Teses / dissertações sobre o tema "Tanzania African National Union"

Kenya and South Africa can be described as dominant party systems, under the dominance of the Kenya African National Union CKANU) and the African National Congress CANC) respectively. A dominant party system is in essence a democracy. The spirit of democracy may, however, apparently be contradicted by the weight of party dominance, thus questioning the content of and prospects for democracy under party dominance in both Kenya and South Africa. The study is a comparative analysis of party dominance in Kenya and South Africa. The main objective is to exan1ine the relationship between party dominance and democracy in both countries. It seeks to find out how party dominance is reproducing itself and surviving the post 1990 transition processes in Kenya and South Africa. More importantly, the study also seeks to find out how party dominance impacts upon institutions that support or uphold democratization and subsequently democracy. The findings of the study demonstrate that party dominance has reproduced itself and survived the post-1990 period, and is also impacting upon democratization and democracy. The dominant parties take a similar trajectory in pursuit of dominance over the state and its apparatuses. However, they differ when it comes to their relationship with the civil society. That between KANU and civil society is antagonistic, as the ruling party seeks to augment political power through authoritarian dominance of the latter to, while that of the ANC and civil society is responsive, as the former seeks to enhance political stability in the country. The impact of party dominance upon institutions that support democracy takes similar and different trajectories in both countries. Similarities arise with respect to the detrimental impact upon institutions of the Executive that ensure accountability and transparency, evident in the increasing cases of corruption, nepotism and political patronage appointments. Similarly, there has been a detrimental impact upon the Legislature regarding parliamentary proceedings. Parliamentary committees and opposition parties are being rendered ineffective as organs of ensuring transparency and accountability, and are often subject to delegitimation. The impact of party dominance on the Judiciary, however, differs in both countries. In Kenya, the judiciary continues to suffer from excessive interference from the Executive and the ruling party, whereas in South Africa the judicial system remains largely independent with regard to the application of justice, despite constant criticisms from the dominant party. The study concludes that South Africa is, gradually, going the Kenyan way. If this condition is left unchecked there is the possibility that South Africa could eventually end up a psuedo-democracy like Kenya, where formal democratic political institutions such as multiparty elections, exist to mask the reality of authoritarian dominance. The thesis recommends that strengthening civil society organizations, opposition political parties, and state institutions in both countries to ensure greater accountability and transparency, will reverse this detrimental effect of party dominance. It also recommends meaningful constitutional reforms that will guarantee greater independence of these institutions, and the decentralization of governmental and political power to check and limit the powers of the dominant party. Also recommended are areas for further research.
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Includes bibliographical references.
The National Union of South African Students (NUSAS) was established in 1924 as a forum for white South African students. The rise of Afrikaner Nationalism in the 1930s and the establishment of the ultra-nationalist Afrikaanse Studentebond (ANS) led to the disaffiliation from NUSAS of the student bodies of the Afrikaans-medium universities. Until the end of the Second World War, two groups of students jostled for control of NUSAS. The first championed the ideal of a broad white South African national feeling and worked for the return of the Afikaans-speaking centres, while the second group, predominantly left-wing radicals based at Wits, called for NUSAS to become a racially more inclusive organisation and admit Fort Hare to membership.

Magister Artium - MA (History)
This dissertation examines the relationships of solidarity that developed between the Mozambican people and the Zimbabwean liberation movement ZANU, between 1975 and 1980, considering them in their multifarious aspects and attempting to understand the dynamics at work. Scholars have not paid sufficient attention to Mozambique's role as the host country of the Zimbabwean liberation movement. This dissertation is intended to fill this gap in the literature, by engaging critically with the history of ZANU-Mozambique relations, seen from the perspective of the Mozambicans themselves. My argument is that Mozambican support to ZANU was marked by a spirit of mutual cooperation and brotherhood between people who shared a similar historical and cultural background, which is a major factor behind the support offered by Mozambican people to ZANU. But, this solidarity was also the consequence of an authoritarian effort by the Mozambican ruling party, FRELIMO. to impose a specific political and ideological consciousness. This consciousness was shaped through the creation of legal instruments to ensure popular support such as the creation of the Solidarity Bank in 1976; by the use of an authoritarian discourse which relied on a 'vocabulary of ready-made ideas'1; and by the use of such methods as the cartoon figure, Xiconhoca, stigmatising all those who did not support solidarity with ZANU as traitors or sell-outs.

Cette thèse de doctorat s’intéresse au principal syndicat sud-africain, le National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), fondé en 1982. Partant de ses premières années, au cours de la dernière décennie du régime d’apartheid, elle retrace sa trajectoire, en tant qu’organisation syndicale, dans l’après apartheid. L’industrie des mines emploie aujourd’hui près d’un demi-million de travailleurs en Afrique du Sud et cette recherche, entamée à l’automne 2009, a été marquée par les grandes grèves de mineurs qui ont débuté en janvier 2012. Plusieurs mines de platine visitées avant et, pour certaines, après ces conflits, ont été affectées et, notamment, celle où a été perpétré le « massacre de Marikana ». Le 16 août 2012, des unités de la police antiterroriste ont ouvert le feu sur les grévistes et tué 34 mineurs. Cette répression étatique d’une violence inégalée depuis l’apartheid n’a pas pour autant mis un terme aux grèves qui ont atteint leur paroxysme au cours du premier semestre 2014
Based on a case study of South Africa’s largest union – the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), this dissertation puts the current mining crisis in historical perspective. Beyond mining, it proposes keys to understand South Africa’s “negotiated” transformation from apartheid to democracy. It concludes that this country currently experiences what one can call the “end of the post-apartheid consensus”; a moment in which shared elitist conceptions of political and socioeconomic change developed during South Africa’s 1990s transition are starting to be decisively challenged. Departing from the NUM’s early years, in apartheid’s last decade, it analyses the union’s trajectory as a mineworker’s organisation after the end of while minority rule. Questioning NUM representations, in traditional struggle iconography, as a militant and revolutionary organisation, it argues that this union was also historically developed into a disciplined union, structured by and around strong core leadership. In other words, the main questions raised here here are : how are we to understand, in time, tensions between militancy on the one hand, and organisation on the other hand? How are we to accound in non-linear terms for the build up to 2012 Marikana strike and massacre, in a democratic context in which labour relations has supposedly become less adversarial and more workers friendly? What, in the NUM’s organisational ethos, can help us understand what happened, not as if Marikana was the expression of fundamental and untenable contradictions – class betrayal by another name, but as the result of sometimes unintended consequences of a nevertheless conscious and deliberate process aimed at organisation building and development? The main hypothesis that is put to work here is that NUM founders strategically built a centralised and efficient organisation, in order to survive in the mines’ repressive environment. This, in turn, generated tensions, which were to remain, between the grassroots and the top the organisation. In order to fulfil its organisational goals, the union also crucially invested in leadership development, at the expense of membership development. While claiming to be a socialist union that produced professional organisers and revolutionaries, the NUM nevertheless gave birth to professional negotiators who were more inclined towards negotiation than conflict. If the NUM achieved tremendous gains for workers through collective bargaining, the 2012 strikes and their aftermath have shown that mineworkers still aspire to militancy at the grassroots, and that they are ready to fight in order to transform the mining industry. This implies that the workers’ bread and butter demands are also rooted in more structural claims, which have gradually brought the “post-apartheid consensus”, which until 2012 prevailed as a shared narrative of how mining was to be democratised, into question
La presente tesi di dottorato si interessa del principale sindacato sudafricano il National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), fondato nel 1982. Partendo dai primi anni della sua creazione, che corrispondono all’ultimo decennio del regime dell’apartheid, ne ripercorre la traiettoria in quanto organizzazione sindacale nel postapartheid. L’industria mineraria impiega all’incirca mezzo milione di lavoratori in Sudafrica e la presente ricerca, avviata nell’autunno del 2009, si è svolta in parte durante gli importanti scioperi di minatori iniziati a gennaio 2012. Diverse miniere di platino visitate prima e, in alcuni casi, dopo le manifestazioni sono state protagoniste di questi eventi. Un esempio fra tutti è la miniera in cui si è perpetrato il “massacro di Marikana”. Il 16 agosto 2012, alcune unità della polizia antiterroriste hanno aperto il fuoco sui manifestanti e ucciso 34 minatori. Nonostante una repressione statale di tale violenza non si fosse più verificata dai tempi dell’apartheid, gli scioperi sono proseguiti e la situazione ha raggiunto il suo parossismo nel corso del primo semestre 2014

Includes abstract.
Includes bibliographical references.
The aim of this study was to compare changes in the physical and morphological characteristics of South Africa’s National U/20 rugby union players (Forwards and Backs) over a 12 year period from 1998 - 2010. This period spans an era starting just after the onset of professionalism of the game to the modern era where the influence of professionalism has filtered down to junior (U/20) levels. Any changes in morphology and physical ability of the players can be attributed to the changes in the demands of the game and reflect the characteristics that are required for a player to be successful at that level. Players who were U/20 at the time of representing the Junior South African National Team National over a period spanning from 1998 – 2010 were used for the study. A total of 453 players, split into two groups, Forwards (n = 256) and Backs (n = 197), underwent measurements of body mass, stature, body fat percentage, muscular endurance (pull ups), muscular strength (1RM bench press, sprint times (10m and 40m) and aerobic capacity (Multistage shuttle run test). All Tests were conducted once a year in either January or December of that year. Data are represented as means ± 95 % confidence intervals. A Levene’s test of homogeneity was used to determine whether the variance for each variable was equal. A two-way analysis of variance was used to determine whether there were significant differences for either main effect of ‘year’ or ‘position’ or for the interaction between ‘year x position’. If the main effect of ‘year’ or interaction (“year x position”) was significant, a Tukey post hoc test was used to identify specific differences. Statistical significance was accepted when p < 0.05.

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Stabilization and Reconstruction))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010.
Thesis Advisor(s): Lawson, Letitia. ; Second Reader: McNab, Robert M. "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 14, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Zimbabwe, Mugabe, structural adjustment program, democracy, autocrat, state sponsored violence, ZANU, ZAPU, Nkomo, Movement for Democratic Change, Tsvangirai, Fifth Brigade. Includes bibliographical references (p. 51-55). Also available in print.

This thesis postulates that the inability of the post-apartheid government to deal decisively with the “legacies of apartheid education” is linked to the macro-educational policy trajectory endorsed by the African National Congress government in the early 1990s. It notes that post-apartheid education policymaking shows similarities with the National Party reforms initiated towards the end of the 1980s in education. In the late 1980s the apartheid government implemented a broad educational framework consonant with the rise of neo-liberal restructuring emerging internationally. It is argued that the teacher unions, and the South African Democratic Teachers Union (SADTU) in particular, were active role-players in shaping the new educational trajectory and discourse and that it was particularly because of the acquiescence of the unions that the government was able to embark on the road of neo-liberal restructuring with very little organised opposition. SADTU’s weak opposition to the rising influence of neo-liberal educational restructuring greatly facilitated the creation of a two-tier education system that South Africa is grappling with today, one for the rich and one for the poor.
Thesis (PhD (Education Policy Studies))--University of Pretoria, 2008.
Education Management and Policy Studies
PhD
unrestricted

It is widely recognized that human-wildlife conflicts can reduce farmers’ support for long-term species conservation. The subject of human-elephant conflicts is highly relevant in villages around Babati District in North Central Tanzania because of the closeness to Tarangire National Park. The purpose of this study is therefore to examine local farmers’ attitudes toward elephants and the attitudes’ effects on conservation efforts. Primary data was collected through a qualitative approach of semi-structured interviews with twelve farmers in four villages around Babati, with Wildlife Officer Nashon Macokesha at Babati District Council and with Allan Carlson, Nature Conservation Expert at WWF. A thematic analysis was done to make comparisons between the answers from farmers, Macokesha and Carlson. The Theory of Planned Behavior and the Value-Belief-Norm theory were also used to analyze the underlying factors of the farmers’ attitudes.   The results of this study show that around half of the farmers have positive attitudes toward elephants, while the other half think negatively of them. Elephants were identified as the most problematic species and crop-raiding as the most problematic type of human-elephant conflict. The problems that farmers experience do to crop-raiding and other types of human-elephant conflicts include the direct effects of lost livelihood and income and indirect effects like health impacts and security issues. The result also indicates that factors affecting farmers’ attitudes toward elephants include: 1) the proportion of available land affected by elephants, 2) the closeness of farmers’ fields to Tarangire National Park, 3) the lack of compensation, 4) the ability to affect the decision-making concerning the human-elephant conflicts and 5) the information about and knowledge of elephants and their importance. The underlying cause of the human-elephant conflicts is identified to be the spatial overlap of the two species. To prevent human-elephant encounters in the first place, thereby reducing the risk of human-elephants conflicts, better land use planning can be used to avoid settlement and cultivation close to protected areas. Buffer zones can be established around national parks and reserves to reduce the overlap between humans and wildlife. Mitigation through preventive and deterrent methods like lighting fires, making noises, using chili-dung or chili-grease to scare elephants off farmers’ fields can also be used. Another alternative is to switch from growing high-risk crops that elephants prefer to crops like chili or sesame which rarely gets eaten by elephants.
Att konflikter mellan människor och djurliv kan minska bönders stöd för artbevarande åtgärder är välkänt bland forskare. Konflikter mellan människor och elefanter är vitt förekommande i byar i Babati-distriktet i norra Tanzania på grund av närheten till nationalparken Tarangire. Syftet med denna studie är därför att undersöka bönders attityder till elefanter och attitydernas effekter för bevarandeåtgärder. Primärdata samlades in genom ett kvalitativt upplägg med semistrukturerade intervjuer med tolv bönder i fyra byar i Babati, med Wildlife Officer Nashon Macokesha på Babati District Council samt med Allan Carlson, naturvårdsexpert på WWF. En tematisk analys utfördes för att jämföra svaren mellan bönderna, Macokesha och Carlson och the Theory of Planned Behavior samt the Value-Belief-Norm theory användes för att analysera de underliggande orsakerna bakom böndernas attityder.   Resultatet från denna studie visar att ungefär hälften av bönderna har positiva attityder till elefanter, medan den andra hälften har negativa åsikter om dem. Elefanter identifierades som den mest problematiska arten för bönderna och förstörandet av grödor som den mest problematiska typen av konflikt mellan människor och elefanter. Problemen som bönderna upplever till följd av dessa konflikter inkluderar direkta effekter som förlorad inkomst och försämrade försörjningsmöjligheter, men också indirekta effekter som hälso- och säkerhetsproblem. Faktorer som enligt resultaten i denna studie kan påverka böndernas attityder till elefanter innefattar: 1) andelen tillgänglig mark som påverkas av elefanter, 2) närheten från böndernas mark till nationalparken Tarangire, 3) bristen på kompensation, 4) möjligheten att påverka beslutsprocessen gällande konflikten mellan människor och elefanter samt 5) information och kunskap om elefanter och deras betydelse. Den underliggande orsaken till konflikterna mellan människor och elefanter identifieras vara överlappet i användnings­områden mellan de båda arterna. För att förhindra möten mellan människor och elefanter, och därmed minska risken för konflikter, behövs bättre markanvändningsplanering så att bosättning och jordbruk undviks i närheten av skyddade områden. Buffertzoner kan också anläggas runt nationalparker och reservat för att minska överlappet mellan människor och djur. Avskräckande åtgärder, som att tända eldar, göra oväsen, tända chilibriketter eller sätta upp chili-rep, för att hålla elefanter borta från böndernas åkrar kan också användas. Ett annat alternativ är att bönderna byter från att odla högriskgrödor som elefanter föredrar till att odla grödor som chili eller sesam, vilka sällan eller aldrig äts av elefanter.

South African trade unions affiliated to Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) have taken advantage of the arrival of democracy and newly found opportunities available through Black Economic Empowerment to venture into the world of business by setting up their own investment companies. The declared desire behind these ventures was to break the stranglehold of white capital on the economy and to extend participation in the economic activities of the country to previously disadvantaged communities. Using the National Union of Mineworkers and the Mineworkers’ Investment Company as case studies, this dissertation seeks to determine whether unions affiliated to the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) are advancing the struggle for socialism through their investment schemes. Secondly, the dissertation determines whether, in the activities of the schemes, internal democracy is preserved and strengthened. The theoretical framework of this dissertation emerges from arguments advanced by Lenin and Gramsci on the limitations of trade unions in terms of their role in the struggle against capitalism. In addition, the argument draws on the assertions by Michels regarding the proneness of trade union leadership to adopt oligarchic tendencies in their approach to leadership. Of interest is how, according to Gramsci, trade unions are prone to accepting concessions from the capitalist system that renders them ameliorative rather than transformative. Drawing from Michels’ ‘iron law of oligarchy’, the thesis examines whether there is space for ordinary members of the unions to express views on the working of the union investment companies. By looking at the extent to which the investment initiatives of the companies mirror the preferences of the ordinary members of the unions, one can determine the level of disjuncture between the two. The study relies on data collected through interviews and documentary material. Interviews provide first-hand knowledge of how respondents experience the impact of the investment schemes. This provides a balanced analysis given that documents reflect policy stances whereas interviews provide data on whether these have the stated impact. What the study shows is a clear absence of space for ordinary members to directly influence the workings of union investment companies. It is also established that, in their current form, the schemes operate more as a perpetuation of the capitalist logic than offering an alternative system.

"Despite the above obligation enshrined in the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights (ACHPR), to protect, promote and fulfil the right to peace and security that is binding on them, African states are facing numerous armed conflicts. The African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights (the African Commission) has already found a violation of the right to peace. In that case, the Commission has stated that 'the responsibility for protection is incumbent on the State', which has therefore the obligation to make sure that people's right to peace is not infringed, either by its own forces or by uncontrolled ones. The right to peace has therefore been recognised and interpreted by the relevant and authoritative monitoring body, the African Commission. The African Union (AU), composed of all African states except Morocco, has also committed itself to work towards peace and security in the continent. Most importantly, it has endorsed the ACHPR by committing itself to 'promote and protect human and peoples' rights in accordance with the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights and other relevant human rights instruments'. These provisions are binding not only on the states parties to the Constitutive Act of the African Union (the AU Act), but also upon the African Union itself, as an international organisation that enjoys international capacity. Indeed, the Constitutive Act of the African Union stands as the constitution of the organisation. There should therefore be no doubt that the provisions of the AU Act bind the AU. However, no effective mechanism designed to ensure the fulfilment of the aims and accountability of international organisations exists. The reality on the ground is that Africa is facing a significant number of situations in which there is no peace. These situations violate the people's right to peace and security as protected under article 23 of the ACHPR. In 2000, it was estimated that 20 percent of Africa south of the Sahara's population lived in countries that were facing war and low intensity conflict. There is therefore a need for assessing the AU institutional capacity to fulfil its constitutional obligation of protecting the people's right to peace and security. ... Chapter one of this paper introduces the matter and defines the context in which it will proceed. It is a general presentation of the study. Chapter two will be devoted to human rights within the African Union. The first part of the chapter will deal with the right to peace and security in particular. The legal position of the AU towards human rights in Africa will then be discussed. Chapter three will be dealing with examples of the involvement of the AU in peace building on the continent. Chapter four will present and assess the AU's framework intended to realise peace and security in Africa. Chapter five will be focussed on the specific programmes of the AU that have a peace and security component. Chapter six will draw conclusions and make recommendations." -- Introduction.
Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2005.
Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Enid Hill at the Political Science Department, American University in Cairo
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html
Centre for Human Rights
LLM

Rhetoric of "community-based conservation" has gained prominence among development specialists and environmentalists, yet such projects are often implemented from the top-down in Africa. This dissertation contends that only a bottom-up approach can foster resilient livelihoods and environmental stewardship. This study focused on determinants of household resilience within a poverty-stricken agricultural community near Gombe Stream National Park (GSNP) in western Tanzania. The research purpose was to explore: 1) relationships between villagers and GSNP management; 2) how groups and individuals view priority livelihood problems and solutions; 3) various attributes of households; and 4) perceived trends for household resilience and how these are related to natural, social, human, and financial capital as per the Sustainable Livelihoods Framework (SLF). A mixed-methods approach provided qualitative and quantitative assessments. Data collection consisted of Rapid Rural Appraisal (RRA), key informant interviews, focus group discussions, and household surveys. The RRA was conducted adjacent to GSNP while other work was implemented over a larger area. Survey data were analyzed using descriptive statistics, chi square, and logistic regression. Regression examined relationships between trends in resilience variables (quality of life or ability to solve problems) versus trends in capital. Results from the RRA indicated high polarization and problems between villagers and GSNP management. A more complex picture, however, emerged from subsequent investigations revealing that the most important issues facing local communities were inadequate public services, ineffective leadership, and development isolation. This situation was exacerbated by population growth, poverty, and environmental decline. Regression results identified lack of income, manual labor, and skills and knowledge as factors undermining household resilience. Other data indicated a need for improving farming systems. In conclusion, while all forms of capital mattered to resilience, human and financial were most lacking. Knowledge of such variation strengthens future applications of the SLF. Practical implications include how an indigenous educational institution, the Gombe School of Environment and Society (GOSESO), could operate in the area. The GOSESO needs to adopt a bottom-up, participatory approach that emphasizes capacity building for poverty reduction and conservation. This could allow for broader goals of economic and cultural vitality, as well as environmental stewardship, to be achieved.

At its core, this research project is a revision of how we conceptualise the role of international organisations. The concept of role is often invoked International Relations when discussing the function of institutions like the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), but its full meaning in this context has never been problematised, leading to varying perceptions of its meaning and a lack of common understanding in the discourse. In the case of the APSA, this lack of common understanding has led to a wide variance in how the role of the APSA is categorised, and a corresponding discrepancy in assessments of the institution’s success and utility, which has had a knock-on effect on policy recommendations, which also differ wildly from author to author. This thesis devises technical definitions for the various ways in which the word role is utilised in International Relations and related fields, and in so doing, aims to standardise our understanding of the role of institutions, using the APSA as a case study. After developing a new technical definition of role based on Role Theory, the thesis develops a research programme which sets out to investigate the true role of the APSA, based on an examination of how the APSA’s role has been shaped by key limiting and enabling factors, and how this role is shaped and influenced, and directed; all the while highlighting how it differs from the organisation’s stated role, and scholarly perceptions of that role.

Background: Rugby Union is an international sport characterized by bouts of short duration, high intensity exercise in which players frequently collide into one another while running at high speeds. Players are commonly required to engage in phases of play involving contact such as tackling, rucking, mauling and scrumming. These phases of play require certain physical qualities, including strength, aerobic power, speed and explosive power. Perhaps, the growth and professionalization of the game has resulted in more emphasis being placed on the physical preparation of the players. Physical preparation of players not only happens at elite senior levels, but has also filtered down into the junior ranks, where it is common for school teams to be trained by professional strength and conditioning coaches. The rules of the game have changed, which have influenced the physical demands. For example, ball-in-play time has increased, players are covering more distance per game, making more tackles and engaging in more scrums. It is therefore important to identify the various physical characteristics that are required to be successful at a particular level of rugby union. The socioeconomic status and ethnicity of the player in association with the physical characteristics can determine the success of an adolescent rugby player. Objective: To determine the association between body mass and stature (referred to as physical characteristics for this study), race, socioeconomic status, and weight training (referred to as non-physical characteristics for this study) on the chances of success among U16 provincial rugby union players. In particular, size, socioeconomic status and ethnicity of players in the U16 national training squad were compared to players who represented their provinces but did not get selected for the national squad. Methods: Data were collected for each player who attended the Coca Cola National Grant Khomo week from 2010 to 2013. Players participating in this tournament had already undergone a process of selection trials to be selected to represent their province at U16 level. The national squad players were chosen based on performances at the Coca Cola National Grant Khomo week. The characteristics of the players selected for the national squad vs. players who did not get selected for the squad from 2010 to 2013 were compared using an ANOVA and the magnitude of the differences were quantified using effects sizes. Results: White players are heavier (ES = 0.59) and taller (ES = 0.8 2) than black players as well as heavier (ES = 0.8 7) and taller (ES = 0.8 2) than coloured players over the four-year period from 2010 to 2013. Players selected into the National squad were on average heavier (ES = 0.5 0) and taller (ES = 0.4 0) than those players not selected into the National squad. White players were the heaviest and tallest of the race groups selected into the National squad (p < 0.0000 2). Players with a high socioeconomic status were heavier (ES = 0.3 0), taller (ES = 0.4 0), and had more playing experience (ES = 0.3 0), than players from a low socioeconomic status background. Grouping according to socioeconomic status did not differentiate between race groups and selection for the national squad. Conclusion: This study showed that the taller and heavier players were more likely to get selected for the national U 16 squad. Since size was also associated with socioeconomic status, the players with a high socioeconomic status had an advantage over players with a low socioeconomic status. These findings have implications for transforming the game to ensure that the representative teams reflect the composition of the South African population.

Department of Public Law and Jurisprudence
At independence in 1964, the United National Independence Party (UNIP)-led government in Zambia was, among other things, confronted with the challenge of transforming an inherited dual, undemocratic, racist and exploitative system of local government. Local government was a creature of national legislation, and thus did not have direct constitutional authority. Between 1964 and 1995, the government adopted several reforms aimed at democratising and improving the efficiency, effectiveness and responsiveness of the system of local government. However, local government remained a creature of national legislation. In 1996, local government was for the first time recognised in the Constitution as a tier of government. Article 109 of the 1996 Constitution of Zambia required the establishment of a system of local government whose details were to be prescribed by an Act of Parliament. The provision further provided that such a system shall be based on democratically-elected councils. Thus, the 1996 Constitution transformed local government from being a mere creature of central government into a tier of government. While the institutional integrity of local government in Zambia was enhanced, service delivery by local authorities remained poor.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis seeks to provide a critical discussion of the contributions of the African Union towards the potential development of an African security community since its inception in 2002. Utilising Security Community Theory, and the framework for the study of security communities developed by Adler & Barnett (1998) it commences with an interrogation of the AU. This interrogation is arranged along the three tiers of the framework. The first tier is the precipitating conditions, which cause states to orient themselves in each other’s direction and desire to coordinate their relations. The second tier investigates the factors conducive to the development of mutual trust and collective identity. The third, and final, tier identifies the necessary conditions of dependable expectations of peaceful change. The study goes on and introduces three African case studies, which illustrate the contributions of the African Union towards the potential development of an African security community. The case studies are the African Union mission in Burundi, the African Union mission in Sudan, and the recent intervention of the African Union in the post-election crisis in Côte d'Ivoire. All three case studies were able to provide ample evidence to illustrate the AU’s contributions. The study concludes with two major findings. Firstly, this study is able to illustrate that the AU has made significant contributions towards the development of peace and security in Africa. Secondly, that the AU has made significant contributions at all three tiers of the framework, and therefore major contributions to the potential development of an African security community. However, the AU is still in its embryonic phase, and any prediction concerning the existence, or potential existence of an African security community would be premature. Even though there are ostensibly, positive developments in the area of continental peace and security this study is able to illustrate several remaining challenges to further contributions by the AU. The first is a lack of resources. The AU is heavily dependent on the contributions of its member states, and a number of members persistently fail to meet their contributions to the organization. A second challenge is the loosely defined relationship with the UN (and other external partners). It is crucial that a constructive relationship be established, if not, differences might antagonise the two organisations and negatively affect any future contributions of the AU towards the development of an African security community. Finally, the role of core states, most notably regional hegemons such as South Africa and Nigeria will remain important for stabilizing and encouraging the further development of an African security community.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis poog om n kritiese bespreking te bied van die bydra wat die Afrika Unie na die potensiele ontwikkeling van n Afrika sekuriteits gemeenskap gemaak het sedert sy intrede in 2002. Deur gebruik te maak van Sekuriteits Gemeeenskap Teorie, en die raamwerk vir die studie van sekuriteits gemeenskappe deur Adler & Barnett (1998) begin die studie met n direkte ondersoek van die AU. Hierdie ondersoek vind plaas volgens die drie vlakke van die raamwerk. Die eerste vlak is die kondisies wat veroorsaak dat state hulself na mekaar orienteer, en n wil ontwikkel om hulle sake te koordineer. Die tweede vlak ondersoek die faktore vir die ontwikkeling van wedersydse vertroue en gesamentlike identiteit. Die derde, en finale, vlak identifiseer die nodige kondisies van afhanklike verwagtinge vir vreedsame verandering. Die studie gaan voort met drie Afrika geval studies, wat die bydra van die AU na die potensiele ontwikkeling van n Afrika sekuriteits gemeenskap illustreer. Die geval studies sluit in die Afrika missie in Burundi, die Afrika missie in Sudan, en die onlangse intervensie deur die AU in die na-eleksie krisis in Côte d'Ivoire. Al drie geval studies verskaf wye getuienis wat die bydra van die AU illustreer. Die studie sluit af met twee hoof bevindings. Eerstens, kon hierdie studie illustreer dat die AU betekenisvolle bydraes na die ontwikkeling van vrede en sekuriteit in Afrika gemaak het. Tweedens, dat die AU betekenisvolle bydraes op al drie vlakke van die raamwerk gemaak het, en daarom ook mondige bydraes tot die potensiele ontwikkeling van n Afrika sekuriteits gemeenskap gemaak het. Nogtans, is die AU self nog in n onvolwasse stadium, en enige voorspelling in verband met die bestaan, of oor die potensiele bestaan van n Afrika sekuriteits gemeenskap is voortydig. Al is daar opmerkilike positiewe ontwikkelinge in die area van kontinentale vrede en sekuriteit, kan hierdie studie steeds verskeie uitdagings identifiseer wat verdere bydraes deur die AU kan hinder. Die eerste uitdaging is n tekort aan bevondsing. Die AU is hoogs afhanklik op die bydrae van sy lidmaat state, maar n paar lede mis aanhoudend hulle bydraes tot die orginasasie. n Tweede uitdaging is die ongedefineerde verhouding tussen die AU en die VN (en ander eksterne vennote). Dit is belangrik dat n konstruktiewe verhouding in werk gestel word, indien nie, kan verskille die twee organisasies van mekaar dryf en enige toekomstige bydraes van die AU na die potensiele ontwikkeling van n Afrika sekuriteits kompleks negatief beinvloed. Laastens, sal die rol van kern state, mees aanmerklik streek leiers soos Suid Afrika en Nigerie, belangrik bly om die sekuriteits kompleks te stabiliseer en verdere ontwikkeling in die toekoms te bevorder.

L’investissement national et étranger, privé et public, représente indubitablement l’un des axes les plus importants dans les politiques économiques des États développés et ceux en voie de développement. Le régime juridique de l’investissement étranger en Algérie n’a cessé d’être au centre des débats. D’essence économique, c’est pourquoi le législateur algérien a légiféré en masse sur le sujet notamment, à partir des années 1990, à l’occasion de l’adoption de la loi n° 90-10 du 14 avril 1990 relative à la monnaie et au crédit. Cette dernière était en effet le début d’un long processus de transition et d’orientation économique vers l’économie de marché. Actuellement le régime juridique de l’investissement étranger en Algérie est régi principalement par la loi 16-09 relative à la promotion de l’investissement, accompagné d’un ensemble de décrets d’application. Cette récente réforme du droit des investissements est une avancée importante dans la gestion, l’accueil et le traitement des investissements étrangers en Algérie, et ce au regard de tous les avantages qui sont consentis au profit des investisseurs, ainsi que l’assouplissement des procédures d’installations d’entreprises étrangères sur le territoire national
Domestic and foreign investment, private and public, is undoubtedly one of the most important axis in the economic policies of developed and developing countries. The legal regime for foreign investment in Algeria has continued to be the focus of debate. Mainly economic, this is why the Algerian legislator has legislated on the subject, especially from the 1990s, on the occasion of the adoption of Law No. 90-10 of 14 April 1990 on currency and credit. The latter was indeed the beginning of a long process of transition and economic orientation towards the adoption of the market economy. Currently the legal regime of foreign investment in Algeria is governed mainly by the law 16-09 on the promotion of investment, accompanied by a set of implementing decrees. This recent reform of investment law is an important step forward for the management, reception and processing of foreign investment in Algeria, with regard to all the advantages that are granted to investors' profits, as well as the relaxation of foreign companies installation procedures on Algerian soil

The main problem being investigated is why there were such divergent views on the appropriate curriculum for ANC education-in-exile from within the ANC, and in the light of this contestation, what happened in reality to curriculum practice at the institutions. The arguments for Academic, Political and Polytechnic Education are contextualized in the curriculum debates of the times, that is, the 20th century international policy discourse, the African curriculum debates and Apartheid Education in South Africa. This study examines how Academic Education, despite the sharp debates, was institutionalised at the SOMAFCO High School. It also analyses the arguments for and various notions of Political and Polytechnic Education as well as what happened to these in practice at the school. The SOMAFCO Primary School went through three phases of curriculum development. The school opened in 1980 under a ‘caretaker’ staff and without a structured curriculum. During the second phase 1980-1982 a progressive curriculum was developed by Barbara and Terry Bell. After the Bells resigned in 1982, a conventional academic curriculum was implemented by Dennis September, the new principal.

Lake Tanganyika is a complex, tropical ecosystem in East Africa, harboring an estimated 2,100 species. Extensive watershed deforestation threatens the biodiversity and ecological integrity of the lake. In this dissertation, ecological and paleoecological methods were employed to study the distribution of invertebrate biodiversity through space and time, with particular emphasis on linkages between biodiversity and land –use patterns. Ecological surveys of fish, mollusc, and ostracod crustacean diversity at sites in northern Lake Tanganyika representing different levels of watershed disturbance revealed a negative correlation between biodiversity and intensity of watershed disturbance. To elucidate the long -term relationship between disturbance and biodiversity, paleoecological records of invertebrates offshore from watersheds experiencing different degrees of anthropogenic disturbance were examined. Life, death, and fossil assemblages of ostracod valves were compared to assess the reliability and natural variability inherent to the paleoecological record. These comparisons indicated that paleoecological (i.e. death and fossil) assemblages reliably preserve information on species richness, abundance, and occurrence frequency at comparable -to- annual resolution. Unlike life assemblages, species composition of paleoecological assemblages reflects input of species from multiple habitat types. Ostracod paleoecological assemblages are characterized by spatiotemporal averaging that renders them representative of larger areas and longer time spans than life assemblages. Thus, paleoecological assemblages provide an efficient means of characterizing longer -term, site -average conditions. Natural variability in ostracod fossil assemblages from a sediment core representing the Late Glacial to the present indicates that abundance of individual ostracod species is highly variable. Ostracod assemblages were preserved in only the most recent 2,500 years of sediment. Species composition of ostracod assemblages reflects lake water depth. Core geochemical data indicate that the coring site may have been below the oxycline for ~2,000 years, inhibiting ostracod survival and preservation. Paleoecological, sedimentological, and stable isotope data revealed differences in biodiversity and watershed disturbance through time offshore from a pair of sites. The protected site is offshore from Gombe Stream National Park (Tanzania), the other offshore from a deforested watershed outside the park. Offshore from the deforested watershed, sedimentation rates increased, and turnover in ostracod species composition occurred during the past 50 years. Comparable changes were not observed offshore from the park.

Les États ouest-africains ont fait de l’intégration économique la voie privilégiée pour relever le défi du développement économique dans un contexte international de plus en plus concurrentiel. Ainsi, par le biais d’organisations régionale et sous régionale, la protection du libre jeu de la concurrence est devenue un enjeu communautaire. L’intégration économique régionale ouest-africaine a donc été saisie par le droit de la concurrence. De ce fait, on assiste à l’émergence de droits régionaux de la concurrence au sein de l’Union économique et monétaire ouest africaine (UEMOA) et de la Communauté économique des États de l’Afrique de l’Ouest (CEDEAO). Chacune de ces organisations a donc mis en place un droit de la concurrence dans son espace économique. Il en résulte, vu la composition de l’UEMOA et de la CEDEAO, que ces droits communautaires ont vocation à s’appliquer aux États membres de l’Union qui font également partie de la Communauté. Cette particularité de la coexistence de ces règles communautaires de la concurrence en Afrique de l’Ouest méritait qu’on s’y attarde afin d’évaluer leur application, d’analyser l’effectivité et l’efficacité de ces droits. Cette étude comparative s’est attachée à mettre en exergue ce que renferment ces droits, à relever leurs spécificités, tout en mettant en lumière leurs insuffisances. Il apparaît nécessaire de repenser, voire de réformer certains aspects de ces droits afin d’améliorer leurs applications, gage d’une meilleure protection de la libre concurrence en Afrique de l’Ouest
West African states have made economic integration the preferred way to deal with the challenge of economic development in an increasingly competitive international context. Thus, through regional and subregional organizations, the protection of the free movement of competition has become a community issue.West African regional economic integration has therefore been seized by competition law. From this, we note emerging competition rights in the West African Economic and Monetary Union (WAEMU) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). Each of these organizations has therefore put in place a competition law in its economic area. As a result, given the composition of UEMOA and ECOWAS, these Community rights are intended to be applied to the Member States of the Union which are also part of the Community. The features of the coexistence of these Community competition law in West Africa deserved to be examined in order to evaluate their application, to analyze the effectiveness and efficiency of these rights. This comparative study intends to highlight the contain of these rights, reveal their specificities, while showing their lacks. It’s necessary to rethink or even reform some aspects of these rights to improve their applications, basis for a better protection of free competition in West Africa

This thesis examines the emergence and development of national consciousness and identity in the East African nation Tanzania. A work in the science of humanity, it connects traditional social sciences through the approach of mentalism. To date, research on African nationalism centers on the nation-state and national party, and on the teleological assumption that nation building implies cultural unification within the boundaries of the state's territory. National sovereignty is seen as a natural desire; nationalism in Africa is conflated with anti-colonialism and treated as the inevitable transition from the colonial to post-colonial order. Yet this approach to the study of African nationalism cannot account for many important processes, such as why many African states have failed, why corruption is rampant, and why authoritarian regimes predominate. I argue many aspects of modern African history are impossible to understand without recognizing that nationalism ushers in modernity and transforms and affects the major cultural institutions. I show how the process of national identity formation within Tanzania was the same process that occurs elsewhere. Nationalism did not exist in Tanzania among the native inhabitants prior to independence. Moreover, the creation of a shared sense of national identity began only after independence: the independent state was not a nation. In examining the national image created by several integral Tanzanian intellectuals, I reflect both on the significance they placed on their narratives and how it shaped the wider social world and the identities of those they influenced. My argument regarding Tanzania may apply to Africa more generally. The processes I described appear true of social and political developments across the continent. Many in Africa do now see themselves as equal members of sovereign societies and believe that the people are the ultimate source of political legitimacy. This work provides a methodology and argument that can be applied to address additional questions of how specifically nationalism has transformed African societies.

Two major goals of managers of Rubondo Island National Park (Rubondo), Tanzania are to increase the number of international visitors to the Park (and thereby increase revenue generated) and to increase support for the Park among residents of nearby communities. I investigated species preferences among children living around Rubondo and the wildlife viewing preferences of international visitors to Tanzania in an attempt to identify flagship species that Park management could use in marketing and outreach campaigns designed to meet their goals. I also assessed local interest in visiting the Park. As local flagships for Rubondo, the Egyptian goose (Alopochen aegyptiacus ) and silver cyprinid (Rastrineobola argentea) appear to have the most potential among the species that I assessed (i.e., fish eagle [Haliaeetus vocifer], Egyptian goose, silver cyprinid, little egret [Egretta garzetta], sitatunga [Tragelaphus speki], genet [Genetta tigrina], monitor lizard [Varanus niloticus], spotted-necked otter [Lutra maculicollis], vervet monkey [Cercopithecus pygerythrus], crocodile [Crocodylus niloticus], hippopotamus [ Hippopotamus amphibius], giraffe [Giraffa camelopardalis ], and elephant [Loxodanta africana]). However, based on either range or limited aesthetic/behavioral appeal, I considered neither species useful as an international flagship. Among species on Rubondo included in investigations of potential international flagships for the Island (including the chimpanzee [Pan troglodytes], crocodile, elephant, giraffe, hippopotamus, vervet monkey, bushbuck, fish eagle, large-spotted genet, goliath heron [Ardea goliath], monitor lizard, sitatunga, and spotted-necked otter), few were concluded to have potential, either because participating visitors had limited "awareness" of and "interest" in viewing the species, local people had strong negative opinions of the species, the animals are not native to the Island, and/or the animals are more easily viewed in more readily-accessible locations. Local people generally had not visited Rubondo but wanted to visit. Not having visited the Park appeared to influence perceptions of the Park, wildlife tourism, and conservation among some participants. Recommendations for local and international marketing and outreach strategies for Rubondo are made based on the outcomes of the aforementioned investigations of local and international species preferences and interest in visiting the Park.

Based on a case study of South Africa’s largest trade union – the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), this dissertation puts the current mining crisis in historical perspective. Beyond mining, it proposes keys to understand South Africa’s “negotiated” transformation from apartheid to democracy. It concludes that this country currently experiences what one can call the “end of the post-apartheid consensus;” a moment in which shared elitist conceptions of political and socioeconomic change developed during South Africa’s 1990s transition are starting to be decisively challenged. Departing from the NUM’s early years, in apartheid’s last decade, it analyses the union’s trajectory as a mineworkers’ organisation after the end of white minority rule. Questioning NUM representations, in traditional struggle iconography, as a militant and revolutionary organisation, it argues that this union was also historically developed into a disciplined union, structured by and around strong core leadership. In other words, the main questions raised here are: how are we to understand, in time, tensions between militancy on the one hand, and organisation on the other hand? How are we to account in non-linear terms for the build up to the 2012 Marikana strike and massacre, in a democratic context in which labour relations had supposedly become less adversarial and more workers friendly? What, in the NUM’s organisational ethos, can help us understand what happened, not as if Marikana was the expression of fundamental and untenable contradictions – class betrayal by another name, but as the result of the sometimes unintended consequences of a nevertheless conscious and deliberate process aimed at organisation building and development? The main hypothesis that is put to work here is that NUM founders strategically built a centralised and efficient organisation, in order to survive in the mines’ repressive environment. This, in turn, generated tensions, which were to remain, between the grassroots and the top of the organisation. In order to fulfil its organisational goals, the union also crucially invested in leadership development, at the expense of membership development. While claiming to be a socialist union that produced professional organisers and revolutionaries, the NUM nevertheless gave birth to professional negotiators who were more inclined towards negotiation than conflict. If the NUM achieved tremendous gains for workers through collective bargaining, the 2012 strikes and their aftermath have shown that mineworkers still aspire to militancy at the grassroots, and that they are ready to fight in order to “transform” the mining industry. This implies that the workers’ bread and butter demands are also rooted in more structural claims, which have gradually brought the “post-apartheid consensus,” which until 2012 prevailed as a shared narrative of how mining was to be democratised, into question.

The aim of the National Union of South African Students (NUSAS) was to represent the interests of all South African students nationally and internationally. The challenge then to the liberal NUSAS leadership was how to meet the demands of black students for a politically relevant policy while simultaneously retaining the loyalty of its white middle class and often conservative membership. In 1957, the black University College of Fort Hare returned to NUSAS to participate in the national union’s campaign against the imposition of apartheid on the universities. Consequently, NUSAS adopted the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights as the foundation of its policy. Sharpeville and the increasing number of black students associated with NUSAS contributed to the further politicisation and leftward movement of the national union. The emergence of two new exclusively African student organisations together with the decision of a student seminar in Dar es Salaam that NUSAS be barred from all international student forums as its demographics precluded it from representing the aspirations of the black majority was the pretext for a far-reaching interrogation of NUSAS’s structure and functioning. Henceforward NUSAS would play a ‘radical role’ in society. This played into the hands of the government and its proxies, the new conservative students associations which sought to slice away NUSAS’s moderate to conservative white membership. The arrest of current and former NUSAS officers implicated in sabotage provided more grist to the right wing mill. In an attempt to manage this most serious crisis, as well as to continue functioning in the increasingly authoritarian and almost wholly segregated milieu of the mid-1960s, NUSAS abandoned its ‘radical role’ and increasingly focussed on university and educational matters. Nonetheless, the state intensified its campaign to weaken NUSAS. By means of legislation, the utilisation of conservative student structures and the intimidation of university authorities, the government attempted to ensure that segregation was applied at all NUSAS-affiliated universities. It was the application of segregation by cowed university authorities that precipitated the New Left-inspired student protests at NUSAS-affiliated campuses in the late 1960s as well as the establishment of the separate black South African Students Organisation, the latter leading to the exodus of all black students from NUSAS.
History
D. Litt. et Phil. (History)

Text in English
The study sought to assess the quality of library services by investigating the gaps between various service quality variables using the LibQUAL, SERVQUAL and SERVPERF models. The pragmatic paradigm formed the basis of this study while the mixed methods approach was adopted. The convergent parallel mixed methods design where both quantitative and qualitative data collection methods and data were integrated was adopted. Using the side-by-side comparison style, both sets of data were separately analysed and presented. The results were then compared to establish if they confirm or disconfirm each other. Questionnaires were administered to 94 users of the library. To calculate the level of service quality, the study measured the service adequacy gap (SAG), service superiority gap (SSG), zone of tolerance (ZoT), and D-M scores. Followup focus group discussions (FGDs) were conducted to validate, supplement and further explore the issues that arose from data collected using the questionnaires. The findings revealed a gap between the users’ expectations and perceptions of service quality and that library services were not meeting users’ expectations. The users’ expectations exceeded their perceptions since all service quality scores (SAG, SSG, ZoT and D-M scores) were either low or negative. Generally, the library performed well in the dimensions that touch on human aspects of the library but did poorly in the aspects that touch on information collections, library space and equipment. There were no significant differences between the protocols, with the overall gaps between perceptions and desires being all negative. The findings of the FGDs confirmed those of the questionnaires. The study recommended that the Court should allocate resources in a way that ensures human aspects of the library remain at high levels of service quality, while the shortcomings on aspects of information control, library space and equipment addressed. However, while addressing the physical space aspects, the library should bear in mind that users did not rate them as important for their purposes. This means that the library will need to invest in electronic content that can be accessed remotely by users. In view of the findings, the study concluded by developing a service quality framework on quality improvement and its sustenance at the library and the Court at large.
Information Science
D. Litt. et Phil. (Information Science)

This thesis examines the Peace and Security Council (PSC) of the African Union (AU) in light of the continental challenges of peace and security. It explores the prospects for the success of the PSC in its endeavours. The study’s central argument is that the PSC’s ability to successfully tackle peace and security challenges depends greatly on the cooperation of the fifteen members of the PSC as well as between the fifty-three African Union members and the international community at large, including the United Nations. This hypothesis is backed by the argument that although the PSC may be a practical translation of the theoretical statement that ‘African problems need African solutions’, the reality is that the PSC cannot achieve such an ambitious objective alone. The PSC’s enthusiasm should be bolstered by the requisite assistance from the international arena. The international community, especially the major players or countries in the international political spectrum, are challenged to work together with the PSC in its quest for African peace and security. The members of the international community are called upon to discontinue their parallel peace and security initiatives in Africa in favour of supporting and strengthening the PSC’s ongoing initiatives. Another critical point raised in the study is that the UN’s brief to cultivate world peace and security obliges it to buttress the PSC’s initiatives, the home-grown regional solutions to Africa’s inherent peace and security challenges. This support should include the UN’s engagement at all levels with the newly created African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA). Indeed, the moral challenge for the international community is to support Africa’s already demonstrated political will with the necessary assistance. This study advocates political and economic cooperation, resource mobilisation and provision of the relevant expertise. The validity of the study’s hypothesis has been tested and confirmed by means of a deeper inquiry into the PSC’s normal business conduct, and a comparative analysis of the case studies relating to the PSC’s interventions in Burundi and in Sudan’s Darfur region. This study of those interventions has illuminated the PSC’s opportunities and challenges: on the one hand, it has revealed that the PSC’s authority and legitimacy are not challenged, at least in Africa. On the other hand, however, it has lent support to the thesis that the PSC cannot go it alone - a conclusion that has encouraged the entire AU to find ways of challenging the UN to own up to its obligations. The PSC has made noteworthy strides in assisting to streamline and coordinate the support and engagement it receives from the international community. The major limitation of the study is that it was conducted before other PSC support structures (the African Standby Force and the Continental Early Warning System) were fully operational. The study thus could not assess the full potential of the PSC. Nonetheless, the study has sought to identify potential or latent challenges which could hamper the PSC’s success, whether its support structures are fully operational or not. In the end, the study recommends greater coordination and cooperation between the PSC and major international actors including the UN.
Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2010.

Section 23(5) of the Constitution entrenches trade unions, employer's organisations and employers' right to engage in collective bargaining. For employees, collective bargaining is the key which opens the door to better wages, improved working conditions and an overall better standard of living to name but a few. The Labour Relations Act was promulgated to give effect to section 23 of the Constitution. However, in section 2 of the Labour Relations Act, members of the South African National Defence Force were excluded from the ambit of the Labour Relations Act (LRA). After the Constitutional Court regarded members of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) to be "workers", they also had the right to engage in collective bargaining. However, because of the special duty that the members of the SANDF have to fulfil namely to ensure the safety of the republic and its citizens, they are not awarded the right to strike. The question therefor is: How do the members of the SANDF compel the SANDF to bargain with them? The aim of this study is to establish if a duty to bargain was implemented by Chapter XX of the General Regulations of the South African National Defence Force and the Reserve. Firstly, the new dispensation of voluntarism under the new LRA is examined to understand how collective bargaining would work in a normal situation and not that of the members of the SANDF. Freedom of association is also discussed. The reason for this was because members of the SANDF also have to right to associate with a trade union of their choice by sections 18 and 23(2) of the Constitution. Under the new LRA, organisational rights also play a major role in the bargaining process and afford trade unions more bargaining power. The voluntarist approach followed by the new LRA effectively removed the duty to bargain from collective bargaining. As explained above, the special situation applicable to the SANDF and its members are not governed by the LRA and therefor a duty to bargain might still exist in this specific system of collective bargaining managed by the regulations. The duty to bargain is based on representativeness and good faith which are also examined in this study. To establish if a duty to bargain was created by the courts, an examination of the judgements of the High Court, the Supreme Court of Appeal and the Constitutional Court. The Constitutional Court reiterated that there is no legally enforceable duty to bargain between the SANDF and the South African National Defence Union (SANDU). If Chapter XX of the regulations is scrutinised, it can however be seen that there is an initial duty on the SANDF to bargain with a registered military trade union over matter set out in regulation 36 which include most if not all matters of mutual interest. Therefor it would seem that a duty to bargain is created by Chapter XX.
LLM (Labour Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

Text in English with summary and key words in English, isiZulu and Afrikaans
Information and Communications Technology (ICT) adoption in a multicultural context needs to be well understood, since smooth ICT operations within several key sections of any multicultural organisation are impacted on by cultural factors. This study seeks to investigate the importance and effects of several variables – cultural tastes, cultural values, social structures, and the communication context and language – on ICT adoption in the African Union (AU). It also enhances understanding of issues faced by AU when adopting ICT in their daily operations. The study has reviewed theoretical literature, specifically Diffusion of Innovation Theory (DIT), Unified Theory of Acceptance and Use of Technology (UTAUT), The Competing Values Framework/Model, and Value-Based Adoption Model (VAM). The study used the value-based adoption model because in a multicultural environment such as AU, if an innovation is valuable and cost effective then they users are likely to adopt it. Reliability scores of the constructs were calculated by averaging the scores. The variables that could cause impact on ICT adoption included cultural values, social structure, culture taste, language and communication context. The tool was tested for reliability, and those questions that were found and unreliable questions were taken out from the final study. To enhance the test of validity of factors, Exploratory Factor Analysis (EFA) was preferred as the initial step in the validation process. The research was conducted at the AU offices within and outside of Ethiopia. A total of 288 participants completed a semi-structured questionnaire. Exploratory factor analysis was used. The findings indicate that language and cultural taste had a noteworthy effect at the stated significance level (α<0.05). Cultural values, communication, social structure and the communication context were found to be insignificant at the stated significance level (α<0.05). The study recommends that the AU embraces inclusivity of different and diverse languages into its ICT systems, to facilitate adoption and use by employees. In conclusion, the study points out that cultural tastes and languages are the vital elements in the adoption of ICT in the AU.
Ukwamukelwa kohlelo lezobuChwepheshe Bolwazi Kanye nokuXhumana (Information and communications technology (ICT) kwizidingo zesimo esiqukethe amasiko amaningi kufanele kuzwisiseke kahle, njengoba imisebenzi ehamba kahle yohlelo lwe-ICT kwimikhakha esemqoka yanoma iyiphi inhlangano enamasiko amaningi ithintwa yimithelela yosikompilo. Lolu cwaningo luqonde ukuphenya ukubaluleka Kanye nemithelela yezinto ezahlukene, kuxutshwa phakathi izinhlobo zamasiko, ubuhle bamasiko, izakhowo zomphakathi, Kanye nesimo sokuxhumana Kanye nolimi, phezu kokwamukelwa kwe-ICT kwinhlangano yoBunye be-Afrika (African Union (AU), ngenhloso yokuqinisa ulwazi lwezinto ezihlupha inhlangano ye-AU, uma yamukela uhlelo lwe-ICT kwimisebenzi yalo yansuku zonke. Ucwaningo luye lwabuyekeza ukuba khona ithiyori yombhalo wobuciko, ikakhulu ithiyori ebizwa nge-Diffusion of Innovation Theory (DIT), uhlelol lwe-Unified Theory of Acceptance and Use of Technology (UTAUT), uhlelo lwe-Competing Values Framework/Model Kanye ne-Value-based Adoption Model (VAM). Lolu hlelo lokugcina lusetshenzisiwe, ngoba kwisizinda samasiko amaningi esinjenge-AU, uma ngabe uhlelo lwamaqhinga amasha lutholakala lusemqoka futhi lungembi eqolo, ngakho-ke abasebenzisi balo bangalwamukela. Ucwaningo lwenziwa kumahovisi enhlangano ye-AU ezindaweni ezimbili ngaphakathi nangaphandle kwezwe lase-Ethiopia. Inani lonke labadlalindima aba-288 bagcwalise umbhalo wemibuzo ombaxambili. Amaphuzu achaza ukwethembeka (reliability scores) ezakhiwo akhalukhuleyithwe ngokuwalinganisa (averaged). Ithuluzi lohlelo lwe-VAM luhlolwe ngenhloso yokuthola izinga lokwethembeka, kanti-ke yinoma iyiphi imibuzo engathembeki isusiwe kucwaningo. Ukuqinisa uhlelo lokuhlola izinga lokufaneleko kwemithelela (validity of factors), ukuhlaziywa kwemithelela ephenyayo (exploratory factor analysis (EFA) kunconywe njengesinyathelo sokuqala kuhlelo lwe-validation. Ulwazi olutholakele luveza ukuthi ulimi kanye losikompilo kube nomthelela obonakalayo kwisilinganiso se (<0.05), kanti izimfundisa ezinhle zamasiko, ukuxhumana, isakhiwo somphakathi kanye nesimo sezokuxhumana kutholakele ukuthi akubalulekile kwisilinganiso esichaziwe sezinga le (<0.05). Ucwaningo luncoma ukuthi i-AU yamukela uhlelo lokufaka amasiko onke ngokusebenzisa izilimi ezahlukahlukene kumasistimu ayo e-ICT, ukunceda ukwamukelwa kanye nokusetshenziswa ngabasebenzi. Sengiphetha, ucwaningo, ucwaningo luyachaza ukuthi izinhlobo ezahlukene zamasiko kanye nezilimi kuyizinhlaka ezisemqoka ekwamukelweni kohlelo lwe-ICT ngaphakathim kwe-AU.
Die ingebruikneming van inligtings- en kommunikasietegnologie (IKT) in ʼn multikulturele konteks moet goed begryp word, aangesien vloeiende IKT-werksaamhede in verskeie sleutelsektore van enige multikulturele organisasie deur kulturele faktore beïnvloed word. Hierdie studie het ten doel gehad om die belangrikheid van verskillende veranderlikes, insluitende kulturele smake, kulturele waardes, sosiale strukture, en die kommunikasiekonteks en -taal, en die invloed daarvan op IKT-ingebruikneming in die Afrika-unie (AU) te ondersoek, met die oog op verbeterde begrip van die kwessies waarmee die AU gekonfronteer word wanneer IKT in hul daaglikse werksaamhede gebruik word. In die studie is die beskikbare teoretiese literatuur hersien, spesifiek die Diffusie van Innovasie- Teorie (DIT), die Saambindende Teorie van Aanvaarding en Gebruik van Tegnologie (UTAUT), die Mededingende Waardes-raamwerk/-model en die Waardegebaseerde Ingebruikneming-model (VAM). Laasgenoemde is toegepas, want in ʼn multikulturele omgewing soos dié van die AU sal gebruikers waarskynlik ʼn innovasie gebruik indien dit waardevol en kostedoeltreffend is. Die navorsing is by AU-kantore in sowel as buite Etiopië uitgevoer. Altesaam 288 deelnemers het ʼn halfgestruktureerde vraelys voltooi. Die betroubaarheidspuntetelling van die konstrukte is bereken deur hul gemiddelde te bepaal. Die VAM-hulpmiddel is getoets vir betroubaarheid, en enige onbetroubare vrae is uit die finale studie verwyder. Om die toets van geldigheid van faktore te versterk, is verkennende faktorontleding (EFA) verkies as die aanvanklike stap in die proses van geldigheidsbepaling. Die bevindinge het getoon dat taal en kulturele smaak ʼn noemenswaardige uitwerking op die genoemde beduidendheidspeil (<0.05) gehad het, terwyl kulturele waardes, kommunikasie, sosiale struktuur en die kommunikasiekonteks onbeduidend blyk te wees op die genoemde beduidendheidspeil (<0.05). Die studie beveel aan dat die AU inklusiwiteit verwelkom deur diverse tale in sy IK-stelsels te gebruik, om aanvaarding en ingebruikneming daarvan deur werknemers te bewerkstellig. Ten slotte: die studie het bevind dat kulturele smake en tale deurslaggewende elemente in die aanvaarding van IKT in die AU is
Ukwamukelwa kohlelo lezobuChwepheshe Bolwazi Kanye nokuXhumana (Information and communications technology (ICT) kwizidingo zesimo esiqukethe amasiko amaningi kufanele kuzwisiseke kahle, njengoba imisebenzi ehamba kahle yohlelo lwe-ICT kwimikhakha esemqoka yanoma iyiphi inhlangano enamasiko amaningi ithintwa yimithelela yosikompilo. Lolu cwaningo luqonde ukuphenya ukubaluleka Kanye nemithelela yezinto ezahlukene, kuxutshwa phakathi izinhlobo zamasiko, ubuhle bamasiko, izakhowo zomphakathi, Kanye nesimo sokuxhumana Kanye nolimi, phezu kokwamukelwa kwe-ICT kwinhlangano yoBunye be-Afrika (African Union (AU), ngenhloso yokuqinisa ulwazi lwezinto ezihlupha inhlangano ye-AU, uma yamukela uhlelo lwe-ICT kwimisebenzi yalo yansuku zonke. Ucwaningo luye lwabuyekeza ukuba khona ithiyori yombhalo wobuciko, ikakhulu ithiyori ebizwa nge-Diffusion of Innovation Theory (DIT), uhlelol lwe-Unified Theory of Acceptance and Use of Technology (UTAUT), uhlelo lwe-Competing Values Framework/Model Kanye ne-Value-based Adoption Model (VAM). Lolu hlelo lokugcina lusetshenzisiwe, ngoba kwisizinda samasiko amaningi esinjenge-AU, uma ngabe uhlelo lwamaqhinga amasha lutholakala lusemqoka futhi lungembi eqolo, ngakho-ke abasebenzisi balo bangalwamukela. Ucwaningo lwenziwa kumahovisi enhlangano ye-AU ezindaweni ezimbili ngaphakathi nangaphandle kwezwe lase-Ethiopia. Inani lonke labadlalindima aba-288 bagcwalise umbhalo wemibuzo ombaxambili. Amaphuzu achaza ukwethembeka (reliability scores) ezakhiwo akhalukhuleyithwe ngokuwalinganisa (averaged). Ithuluzi lohlelo lwe-VAM luhlolwe ngenhloso yokuthola izinga lokwethembeka, kanti-ke yinoma iyiphi imibuzo engathembeki isusiwe kucwaningo. Ukuqinisa uhlelo lokuhlola izinga lokufaneleko kwemithelela (validity of factors), ukuhlaziywa kwemithelela ephenyayo (exploratory factor analysis (EFA) kunconywe njengesinyathelo sokuqala kuhlelo lwe-validation. Ulwazi olutholakele luveza ukuthi ulimi kanye losikompilo kube nomthelela obonakalayo kwisilinganiso se (<0.05), kanti izimfundisa ezinhle zamasiko, ukuxhumana, isakhiwo somphakathi kanye nesimo sezokuxhumana kutholakele ukuthi akubalulekile kwisilinganiso esichaziwe sezinga le (<0.05). Ucwaningo luncoma ukuthi i-AU yamukela uhlelo lokufaka amasiko onke ngokusebenzisa izilimi ezahlukahlukene kumasistimu ayo e-ICT, ukunceda ukwamukelwa kanye nokusetshenziswa ngabasebenzi. Sengiphetha, ucwaningo, ucwaningo luyachaza ukuthi izinhlobo ezahlukene zamasiko kanye nezilimi kuyizinhlaka ezisemqoka ekwamukelweni kohlelo lwe-ICT ngaphakathim kwe-AU.
Die ingebruikneming van inligtings- en kommunikasietegnologie (IKT) in ʼn multikulturele konteks moet goed begryp word, aangesien vloeiende IKT-werksaamhede in verskeie sleutelsektore van enige multikulturele organisasie deur kulturele faktore beïnvloed word. Hierdie studie het ten doel gehad om die belangrikheid van verskillende veranderlikes, insluitende kulturele smake, kulturele waardes, sosiale strukture, en die kommunikasiekonteks en -taal, en die invloed daarvan op IKT-ingebruikneming in die Afrika-unie (AU) te ondersoek, met die oog op verbeterde begrip van die kwessies waarmee die AU gekonfronteer word wanneer IKT in hul daaglikse werksaamhede gebruik word. In die studie is die beskikbare teoretiese literatuur hersien, spesifiek die Diffusie van Innovasie- Teorie (DIT), die Saambindende Teorie van Aanvaarding en Gebruik van Tegnologie (UTAUT), die Mededingende Waardes-raamwerk/-model en die Waardegebaseerde Ingebruikneming-model (VAM). Laasgenoemde is toegepas, want in ʼn multikulturele omgewing soos dié van die AU sal gebruikers waarskynlik ʼn innovasie gebruik indien dit waardevol en kostedoeltreffend is. Die navorsing is by AU-kantore in sowel as buite Etiopië uitgevoer. Altesaam 288 deelnemers het ʼn halfgestruktureerde vraelys voltooi. Die betroubaarheidspuntetelling van die konstrukte is bereken deur hul gemiddelde te bepaal. Die VAM-hulpmiddel is getoets vir betroubaarheid, en enige onbetroubare vrae is uit die finale studie verwyder. Om die toets van geldigheid van faktore te versterk, is verkennende faktorontleding (EFA) verkies as die aanvanklike stap in die proses van geldigheidsbepaling. Die bevindinge het getoon dat taal en kulturele smaak ʼn noemenswaardige uitwerking op die genoemde beduidendheidspeil (<0.05) gehad het, terwyl kulturele waardes, kommunikasie, sosiale struktuur en die kommunikasiekonteks onbeduidend blyk te wees op die genoemde beduidendheidspeil (<0.05). Die studie beveel aan dat die AU inklusiwiteit verwelkom deur diverse tale in sy IK-stelsels te gebruik, om aanvaarding en ingebruikneming daarvan deur werknemers te bewerkstellig. Ten slotte: die studie het bevind dat kulturele smake en tale deurslaggewende elemente in die aanvaarding van IKT in die AU is.
School of Computing
M. Sc. (Computing)

Using the Sudan/Darfur Conflict as a case study, this work seeks to address how and why the human security paradigm is a challenge for the African Union in its effort to establish long-term peace and stability in Africa. The purpose of the study is to assess the extent to which the human security model provides a realistic option with regard to the AU’s efforts which are aimed at enhancing peace and security in Africa. The key issues to be appraised include the extent to which AU’s policy framework for intervention in crisis situations emphasizes the need to protect the most vulnerable population groups such as non-combatant women and children, IDPs, and refugees; the parameters of the AU’s intervention framework and how effective the organization has been in addressing human security issues in Darfur; the challenges faced by the regional military forces and key development stakeholders in carrying out initiatives that will alleviate human suffering and simultaneously create conditions conducive to conflict resolution and a long term peace building process in Darfur; and proffering new prospects of action to ensure human security in armed conflicts The emergence of deep ethnic conflicts, the rise of rebel groups, and new and ambitious security initiatives have made regional efforts at establishing peace more daunting than before. The AU has started putting human beings more and more at the centre of its management of peace and security issues, but it remains severely constrained by financial and logistical problems. As a result, its success has been dependent on foreign contributions, something its predecessor (Organization of African Unity) always fought against. This study highlights the fact that AU efforts to ensure peace in Africa continue to be constantly frustrated due to the failure of African leaders to address the root threats to human security. Their failure to do so has in fact worsened the human security situation on the continent. The paper focuses on challenges faced by the AU specifically in the Darfur region, and explores whether the AU can be an actor in the promotion of human security. The main argument here is that the AU’s ownership approach to peace and security in the African continent, which emphasizes that African problems need to be solved by Africans, is fundamentally correct. However, for this to be successful Africans need to stop asking for whatever they think they can get from the international community and focus on what they really need. This does not deny the importance of promoting a strong global political will to assist African peacekeeping efforts, especially in terms of logistics and finances. Rather, the challenge for the AU is to use donor support strategically and to continue to employ a conflict preventive approach, one which places great emphasis on the significance and need for African leaders to start addressing human security issues from their root causes –whether social, economic or political. With the collaborative efforts of nongovernmental organizations, subregional organizations and the civil society, the AU could establish ‘AU alert institutions’ which will aim at ensuring that minority groups have a political voice, thus not only reducing the chances of ethnically based conflicts but also ensuring that sustainable development projects are implemented by tackling the root causes of conflict.
Thesis (M. Sc.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2009.

The research focused on constructing a psychological well-being profile for flourishing practices for junior leaders by establishing the relationship between junior leaders' dispositional attributes (emotional affect, career orientations, and organisational commitment) and the flourishing attribute (positive psychological functioning). A nonprobability purposive sampling quantitative method was applied to a sample of South African National Defence Force (SANDF) personnel in Gauteng (N = 458) at junior leadership levels to explore the statistical relationship between their dispositional attributes (emotional affect, career orientations, and organisational commitment) and the flourishing attribute (positive psychological functioning) attribute. Multiple regression analyses indicated the dispositional attributes with the exception of emotional affect as significant predictors of the flourishing variable. The structural equation modelling (SEM) indicated a good fit of the data with the correlation-derived measurement model. Moderated hierarchical regression analyses indicated that age, race, gender and years of service as significant moderators of the relationship between the participants‘ dispositional attributes (emotional affect, career orientations and organisational commitment) and flourishing (positive psychological functioning) attribute. Tests for mean differences discovered that participants differed in terms of their age and race. The study made a significant contribution to the bulk of knowledge in the field of Industrial and Organisational Psychology. On a theoretical level, the study deepened the understanding of the individual and cognitive, affective, conative and relations management dimensions of the hypothesised psychological well-being profile. On an empirical level, the study developed an empirically tested psychological well-being profile that informs flourishing practices for individual junior leaders and organisational levels. On a practical level, dispositional and flourishing practices that inform the dimensions of the psychological well-being profile were recommended.
Industrial and Organisational Psychology
Ph. D. (Industrial and Organisational Psychology)

PhD (Political Science)
Department of Development Studies
No serious study into the contemporary politics of Zimbabwe can ignore the celebrated influence of nationalism and the attendant role of elite leaders as a ‘social force’ in the making of the nation-state of Zimbabwe. This study analyses the role played by nationalism as an instrument for political mobilisation against the white settler regime in Rhodesia by the Zimbabwe African People Union (ZAPU) and the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU). Therefore, of particular importance is the manner in which the evolution and comprehensive analysis of these former liberation movements, in the political history of Zimbabwe have been viewed through the dominant lenses of nationalism. Nationalism can be regarded as the best set of beliefs and the worst set of beliefs. Being an exhilarating force that led to the emergence of these nationalist movements to dismantle white minority rule, nationalism was also the same force that was responsible for dashing the dreams and hopes associated with an independent Zimbabwe. At the centre of this thesis is the argument that there is a fault line in the manner in which nationalism is understood as such it continued to be constructed and contested. In the study, nationalism has been propagated as contending political narratives, and the nationalist elite leaders are presented as a social force that sought to construct the nation-state of Zimbabwe. Thus, the study is particularly interested in a comparative analysis of the competing narratives of nationalism between ZAPU and ZANU between the period of 1977 and 1990. This period is a very important time frame in the turning points on the nationalist political history of Zimbabwe. Firstly, the beginning of this period saw the struggle for the liberation of Zimbabwe climax because of concerted efforts by both ZAPU and ZANU. Secondly, the conclusion of this period saw the death of ZAPU as an alternative to multi-party democracy within the nationalist sense and the subsequent emergence of a dominant socialist one-party state. Methodologically, a qualitative approach has been employed where the researcher analysed documents.
NRF

This study is an attempt to critique the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission from a theological ethical perspective. The central critique and argument of this study will be that, it is impossible to reconcile the dispossessor and the dispossessed or the oppressor and oppressed in the way the South African TRC did. As such, it will be befitting to start off this study which explores some of the noticeable lessons and challenges emerging from the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (hereafter, the TRC) by elucidating that this study is an attempt to contribute to the on-going discussions on reconciliation. It is also vital to mention up front that this study attempts to contribute to the discussion on reconciliation which seeks to remove injustice at the root. It contributes to a discussion of the weeds of alienation and fragmentation, and it stands in contrast to the frequent use of reconciliation merely to reach some political accommodation and not to address the critical questions of justice, equality and dignity (Boesak & DeYoung 2012). It is also befitting to point out that two central themes – political pietism and Christian quietism – form the backdrop to this study (Boesak & DeYoung 2012). The study contends that reconciliation in South Africa was used merely to reach some political accommodation and did not address the three critical questions of justice, equality and dignity. These arrangements perpetually favour the rich and powerful but deprive the powerless of justice and dignity. Hitherto, this reconciliation is presented as if it does respond to the need for genuine reconciliation and employs a language that sounds like the truth, but it is in fact deceitful – and this we call political pietism. It is also vital to mention that “reconciliation” is a Christian concept, and as such, Christians’ measure matters of reconciliation with the yardstick of the gospel and therefore should know better. However, as it will be shown in this study, when Christians in South Africa discovered that the TRC was not really promoting reconciliation, they became complicit in a deceitful reconciliation. This may have been for reasons of self-protection, fear or a desire for acceptance by the powers that govern the world. Whichever way one looks at it, they tried to seek to accommodate the situation, to justify it and to refuse to run the risk of challenge and prophetic truth telling. As a result, they denied the demands of the gospel and refused solidarity with the powerless and oppressed. This is called Christian quietism (Boesak & DeYoung 2012:1). This study in its attempt to critique the South Africa TRC from a theological ethical perspective will point out that, the TRC which was obviously the product of the negotiated settlement needs to be understood against the background of the global struggle of particularly Third-World countries which were resisting authoritarian regimes put in place by the West for the benefit of the West. As such, this study will point out how the West, in their attempt to keep a grip on the Third-World countries – particularly on their resources – had to recommend and promote their notion of democracy. Democracy became the only option for Third-World countries as a result of the fall of the Soviet Union. It must, however, be mentioned that the problem is not democracy but the manifestation thereof under capitalism. This is because the notion of democracy was recommended to Third-World countries when capitalism was becoming global. As such, this presented some contradictions because democracy emphasizes joint interests, equality and common loyalties whilst capitalism is based on self-seeking inequality and conflicting individual and group interest (Terriblanche 2002). This means that a transition to democracy (especially constitutional democracy) means that the former oppressor or dispossessor will hold on to economic power. As such, the sudden interest of both the NP and the corporate sector in South Africa to a transition to democracy needs to be understood against this background. This study will argue and demonstrate how the ANC was outsmarted during the negotiations in that, at the formal negotiations, the ANC won political power whilst the NP/corporate sector in South Africa won economic power. This is mentioned to here to point out that both the elite compromise reached at the formal and informal negotiations and the influence of the Latin-American truth commissions led to the inability or unwillingness of the TRC to uncover the truth about systemic exploitation. As such, this study will argue and demonstrate that, on the one hand, reconciliation was not added to the truth commission for the purpose of confronting the country with the demands of the gospel and, on the other hand, the TRC was set up (from its inception) for failure.
Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology
D.Th. (Theological Ethics)

This is a historical study of AWG Champion, the former leader of the Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union (ICU) and provincial President of the African National Congress, in the politics of Zululand and Natal from 1965 to 1975. The study examines the introduction of the Zulu homeland and how different political forces in that region of South Africa responded to the idea of a Zulu homeland during the period under review. It also deals with Champion's political alienation from the ANC. This dissertation is also a study of the development of Zulu ethnic nationalism within the structures of apartheid or separate development, the homelands. Issues running throughout the study are the questions of how and why Champion tried and failed to manipulate `separate development' in order to build a Zulu ethnic political base.
History
M.A. (History)

The 1961 general election has not received much publicity over the years possibly because it was overshadowed by the referendum of the previous year. It was regarded at the time as being a comparatively unexciting election with a predictable result and it did not produce any really great change in the number of seats held by the National Party (NP). Most of what excitement was engendered by the election lay in the conflict between the United Party (UP) and the Progressive Party (PP). There has also been comparatively little written about this election. Stultz and Butler wrote one short article on the 1961 election and Kenneth Heard also wrote a chapter about it in his study of South African general elections between 1943 and 197C. In his memoirs entitled My Lewe in die Politiek, Ben Schoeman devoted very little space to the 1961 general election, and much of what appeared on pages 281 and 282 dealt with Japie Basson and the performance of the National Union Party (NUP) as well as the way that English-speaking whites seemed to have accepted the idea of the republic. In his memoirs, Sir de Villiers Graaff devoted only two short paragraphs on page 185 to this election in which he mentioned the difficulties attached to fighting an elect on on two fronts against both the NP and the PP while simultaneously facing the reality of having lost much of the support of the English press. Sir de Villiers also discussed the way that the UP regained all but one of their seats lost to the Progressives in 1959. Memoirs and biographies of PP politicians give a much more comprehensive account of the 1961 general election, possibly because it was the first general election ever fought by that party as a separate political entity and also because it represented such a major political reversal. Ray Swart's Progressive Odyssey, Jeremy Lawrence's Harry Lawrence, and Helen Suzman's autobiography, In no uncertain terms, all provide interesting accounts of the 1961 general election although the account in Suzman's autobiography does not pay much attention to the Progressive campaign outside her own constituency of Houghton. Joanna Strangwayes-Booth's biography of Helen Suzman also provides very useful information on the formation and the early years of the PP. Dr FA Mouton's thesis on Margaret Ballinger is also very interesting and useful, and gives a lucid description of the dissension within the ranks of the Liberal Party. Terry Wilks's comparatively short biography of Douglas Mitchell describes Mitchell's frequent clashes with members of his own party. Some readers may, however, regard this biography as being rather skimpy on details and too flattering towards Mitchell at times. Catherine Taylor's autobiography, If courage goes, gives little detail on the 1961 general election. Unfortunately Nationalist politicians do not seem to be as prolific in writing their autobiographies as do opposition politicians. particularly Ben Schoeman's memoirs are interesting reading, as they describe the antipathy felt towards Dr Verwoerd by many Nationalist politicians in the early years of his premiership. DS Prinsloo's biography of PW Botha naturally focuses more on the years of his premiership and does not provide much new information on the NP during the period 1958 to 1961. Dirk and Johanna de Villiers' biography of Paul Sauer gives a very interesting account of the strained relationship between Sauer and Verwoerd. There are several useful publications on the history of the various parties, including Brian Hackland's thesis on the earlier years of the PP, and an Afrikaans study Die Verenigde Party Die Groot Eksperiment, edited by Barnard and Marais. This latter work is very informative on the dissension that was endemic within the UP for much of its existence. Also very useful were Dan O'Meara's Forty Lost Years and the book edited by R Schrire, Leadership in the Apartheid State. This dissertation has a threefold purpose. Its primary objective is to determine and describe the course, background and significance of the 1961 general election. Its second purpose is to analyse the relative position of the political parties in the years leading up to the 1961 general election. Thirdly it quantifies statistically some of the assumptions made about South African politics over the years e.g. the effect of delimitation on the successes or defeats of the National and the United Parties, the effect of the distribution of the support enjoyed by the UP on the fortunes of that party, the strength of the NP during various critical elections and the relationship between percentage turn-out of voters and support received by the UP and the PP. In many respects the 1961 general election was not as important for the NP as was the 1958 general election. The reason for this assertion is firstly that the gains made by the NP in 1961 were not nearly as significant or extensive as those made in 1958. Furthermore the 1958 general election was most probably one of the most decisive general elections contested by the NP as it was in this election that its position became virtually impregnable. The UP's hopes of ever being returned to office suffered a blow that can be seen as final and irreversible. However, the 1961 general election was important in that it was probably the first general election in which the NP could realistically be described as enjoying the support of more than half the white electorate. Despite the optimistic claims made by some sections of the Nationalist press after the results of the 1958 general election had been announced, the NP probably did not command the support of half the white electorate in 1958 although it came rather close to doing so. In addition the themes of the two elections do differ slightly in that in 1961 the Nationalists made a much more concerted effort to capture the votes of as many English-speaking whites as possible. Certain themes are prominent in any study of South African politics of this period. One of them is how the UP's numerical strength in parliament failed to reflect the full extent of its support among the electorate. This was to be a perennial source of discontent among UP supporters. In this dissertation certain statistical comparisons have been drawn with other general elections such as the influence of delimitation on the performance of certain parties and the percentage swings required to unseat the NP in some general elections. These comparisons provide a very interesting perspective on the growth and decline of various parties over nearly two decades. Another theme is how certain marginal seats made the position of the NP a trifle insecure in the early years of its rule and how this situation was remedied by the general election of 1958. Also interesting is the dilermna in which the UP found itself for much of its post-1948 history whether to adopt a more liberal approach or to attempt instead to fight the Nationalists on behalf of its traditionally conservative supporters who party loyalties. What was might have been also of great wavering interest in their was the relationship between the English-language press and the leadership of the UP. It was particularly striking how many editors appeared to dislike Douglas Mitchell intensely and how even in 1961 some editors already seemed disenchanted with the leadership of Sir de Villiers Graaff. It should be remembered that the voters in South West Africa were represented by six members of parliament. Their constituencies were, however, determined by a separate delimitation commission. This dissertation naturally pays much more attention to the 150 seats in which white voters in the Republic of South Africa cast their votes. The coloureds in the Cape Province were represented by three members of parliament, who were not elected on the same day as their 156 fellow parliamentarians representing white voters in South Africa and South West Africa. In researching this dissertation I have found the newspapers of the period to be invaluable as well as certain periodical publications such as Round Table, African Digest, and Forum. Much useful material has also been found in the archival collections of Harry Lawrence, Oscar Wollheirn, Sydney Waterson, and Colin Eglin in the University of Cape Town Library as well as the collection of Dr Eben Donges in the provincial archives in Cape Town. Useful and interesting information was also gleaned from the various United Party collections in the UNISA library. The Progressive Party collections and the Liberal Party papers in the William Cullen library at the University of the Witwatersrand were also well worth consulting, as was the Liberal Party Collection in the Alan Paton Centre at the University of Natal. Most archival information concerning the National Party during this period came from the various collections at the Institute for Contemporary History at the University of the Orange Free State. My thanks are due to the staff of all these archival repositories for their assistance and to my two supervisors, Professor JCH Grabler and Mrs BM Theron, for their guidance. Some readers might regard general elections as being a trivial or inconsequential topic of study, particularly as some people might regard white politics or parliamentary politics as being somewhat irrelevant in the light of contemporary historical events. Nevertheless general elections are a very interesting and fruitful field of research as they provide fascinating revelations on the attitudes held at various times by certain political parties as well as the white population of the time. Thus, even though while not nearly as momentous as, for example, the 1948 general election, the 1961 general election was an interesting contest. In the late 1950s, Professor GHL le May of the University of the Witwatersrand regarded the state of election analysis in South Africa as "abysmal", but hopefully this situation is in the process of being remedied. politicians. particularly Ben Schoernan'::; memoirs are interesting reading, as they describe the antipathy felt towards Dr Verwoerd by many Nationalist politicians in the early years of his premiership. DS Prinsloo's biography of PW Botha naturally focuses more on the years of his premiership and does not provide much new information on the NP during the period 1958 to 1961. Dirk and Johanna de Villiers' biography of Paul Sauer gives a very Page (iii) interesting account of the strained relationship between Sauer and Verwoerd. There are several useful publications on the history of the various parties, including Brian Hackland's thesis on the earlier years of the PP, and an Afrikaans study Die Verenigde Party Die Groot Eksperiment, edited by Barnard and Marais. This latter work is very informative on the dissension that was endemic within the UP for much of its existence. Also very useful were Dan O'Meara's Forty Lost Years and the book edited by R Schrire, Leadership in the Apartheid State. This dissertation has a threefold purpose. Its primary objective is to determine and describe the course, background and significance of the 1961 general election. Its second purpose is to analyse the relative positcon of the political parties in the years leading up to the 1961 general election. Thirdly it quantifies statistically some of the assumptions made about South African politics over the years e.g. the effect of delimitat on on the successes or defeats of the National and the United Parties, the effect of the distribution of the support enjoyed by the UP on the fortunes of that party, the strength of the NP during various critical elections and the relationship between percentage turn-out of voters and support received by the UP and the PP. In many respects the 1961 general election was not as important for the N? as was the 1958 general election. The reason for this assertion is firstly that the gains made by the NP in 1961 were not nearly as significant or extensive as those made in 1958. Furthermore the 1958 general election was Page (iv) most probably one of the most decisive general elections contested by the NP as it was in this election that its position became virtually impregnable. The UP's hopes of ever being returned to office suf ered a blow that can be seen as final and irreversible. However, the 1961 general election was important in that ic was probably the first general election in which the NP could realistically be described as enjoying the support of more than half the white electorate. Despite the optimistic clains made by soma sections of the Nationalist press after the results of the 1958 general election had been announced, the NP probably did not command the support of half the white electorate in 1958 although it came rather close to doing so. In addition the themes of the two elections do differ slightly in that in 1961 the Nationalists made a much more concerted effort to capture the votes of as many English-speaking whites as possible. Certain themes are prominent in any study of South African politics of this period. Ono of them is how the UP's nQmerical strength in parliament failed to reflect the full extent of its support among the electorate. This was to be a perennial source of discontent among UP supporters. In this dissertation certain statistical comparisons have been drawn with other general elections such as the influence of delimitation on the performance of certain parties and the percentage swings required to unseat the NP in some general elections. These comparisons provide a very interesting perspective on the growth and decline of various parties over nearly two decades. Another theme is how certain marginal seats made the position of the NP a trifle insecure in the early years of its rule and how this situation was remedied by Page (v) the general election of 1958. Also interesting is the dilemma in which the UP found itself for much of its pcst-1948 history whether to to fight adopt a more liberal approach or to attempt instead the Nationalists on behalf of its traditionally conservative supporters who might have been wavering in their party loyalties. What was also of great interest was the relationship between the English-language press and the leadership of the UP. :t was particularly striking how many editors appeared to dislike Douglas Mitchell intensely and how even in 1961 some editors already seemed disenchanted with the leadership of Sir de Villiers Graaff. It should be remembered that the voters in South West Africa were represented by six rr rnbers of parliament. Their constituencies were, however, determined by a separate delimitation commission. This dissertation naturally pays much more attention to the 150 seats in which white voters in the Republic of South Africa cast their votes. The coloureds in the Cape Province were represented by three members of parliament, who were not elected on the same day as their 156 fellow parliamentarians representing white voters in South Africa and South West Africa. In researching this dissertation I have found the newspapers of the period to be invaluable as well as certain periodical publications such as Round Table, African Digest, and Forum. Much useful material has also been found in the archival collections of Harry Lawrence, Oscar Wollheim, Sydney Waterson, and Colin Eglin in the University of Cape Town Library as well as the collection of Dr Eben Donges in the provincial archives in Cape Town. Useful and interesting information was Page (vi) also gleaned from the various United Party collections in the utHistory
M.A. History

Text in English
This dissertation has examined the University Christian Movement (UCM) over its turbulent five year history from 1967 to 1972 in terms of the original hopes of the sponsoring ecumenical denominations. Contextual factors within the socio-political arena of South Africa as well as broader youth cultural influences are shown to have had a decisive influence. These factors help to explain the negative reaction from the founding churches. While this is not a thesis on Black Consciousness, nevertheless the contribution of the UCM to the rise of Black Consciousness and Black Theology is evaluated. UCM is shown to be a movement well ahead of its time as a forerunner in South Africa of Black Theology, contextual theology, feminism, modem liturgical styles, and intercommunion. As such it was held in suspicion. It suffered repressive action from the government and alienation from the churches. Constant cross referencing to other organisations such as the World Student Christian Federation, the National Union of South African Students, the South African Council of Churches, the Christian Institute, and the Sllldents Christian Association, helps to locate the UCM within the flow of contemporary history. The concluding evaluation differs markedly from the report of the Schlebusch Commission by making both critical and positive judgement from the perspective of the UCM as an ecumenical mission to students.
Christain Spirituality, Church History & Missiology
M.Th. (Missiology)

The thesis deals with the emergence of bank and non-bank entities that provide a range of unique transaction-based payment services broadly called Mobile Financial Services (MFS) to unbanked, underserved and underbanked persons via mobile phones. Models of MFS from Mobile Network Operators (MNOs), banks, combinations of MNOs and banks, and independent Mobile Financial Services Providers are covered. Provision by non-banks of ‘bank-type’ services via mobile phones has been termed ‘transformational banking’ versus the ‘additive banking’ services from banks. All involve the concept of ‘branchless banking’ whereby ‘cash-in/cash out’ services are provided through ‘agents.’ Funds for MFS payments may available through a Stored Value Product (SVP), particularly through a Stored Value Account SVP variant offered by MNOs where value is stored as a redeemable fiat- or mobile ‘airtime’-based Store of Value. The competitive, legal, technical and regulatory nature of non-bank versus bank MFS models is discussed, in particular the impact of banking, payments, money laundering, telecommunications, e-commerce and consumer protection laws. Whether funding mechanisms for SVPs may amount to deposit-taking such that entities could be engaged in the ‘business of banking’ is discussed. The continued use of ‘deposit’ as the traditional trigger for the ‘business of banking’ is investigated, alongside whether transaction and paymentcentric MFS rises to the ‘business of banking.’ An extensive evaluation of ‘money’ based on the Orthodox and Claim School economic theories is undertaken in relation to SVPs used in MFS, their legal associations and import, and whether they may be deemed ‘money’ in law. Consumer protection for MFS and payments generally through current statute, contract, and payment law and common law condictiones are found to be wanting. Possible regulatory arbitrage in relation to MFS in South African law is discussed. The legal and regulatory regimes in the European Union, Kenya and the United States of America are compared with South Africa. The need for a coordinated payments-specific law that has consumer protections, enables proportional risk-based licensing of new non-bank providers of MFS, and allows for a regulator for retail payments is recommended. The use of trust companies and trust accounts is recommended for protection of user funds. | vi
Public, Constitutional and International Law
LLD