primarily the work of a few good men, including ‘proto-nationalists’ whose anti-colonial actions set the stage and provided historical continuity for the later western-oriented ideological work of nationalist modernizers.The life history narratives of women who became activists in the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) in the 1950s disrupt this view of progressive stages toward an emerging nationalist consciousness which reflected and borrowed heavily from western forms and ideals. They suggest that Tanganyikan nationalism was also and significantly the work of thousands of women, whose lives and associations reflected trans-tribal ties and affiliations, and whose work for TANU served to both construct and perform what nationalism came to signify for many Tanzanian women and men. Women activists did not simply respond to TANU's nationalist rhetoric; they shaped, informed and spread a nationalist consciousness for which TANU was the vehicle.Neither ‘extraordinary’ individuals (the usual subjects of male biography) nor ‘representative’ of ‘ordinary people’ (often the subjects of life histories), TANU women activists' lives reveal the severe limitations of the dichotomous characterizations of traditional biographical forms. Together, their narratives constitute a collective biographical narrative of great significance for our understanding of nationalism and nationalist movement in the former Tanganyika.
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Sengati, Philemon. "Youth Engagement in Democratic Process and Peace Building in Tanzania: A Study of the 2020 General Elections in Dodoma City". African Journal of Politics and Administrative Studies 16, n.º 2 (1 de dezembro de 2023): 731–846. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ajpas.v16i2.43.
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Various factors including the global community, regional bodies and national leaders have expressed their voices to demand engagement of all segments of the society, youth in particular in political processes, elections in particular which is substantial for democracy and Peace Building. Chapter 4, Article 4 of the African Union Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance of 2007 (AU, 2007) and Chapter 17, Article 11(1) of the African Youth Charter of 2006 both demands for state parties to ensure equal access for young men and young women to participate in decision – making through fulfilling civic duties of which election is core for peace building. This paper investigated the rationale as to why despite the call for youth to engage in political and democratic election to enhance Peace, still during elections particularly on voting in Tanzania, youth turnout is uncertain. This paper used both secondary and primary information. It has observed that, youth participate in election campaigns, but their motivation in voting for Peace Building is uncertain due to various reasons including lack of trust to body responsible for election management (NEC), lack of political awareness, disengagement of youth from politics of chaos and violence during election times. The article recommends reform to the National Election committee and thorough capacity building on youth to internalize and exercise their civic rights including voting for the health of Democracy, consequently peace Building.
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Jaensch, Stephanie. "Understanding African Agency in Peace and Security: Tanzania’s Implementation of “Non-Indifference” in Somalia". Africa Spectrum 56, n.º 3 (12 de novembro de 2021): 274–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002039721993482.
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Against the backdrop of the plurality of agents and contexts, Africa’s peace and security norms have remained contested and open to interpretation in political practice. This article argues that African agents manifest their agencies precisely through their distinct interpretation and implementation of security norms. Based on Tanzania’s rejection to join the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) in 2007, this article zooms into the underlying domestic complexities by focusing in particular on the crucial influence of national identities for the ongoing construction of normative meaning in Africa’s peace and security landscape.
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Mosha, Donnati M. S. "Preface". Pure and Applied Chemistry 77, n.º 11 (1 de janeiro de 2005): vi. http://dx.doi.org/10.1351/pac20057711vi.
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The 9th International Chemistry Conference in Africa (ICCA-9), Africa's continent-wide premier conferencing event in the chemical sciences, was this year hosted in Tanzania. Organized under the umbrella of the continent's African Association of Pure and Applied Chemistry (AAPAC), the event takes place every third year on a rotating basis, in a country so designated at the preceding meeting, with the national affiliate as hosts. This year's event was held for the first time since AAPAC instituted the series in 1990, in the scenic tourist setting of Arusha in northern Tanzania from 2-7 August 2004. That event, hailed as among the continent's most successful, was by coincidence, befittingly held at this panoramic location which has been designated as the exact Cape-to-Cairo midpoint and has as its backdrop, Mt. Kilimanjaro, the highest point on the continent. The event brought together participants from over 60 countries from the five continents, and the scientific sessions included a total of over 100 lectures, presentations, and posters. The social program was structured to afford participants the opportunity to sample nature's unique and spectacular wildlife heritage in the proximity, including the world famous game parks of the Serengeti and the Ngorongoro Crater, which have no parallel elsewhere.The scientific coverage included topics in analytical, physical, organic, environmental, industrial, and natural products chemistry. Delegates heard from the International Union of Pure and Applied Chemistry (IUPAC), who sponsored the event; the Royal Society of Chemistry, from whom generous conferencing input was sourced; and the American Chemical Society, who sent representatives to grace the event; plus the local partners of the Tanzania Chemical Society (TCS), the national affiliate to IUPAC and AAPAC. The official theme of the conference, "Chemistry towards disease and poverty eradication", was more than adequately targeted by the scientific conference content, which did it justice by exploring, evaluating, and demonstrating how advances in the chemical sciences and technology form vital partnerships toward those goals across the continent. This issue of Pure and Applied Chemistry features a small selection of papers arising from the main lecture program, and serves to exemplify important features of the conference theme.After a general assembly to elect new AAPAC office bearers for the coming triennium, the conference wound up business amidst unprecedented optimism that the road to success is always under construction, and that through this gathering we had cast off doubt, demonstrating and providing solid evidence that this activity is alive and well in all corners of the continent. With that upbeat note, delegates bade farewell to each other and to Arusha 2004, promising to gather again in three years time in Botswana for the 10th International Chemistry Conference in Africa.Donnati M. S. MoshaConference Editor
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Mbila, Augustus. "Implementation of East African Community Law by Partner States: A review of relevant laws". Strathmore Law Review 5, n.º 1 (1 de agosto de 2020): 111–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.52907/slr.v5i1.120.
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On 30 November 1999, the Heads of State of the East African Community met in Arusha, Tanzania, and concluded the Treaty for the establishment of the East African Community. The Treaty came into force on 7 July 2000. The founding members of this Community were Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania. Rwanda and Burundi acceded to the Treaty in 2007 while South Sudan acceded to the Treaty in 2016. While the treaty has the potential of promoting unity among the partner states, this is threatened by the fact that it fails to address how Partner States should implement it. A critical analysis of the jurisprudence from the East African Court of Justice and those of the Court of Justice of the European Union shows that community law is an autonomous legal order in which Partner States have accepted to cede part of their sovereignty to the community. Therefore, community law, unlike international law which houses it, has primacy over the municipal law of the Partner States, notwithstanding their constitutional philosophies. This paper seeks to examine how East African Community Law is implemented by partner states by reviewing the EAC Treaty, the decisions of the East African Court of Justice and the municipal laws of partner states. Decisions of the Court of Justice of the European Union on the implementation of European Union Law by Partner States of the European Union are discussed as lessons to be learnt in the East African Community.
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Mnjama, Nathan. "The records of the East African Community". African Research & Documentation 82 (2000): 3–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00021208.
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Perhaps one of the least publicised and greatly under-utilised primary source materials in East Africa are the records of the defunct East African Community held at the Arusha International Conference Centre, Tanzania. These records document virtually every aspect of human life in Eastern Africa. By 1977, when the East African Community collapsed as a regional grouping of three partner states, namely Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania, it had created vast quantities of records equivalent to that held in some of the national repositories in Africa. For over twenty years, these records have been in the custody of the Tanzania National Archives, which has made commendable efforts to ensure that this vital resource is not lost. In August 1998, the author led a team of specialists from Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania mainland, Zanzibar and Lesotho to appraise, arrange, describe, box, and shelve these records. This article is based on information gathered during the workshop.
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Михель, Дмитрий Викторович. "VISUAL STORIES ABOUT PRIMATES AND PRIMATOLOGY AS STORIES OF SOMETHING MORE". ΠΡΑΞΗMΑ. Journal of Visual Semiotics, n.º 3(29) (18 de junho de 2021): 116–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.23951/2312-7899-2021-3-116-139.
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Цель исследования – проанализировать серию визуальных историй, характеризующих культурный опыт восприятия приматов и приматологии в Советском Союзе 1930-х годов и в США в период с 1963 года по настоящее время. Объектом изучения избраны иллюстративные материалы к книге Надежды Ладыгиной-Котс «Дитя шимпанзе и дитя человека» (1935); фото и киноматериалы середины 1930-х годов, изображающие опыты с участием шимпанзе, которые проводились в лаборатории академика Ивана Павлова в Колтушах; фото и видеоматериалы о полевой научной работе Джейн Гудолл в Национальном парке Гомбе в Танзании, представленные в изданиях компании «National Geographic»; цикл кинофильмов о «Планете обезьян», созданных компанией «20th Century Fox» с 1968 по 1973 год. В статье утверждается, что визуальные истории о приматах и приматологии всегда являются историями о чем-то большем, поскольку они являются еще одним типом текста, который разворачивает себя в соответствии с тем, как мы его видим и чувствуем, как переживаем, а также в соответствии с тем, что мы еще знаем о предметах, которые отражаются в этих образах. В рамках данной статьи обсуждаются следующие вопросы. О чем говорили эти истории своим современникам? О чем они могут сказать нам сегодня? О чем мы можем узнать еще благодаря этим визуализациям? В статье показано, что визуальное повествование, представленное в иллюстрациях к книге Надежды Ладыгиной-Котс, можно рассматривать не только как еще один тип повествования о научной работе, но и как рассказ о частной жизни ученого-женщины, которая превратила ее в поле научного эксперимента. Образы шимпанзе, участвующих в экспериментах ученых лаборатории академика Павлова, представленные в выпусках журнала «Огонек» 1934 и 1935 года и научно-популярном фильме «Роза и Рафаэль», можно воспринимать как фрагмент визуального повествования о величии советской науки и о советском образе жизни. Фото и видеоматериалы о работе Джейн Гудолл в африканском лесу, производство которых поставил на поток «National Geographic», бесспорно, представляют собой повествование о потаенной мечте западной цивилизации о том, как вернуться в первобытный рай, который давно утрачен. Киноэпопея «Планета обезьян», созданная Артуром Джейкобсом и его командой, – это не что иное, как опыт визуализации застарелых страхов американского общества, озабоченного расовыми конфликтами и неясностью своего будущего. Визуальные истории о приматах и приматологии – это всегда истории о том, что еще можно увидеть по прошествии времени. The aim of the study is to analyze a series of visual stories characterizing the cultural experience of perception of primates and primatology in the Soviet Union in the 1930s and in the United States from 1963 to the present. The object of the study is illustrative materials for the book The Chimpanzee Child and the Human Child (1935) by Nadezhda Ladygina-Kots; photo and film materials of the mid-1930s depicting experiments with chimpanzees that were conducted in the laboratory of Academician Ivan Pavlov in Koltushy; photos and videos of Jane Goodall’s field research work in Gombe National Park, Tanzania, presented in the publications of “National Geographic”; a series of films about the Planet of the Apes created by the 20th Century Fox during 1968–1973. The article argues that visual stories about primates and primatology are always stories about something more because they are another type of text that unfolds according to how we see and feel it, how we experience it, and what we still know about the objects that are reflected in these images. This article discusses the following questions: What did these stories tell their contemporaries about? What can they tell us today? What else can we learn about through these visualizations? The article shows that the visual narrative, presented in the illustrations for the book by Ladygina-Kots, can be considered not only as another type of narrative about research work, but also as a story about the private life of a female scientist, who turned it into a field of scientific experiment. Images of chimpanzees participating in the experiments of the scientists of Academician Pavlov’s laboratory, presented in the issues of the Ogonyok magazine of 1934 and 1935 and in the popular science film Rosa and Rafael, can be perceived as a fragment of a visual narrative about the greatness of Soviet science and the Soviet way of life. Photos and videos of Jane Goodall’s work in the African forest, which were produced by National Geographic, are undoubtedly a story about the hidden dream of Western civilization about how to return to the primitive paradise, which has long been lost. The epic film Planet of the Apes, created by Arthur Jacobs and his team, is nothing more than an experience of visualizing the long-standing fears of American society preoccupied with racial conflicts and the uncertainty of its future. Visual stories about primates and primatology are always stories about what else can be seen over time.
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Craig, Jessica, Kayli Hiban, Isabel Frost, Geetanjali Kapoor,, Yewande Alimi e Jay Varma. "Comparison of national antimicrobial treatment guidelines, African Union". Bulletin of the World Health Organization 100, n.º 1 (1 de janeiro de 2022): 50–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.2471/blt.21.286689.
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Edmondson, Laura. "National Erotica, The Politics of “Traditional” Dance in Tanzania". TDR/The Drama Review 45, n.º 1 (março de 2001): 153–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/105420401300079103.
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In Tanzania, a tension exists between the persistence of the “primi-tive” and “erotic” stereotype of African performance and the emergent means of representing culture and gender on the dance stage. This tension leads to a complex process of inventing, counterinventing, and reinventing tradition.
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Roug, Annette, Epaphras Alex Muse, Deana L. Clifford, Goodluck Paul, Donald Mpanduji, George Makingi, Walter Magesa et al. "Health of African Buffalos (Syncerus caffer) in Ruaha National Park, Tanzania". Journal of Wildlife Diseases 56, n.º 2 (31 de março de 2020): 495. http://dx.doi.org/10.7589/2019-06-151.
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Makame, W. H., J. Kang e S. Park. "Factors influencing electronic commerce adoption in developing countries: The case of Tanzania". South African Journal of Business Management 45, n.º 2 (30 de junho de 2014): 83–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/sajbm.v45i2.126.
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Electronic commerce is rapidly replacing the old ways of doing business. Although many studies have been conducted on the adoption of various forms of e-commerce, there are few on this topic in African countries; in particular, there is no research on Tanzania. Therefore, this paper analyzes the factors determining e-commerce and their impact on its adoption in Tanzania. This paper extends the technology acceptance model (TAM) to an empirical study analyzing the factors influencing e-commerce adoption in Tanzania. A survey involving 111 respondents including Tanzanian government officers was conducted, and structural equation modeling was used to assess the model for the influence of three new factors: national policy initiatives, technology infrastructure, and trust in e-commerce adoption. The results show thattechnology infrastructure is an important factor in e-commerce adoption, and national policy initiatives are important in building online trust and improving technology infrastructure in Tanzania. Therefore, government policy makers need to encourage the presence of good technology infrastructure and build trust in e-commerce through national policy initiatives such as e-commerce promotion. Limitations of this paper are that the respondents are limited to people who have access to the Internet and some might not have enough knowledge about e-commerce. Further, the survey is conducted only in Tanzania; therefore, the results may differ in other African countries.
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Sylvester, Christine. "Zimbabwe's 1985 Elections: a Search for National Mythology". Journal of Modern African Studies 24, n.º 2 (junho de 1986): 229–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00006868.
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When Zimbabweans went to the polls in June and July of 1985, they decisively returned the Zimbabwe African National Union (Patriotic Front) to formal power, provided regional support for the Patriotic Front–Zimbabwe African People's Union and, in the case of the white roll, endorsed Ian Smith's Conservative Alliance of Zimbabwe. Questions raised in the wake of the elections tended to focus on the changes that the Z.A.N.U.(P.F.) Government could institute in the next three to five years – a one-party system, a complete abrogation of the Lancaster House privileges for whites, a vigorous turn towards Marxism.
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Ignatiev, Pavlo, e Iryna Zaporizka. "Еconomic development of the United Republic of Tanzania". 17, n.º 17 (30 de junho de 2023): 18–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2310-9513-2023-17-02.
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Achieving balanced economic growth is one of the priorities of governments in developing countries. This is especially relevant for certain African countries that have such characteristics as a favorable geographical location and considerable demographic resource. The policy of the United Republic of Tanzania is an example of successful strategy, since the country not only demonstrates a dynamic growth of GDP, but also competes for regional leadership with neighboring Kenya. The object is the economic policy of Tanzania, while the subject is represented by national interests, resources, and the tools of management of processes of national economic growth. Because of this the article aims at establishing comparative advantages of Tanzania and the peculiarities of its economic advancement. The system approach is used in the article, since it analyzes the economic policy as the set of elements that interact with each other. It was found that Tanzania is a strategic player in East Africa in terms of logistics that at the same time enjoys an appropriate tourism potential, represented by Mount Kilimanjaro, the national parks of international importance, and the popular islands in the Indian Ocean. The basis of the national economic strategy is the focus on transport and tourist services, which can be considered rather unusual for the African continent. At the same time, Tanzania is trying to effectively use its opportunities in the fields of agriculture and mining industry and is also actively developing transport infrastructure in order to become a logistics hub in the region. Moreover, the country is taking steps to exploit the commercial reserves of oil and natural gas. Tanzania’s foreign economic ties play an important role. This state actor has Chinese orientation since Beijing is its main trading partner and a major investor in infrastructure projects. Tanzanian political elite is also actively diversifying its contacts by deepening the cooperation with Türkiye. The complex of these factors helps to ensure balanced economic development, as well as to gain certain advantages in the competition with Kenya for the leadership in the East African region.
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Oloo, Michael, Mary Mbithi e Martin Oleche. "Threshold Effect of Macroeconomic Convergence Criteria on Real GDP Growth Rate within the East African Community". European Journal of Development Studies 2, n.º 2 (16 de março de 2022): 11–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejdevelop.2022.2.2.67.
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This study investigates how the thresholds set by the East African Monetary Committee (EAMC) have impacted the growth of the East African Countries (Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda, Rwanda, and Burundi). The analysis establishes the actual thresholds supported by a panel data model, running from 2005 to 2020, which are drawn from World Development Indicators data from the World Bank website. The actual thresholds obtained are compared to the thresholds adopted by EAMC. This data was analysed using a Dynamic Threshold Panel model; the results show a slight deviation of the actual (optimal) data thresholds from the thresholds adopted as the EAC criteria for the formation of a Monetary Union. Therefore, there is need to reconsider the thresholds criteria to enable them to become feasible for the member states to achieve so as to form the Monetary Union.
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Carcel, Hector, Luis A. Gil-Alana e Godfrey Madigu. "Inflation Convergence in the East African Community: A Fractional Integration and Cointegration Study". Global Economy Journal 15, n.º 4 (dezembro de 2015): 507–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/gej-2015-0002.
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In this study we have examined the inflation convergence hypothesis in the five countries that belong to the East African Community and which recently signed a protocol outlining their plans for launching a monetary union within ten years. We check for common patterns in the persistence in the inflation levels. As it is argued in the literature, countries hoping to form a monetary union should present similar inflation patterns. Our study shows that the inflation rates in these countries present orders of integration equal to higher than one in all cases, confirming that shocks will most certainly not recover in the long run. Moreover, fractional cointegration relationships are also found across all the countries with the exception of Tanzania, suggesting that this country displays a different pattern compared to the remaining four, presenting also some evidence of a break in the data.
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Ndawana, Enock, Mediel Hove e Sylvester Ghuliku. "Tanzania: Small Arms Proliferation in East Africa and National Security". Conflict Studies Quarterly, n.º 23 (10 de abril de 2018): 48–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.23.3.
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This article examines the effects of the proliferation of small arms on Tanzania’s national security. Engaging the security dilemma theory, regional security complex theory and ideas about state weakness, the paper argues that the prevalence of small arms in Tanzania negatively shape the social, economic and political milieu with profound consequences for the stability and security of the country and region both in the short and longterm. While Tanzania continues to be relatively stable, it suffers from the proliferation of small arms. This may erode its long observed image as the anchor of East African stability if not urgently addressed. The paper concludes that Tanzania has both strengths or successes and weaknesses in its efforts to mitigate the small arms challenge in which the former need to be strengthened to avert the country’s image of peace and stability in East Africa from becoming an illusion.
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Lee, Yoosook, Natalie Olson, Youki Yamasaki, Allison Chang, Clare Marsden, Ahmed Ouledi, Gregory Lanzaro e Anthony J. Cornel. "Absence of kdr resistance alleles in the Union of the Comoros, East Africa". F1000Research 4 (9 de junho de 2015): 146. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/f1000research.6567.1.
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Knockdown resistance (kdr) and CYP9K1 genotypes were detected by a MOLDI-TOF based SNP genotyping assay (Sequenom iPLEX) in samples of Anopheles gambiae collected at 13 sites throughout the Union of the Comoros and Dar es Salaam, Tanzania during February and March 2011. All A. gambiae specimens collected in the Comoros were homozygous for the susceptible kdr alleles (+/+) while 96% of A. gambiae from Dar es Salaam were homozygous for the East African kdr resistant genotype (E/E). In contrast, all specimens from Dar es Salaam and the Comoros were homozygous for the cyp3 allele (c3/c3) at the CYP9K1 locus; the locus has been implicated in metabolic resistance against pyrethroid insecticides in West Africa. All specimens had typical A. gambiae genotypes for SNPs within the divergence Islands on all three chromosomes. Although further spatial and temporal studies are needed, the distribution of kdr genotypes between the Comoros and Tanzania further supports isolation of the Comoros populations from A. gambiae populations on mainland Africa.
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MORROW, S. "DAKAWA DEVELOPMENT CENTRE: AN AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS SETTLEMENT IN TANZANIA, 1982-1992". African Affairs 97, n.º 389 (1 de outubro de 1998): 497–521. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a007968.
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Biginagwa, Thomas J. "Development of Cultural Heritage Registration in Post-Colonial Tanzania". Tanzania Zamani: A Journal of Historical Research and Writing 12, n.º 1 (31 de dezembro de 2019): 98–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.56279/tza20211214.
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Although Tanzania is endowed with a significant amount of nationally and internationally renowned cultural heritage resources that span about 3.6 million years to the present, very few of them feature in the national heritage register. The government has only proclaimed and registered fifty-five heritage assets deemed to be of national significance since independence, almost six decades ago. Most of the registered heritage resources are built heritage with colonial ties, at the expense of traditional African ones. Spatially, heritage properties in regions along the Indian Ocean coast dominate the proclaimed heritage properties. This paper investigates the reasons for these trends, by tracing the roots of the heritage registration system in the country to the colonial period and by uncovering the shortcomings in the creation and maintenance of the heritage register, and proposes solutions and strategies for addressing the challenges. The paper cites examples from African countries and beyond to illustrate how comprehensive heritage registers are created and maintained.
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Aminzade, Ronald, Rachel Schurman e Francis Lyimo. "Circulating Discourses". Sociology of Development 4, n.º 1 (2018): 70–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sod.2018.4.1.70.
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In recent years, neo-institutional sociologists, political scientists and geographers have engaged in a lively set of theoretical debates about how policy ideas move from one place to another. This paper seeks to engage with claims about global norm diffusion or policy transfer by studying policy discourses on agricultural development in the East African country of Tanzania. Using documents produced by international donors and research institutions, the Tanzanian government, and national and transnational civil society organizations; transcripts of parliamentary debates; and over 30 interviews with policy actors in Tanzania, we identify and compare three discourses that are currently circulating on African agricultural development policy: a global discourse, a dominant national discourse, and a subordinate national discourse. Based on an analysis of these discourses’ similarities and differences—and of the policy coalitions that are promoting them—we advance arguments about (a) the role of national contexts and historical legacies in shaping the diffusion of a global discourse; (b) power dynamics and political contention within the state itself; and (c) the transnational networks of both dominant and subordinate discourse coalitions.
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Goncharov, Victor I., C. R. D. Halisi e Yevgeny Tarabrin. "Recommendations: Southern African Development Coordination Conference and African Security". Issue: A Journal of Opinion 17, n.º 1 (1988): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700500870.
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The overwhelmingly dominant regional power of southern Africa, South Africa, attempts to contain the political, economic, and military interdependence of neighboring states, irrespective of ideological preference. The Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC) founded in 1980, is the response of the other states in the region to South Africa’s ambitions to maintain regional hegemony. Its nine member state are Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia, and Zimbabwe, and an independent Namibia is expected to join. The specific objectives of SADCC, as stated in the 1980 Lusaka Declaration, are the reduction of economic dependence in general (not only on South Africa); the forging of links to create a genuinely meaningful and equitable system of regional integration; the mobilization of resources to support national, interstate, and regional policies; and concerted action to secure international cooperation for the purpose of economic liberation.
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Mohr, Susanne, e Dunlop Ochieng. "Language usage in everyday life and in education: current attitudes towards English in Tanzania". English Today 33, n.º 4 (6 de julho de 2017): 12–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078417000268.
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Tanzania is, like most countries in East Africa, extremely culturally and linguistically diverse. Language counts range from 125 (Lewis, Simons & Fennig, 2016) to 164 living languages mentioned by the ‘Languages of Tanzania project’ (2009). Given this extreme multilingualism, institutional languages had to be chosen on a national level after independence. Kiswahili is the proclaimed national language and lingua franca of the East African region, also spoken in Kenya, Uganda and the Democratic Republic of Congo, for instance, and is used as medium of instruction (MoI) in primary education. English, the former colonial language, is the de facto national working language and medium of instruction in secondary and higher education. However, English remains a minority language, spoken by approximately 5% of the population, most of whom are members of a higher social class (Tibategeza, 2010). This leads to English being an international rather than a second language as in other former British colonies (Schmied, 1990, 1991). Rubanza (2002: 45) goes so far as to argue that ‘the society Tanzanians work and live in does not demand the use of English’. That is why it has been claimed that English will never replace the African languages in Tanzania but remain an additional language in certain spheres (Schmied, 1991).
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Phillips, Kristin D. "Hunger, Healing, and Citizenship in Central Tanzania". African Studies Review 52, n.º 1 (abril de 2009): 23–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.0.0135.
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Abstract:This article draws on newspaper commentary, Nyaturu hunger lore, and ethnographic research to describe how central Tanzanian villagers accessed food aid from the state during the East African food crisis of 2006. Through leveraging their political support and their participation in national development agendas, rural inhabitants claimed their rights. Yet it was through these exchanges that the state converted food aid into political power. The article argues that the highly ritualized gift of food aid naturalizes a contemporary political and economic order in which, counterintuitively, it is rural farmers who go hungry.
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Mutisya, Fidelis, e Omwoyo Bosire Onyancha. "Users' perceived level of service at the African Union Court on Human and Peoples' Rights library in Arusha, Tanzania". Library Management 41, n.º 6/7 (26 de maio de 2020): 531–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/lm-02-2020-0026.
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PurposeThe study examined users' perceived level of service at the African Union Court on Human and Peoples' Rights (AUCHPR) library in Arusha, Tanzania.Design/methodology/approachThe study adopted a quantitative approach in line with the tenets of the LibQUAL and SERVQUAL protocols, which were used as theoretical lenses and informed the development of questionnaires which were used to collect data. The target population consisted of 94 library users.FindingsThe study found that the library's best services, in terms of their quality and as perceived by users, lie in its human resources (i.e. affect of service, assurance and responsiveness). On the other hand, the lowest perceived level of services was recorded in the aspects related to information collection and physical facilities (i.e. library as a place and tangibles).Research limitations/implicationsThis study was based on the African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights library in Arusha, Tanzania. The study covered both internal and external users of the library.Practical implicationsThe study identified strengths and weaknesses of the African Court library as far as the perceived level of service is concerned, and the findings can therefore be used to inform decisions on the improvement of quality of the library services. In so doing, the library will be in a stronger position to offer quality services and assist the court in attaining its objectives of promoting and protecting human rights in Africa. With improved library service quality, the non-judicial staff, external users and society in general will stand to benefit from the library.Originality/valueWhile drawing lessons from previous service quality studies, this study is the first quality assessment study to be done in the African Court library. It is also the first to use a combination of LibQUAL and SERVQUAL models in the context of the African Court library services.
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Kostelyanets, Sergey V. "Tanzania: Political Development in the Context of Julius Nyerere's Legacy". Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, n.º 3 (2022): 160. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080018254-6.
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13 April 2022 marked the 100th anniversary of the birth of the first president of independent Tanzania Julius Kambarage Nyerere, whose political legacy has continued to exert great influence in the country after his death in 1999. The successors of Mwalimu (“teacher”), as Tanzanians called him, to the highest office were guided by his “vision of the future of Tanzania”, on the one hand, and used – not always appropriately – his name when promoting their own agenda, on the other. The paper examines the main vectors of the political development of Tanzania in the context of the succession of subsequent regimes. The authors analyze the main points of the formation of the Tanzanian nation and the reasons for the gradual departure of the country's leaders from the principles of “African socialism” and from the preservation of economic equality, national unity, etc., which were of paramount importance during Mwalimu's rule. Employing the theoretical-analytical and systemic-historical approaches to characterize Tanzanian political regimes, the authors conclude that, firstly, owing to the foundations of nation-building laid down by Mwalimu, Tanzania has for almost six decades maintained political stability, expressed primarily in the exclusively constitutional transfer of power from one political leader to another; secondly, that under the influence of internal and external political and economic processes, the principles of “African socialism” were gradually and peacefully replaced by market relations. Accordingly, in the 2010s-2020s Tanzanians found themselves in an era of “post-Nyererism”, although they retained national unity and pride in being “citizens of Tanzania”.
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Kenny, Bridget. "The South African labour movement". Tempo Social 32, n.º 1 (15 de abril de 2020): 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/0103-2070.ts.2020.166288.
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This paper reviews the state of the South African labour movement. It discusses trade unions within the context of national political dynamics, including the Tripartite Alliance and neoliberalism, as well as growing precarianization of work within South Africa. It examines splits within the major federation and explores debates around union renewal and new worker organizations. It argues that the political terrain is fragmented and shifting, but workers’ collective labour politics abides.
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Njenga, Frank. "Focus on psychiatry in East Africa". British Journal of Psychiatry 181, n.º 4 (outubro de 2002): 354–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/bjp.181.4.354.
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East Africa is made up of Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania, all previous colonies of the British Empire which attained their independence in the early 1960s. At the time of independence, the East African community held the three countries together. Political expedience broke up the community in 1977 but greater wisdom and economic reality have brought the three countries back together in December 2001, in the form of a common Legislative Assembly and Court of Appeal. A Customs Union is expected soon, ahead of full political integration.
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Sylvester, Christine. "Unities and Disunities in Zimbabwe's 1990 Election". Journal of Modern African Studies 28, n.º 3 (setembro de 1990): 375–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00054616.
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In 1985 the Zimbabwean national election presented voters with a drama of pretence. The Zimbabwe African National Union (Patriotic Front), known as Z.A.N.U. (P.F.), the party in power, issued a manifesto for ‘unity of the working people in the advance of a just Socialist Society’; meanwhile its candidates routinely cast aspersions on (working) people who supported the major rival party, the Patriotic Front–Zimbabwe African People's Union (P.F.-Z.A.P.U.). The latter defensively called for a unified effort to ensure that multi-party liberalism would prevail in Zimbabwe; it then implicitly endorsed most of the principles of social balance through growth with equity which its alleged ‘Marxist–Leninist’ opponents had instituted.
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Tieku, Thomas Kwasi. "The African Union Makes Its Mark in the Pandemic". Current History 120, n.º 826 (1 de maio de 2021): 172–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2021.120.826.172.
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A new spirit of pan-Africanism guided the continent’s response to the pandemic. Led by South African President Cyril Ramaphosa, the African Union provided multilateral coordination and worked with external partners to obtain support, while the Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention organized the pandemic responses of national public health agencies. The pandemic showed the risks of continued reliance on foreign donors for resources such as vaccines, but the collective response demonstrated that the AU has become a strong institution capable of addressing regional and global challenges.
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Smiley, Sarah L. "Researching Housing, Water, and Sanitation in the British and Tanzania National Archives". History in Africa 40, n.º 1 (19 de junho de 2013): 353–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hia.2013.5.
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AbstractThe passage of Britain’s 1940 Colonial Development and Welfare Act increased the levels of funding for social welfare projects such as housing in its colonies and mandates. This state of the archives article provides an overview of holdings on African housing construction in Dar es Salaam found in the British and Tanzania National Archives. It highlights archival records that outline housing research, official development plans, proposed housing schemes, and the actual results of these schemes. It also discusses some unexpectedly relevant files that were found by broadening search terms.
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Kassa, Rahel Nega, Emily Wanja Kaburu, Uduak Andrew-Bassey, Saad Ahmed Abdiwali, Bonfils Nahayo, Ndayishimye Samuel e Joshua Odunayo Akinyemi. "Factors associated with pregnancy termination in six sub-Saharan African countries". PLOS Global Public Health 4, n.º 5 (9 de maio de 2024): e0002280. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pgph.0002280.
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Pregnancy termination continues to be a leading cause of maternal morbidity and mortality among young women in Africa. The sub-Saharan Africa region has the highest rate of abortion-related deaths in the world, at 185 maternal deaths per 100,000 abortions. The aim of this study is to investigate the factors associated with pregnancy termination among women aged 15 to 29 years in six sub-Saharan African countries. We used secondary data from the most recent Demographic and Health Survey of six sub-Saharan African countries: Kenya, Tanzania, Ethiopia, Burundi, Nigeria, and Rwanda. A total weighted sample of 74,652 women aged 15–29 were analyzed. A multivariable logistic regression model was used to identify the factors associated with pregnancy termination at a p-value < 0.05. Results were presented using adjusted odds ratios (AOR) with 95% confidence interval. The study showed that 6.3% of women aged 15–29 reported pregnancy termination with a higher prevalence rate in Tanzania (8.8%) and lowest in Ethiopia (4%). Highest odds of pregnancy termination occurred among women aged 20–24 as compared to women aged 15–19 in Rwanda (AOR: 4.04, 95%CI 2.05, 7.97) followed by Nigeria (AOR: 2.62, 95% CI 1.99, 3.43), Kenya (AOR: 2.33, 95%CI 1.48, 3.66), Burundi (AOR: 1.99 95%CI 1.48, 2.85), Tanzania (AOR: 1.71 95%CI 1.29, 2.27), and Ethiopia (AOR: 1.69, 95% CI 1.19, 2.42). Women with no education had 4 times higher odds of pregnancy termination compared to women with higher education in Tanzania (AOR: 4.03 95%CI 1.00, 16.13) while women with no education and primary level education were 1.58 times (AOR: 1.58 95% CI 1.17, 2.13) and 1.78 times (AOR: 1.78 95% CI 1.34, 2.37) as likely to terminate pregnancy in Ethiopia. In Tanzania, the likelihood of a pregnancy termination was associated with a relationship to the household head; head (AOR: 3.66, 95% CI (2.32, 5.78), wife (AOR: 3.68, 95% CI 2.60, 5.12), and in-law (AOR:2.62, 1.71, 4.03). This study revealed that a significant number of women had pregnancy termination. Being in the age group of 20–24 & 25–29, having a lower level of education, being a domestic employee and professional, being single/never-in-union, being in the poorest and richer wealth quantile category, and being head, wife, daughter, and in-law to the household head were the significantly associated with pregnancy termination. Taking these socio-economic factors into consideration by stakeholders and specific sexual education targeted to women aged 15 to 29 would help tackle the problem.
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Kamais, Cosmas Ekwom, Pontian Godfrey Okoth e Sussy Namaemba Kimokoti. "African Union Mission in Somalia Considerations for Transition and Kenya’s National Security". African Journal of Empirical Research 5, n.º 2 (2 de maio de 2024): 267–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.51867/ajernet.5.2.24.
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This study assessed the implications of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) on Kenya's national security within the context of AMISOM's transition to the African Union Transition Mission in Somalia (ATMIS). The objective of the study was analyse achievement of African Union Mission in Somalia mandates, to examine the effects to Kenya's National security and assess transition strategies of national security. The study was guided by Functionalist, Strategic and Securitisation theories. The research employed a mixed-methods research design using questionnaire surveys and interviews with respondents in Kenya's border counties most affected by Somali instability. Study findings established that, while a majority (52%) believe AMISOM has achieved its mandate to a moderate extent, concerns remain regarding the capacity of Somali Security Forces (SSF) and the overall stability of Somalia. In addition, study findings established that while progress has been made in degrading Al-Shabaab and supporting the Somali Federal Government (FGS). However, only a third of respondents believe the SSF has been adequately mentored by AMISOM. Despite success in facilitating humanitarian assistance and Civil-Military Cooperation (CIMIC) projects, nearly two-thirds believe Somalia lacks the conditions necessary for long-term stability. The study concludes that AMISOM's transition strategy inadequately addresses governance and security aspects essential for Kenyan security. Weak SSF and FGS capacity pose a threat of failed stabilization after AMISOM's withdrawal. Additionally, Kenya's current border security measures are insufficient to manage potential spill over effects. ANOVA indicated an F statistic of 134.318 and a p value of 0.000<0.05 thus the Somalia PSO strategies significantly predict Kenya’s National Security. Regressions weight model (β = -0.451, P = .000<.05) implied that Nature of Somalia PSO strategies negatively influences Kenya’s National Security. The study recommends a revision of the AMISOM transition strategy to include capacity building for FGS and SSF, including forces in federal member states like Jubaland; allocation of sufficient time for a well-monitored transition with clear benchmarks; an exploration cautious negotiations with Al-Shabaab, contingent on a strong FGS and a hybrid AU-UN peacekeeping mission to succeed ATMIS to ensure Kenya's long-term security.
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Gavristova, Tatiana, e Natalia Krylova. "Africans in London: Chronicle of the Union of West African Students". Uchenie zapiski Instituta Afriki RAN 65, n.º 4 (10 de dezembro de 2023): 93–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2023-65-4-93-106.
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Research interest in the problems of the young generation of the countries of the African continent, including students, has noticeably increased over the last decades. The student youth, called the “conscience of the nation” in African countries, for a long time has been one of the most organized streams of the democratic movement and continues to play a prominent role in national processes. However, the student movement is a very complex and contradictory phenomenon, feeding numerous hotbeds and centers of intense search for national identity and struggle for their rights and freedoms. The authors of this article saw their task in an objective examination of the experience of one of the most famous and authoritative student organizations, mainly in the historical and cultural context. The article is dedicated to the history of the Union of West African Students’ Union (WASU) – one of the largest organizations of African students who lived and studied in Great Britain in the first half of the 20th century. The historical and cultural perspective of representation was not chosen by the authors of the article by chance. The activities of the WASU are closely connected with the problems of the national liberation movement in West Africa, though it also performed various tasks to protect the interests and rights of students in London and in the UK and therefore holds a key place in the history of the African Diaspora. The authors examine in detail the stages of the ideological and political formation and development of the WASU – from the Union of Students of African Descent, which existed in London at the turn of the second and the third decades of the 20th century, to the extinction of the WASU in the early 1960s. The authors show that for all its weaknesses, mistakes, theoretical immaturity and eclecticism of ideological attitudes, it was the WASU that had formed the anti-colonial agenda in Africa implemented during the national liberation struggle at the turn of 1950–60s in most countries on the continent. In a number of countries in West Africa, after the declaration of independence, former members and leaders of the Union came to power. Among them are Kwame Nkrumah (1909–1972), Benjamin Nnamdi Azikiwe (1904–1996), etc. The authors offer a new look at the phenomenon of African students, who were equally capable to fight for their interests and the interests of the nation and at the same time expressed conformist sentiments to the colonial authorities and post-colonial reality.
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Petrica, Dan. "National Liberation Movements and Their Vocation for Party Politics in Southern Africa. The Case of the African National Congress and Zimbabwe African National Union". Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Studia Europaea 66, n.º 1 (30 de junho de 2021): 41–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbeuropaea.2021.1.03.
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"The paper aims to shed light on the particularities of two national liberation movements - turned political parties and how they embraced their new role after the liberation struggle had ended and majority rule had been obtained. South Africa’s ANC and Zimbabwe’s ZANU-PF are analyzed in an attempt to ultimately underline why democracy was approached distinctively by the too. We also bring some arguments as to why South Africa failed to stop ZANU-PF’s descent into autocracy, amidst internal and international pressures to intervene. After a short historical background of the two NLMs, we discuss the links between them, the particular political and social conditions which shaped their behaviours and the commonalities and differences in said behaviours. We argue that, as long as the democratic principles identified with ZANU-PF’s struggle for the empowerment of a new elite, the former were pursued; when the two no longer overlapped, stronghold politics and policies took primacy. We also argue that faced with similar contestation as ZANU-PF, the ANC might chose to sacrifice democracy for the sake of regime survival. Keywords: party-politics, international relations, regional influence, democracy, colonialism, discourse "
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Legère, Karsten. "African linguistic landscapes: Focus on English". Language in Africa 3, n.º 1 (29 de junho de 2022): 3–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.37892/2686-8946-2022-3-1-3-30.
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English is the official or co-official language in 21 African nations. Out of these the linguistic landscape analysis here focuses on two countries, that is Namibia and Tanzania. In the latter case, the national language Swahili enjoys de facto the same status as English which, however, for the number of competent speakers is a minority language in this East African country, Namibia and elsewhere in Africa. The paper deals mainly with the English use in various domains, as evidenced in billboard texts, shop signs, on murals, buildings and more. It describes the top-down (originating from central institutions) or bottom up (grassroots) approach to shaping the linguistic landscape in public. From this perspective the paper demonstrates the high prestige of English.
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Roug, Annette, Epaphras A. Muse, Woutrina A. Smith, Jonna A. K. Mazet, Rudovick R. Kazwala, Danielle Harvey, Goodluck Paul, Godwell O. Meing'ataki, Paul Banga e Deana L. Clifford. "Demographics and parasites of African buffalo (Syncerus cafferSparrman, 1779) in Ruaha National Park, Tanzania". African Journal of Ecology 54, n.º 2 (10 de março de 2016): 146–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/aje.12275.
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