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Artigos de revistas sobre o assunto "Suffragists – history"
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Kodumthara, Sunu. "“The Right of Suffrage Has Been Thrust on Me”: The Reluctant Suffragists of the American West". Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, n.º 4 (7 de agosto de 2020): 607–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781420000341.
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AbstractFrom nearly the moment the woman's suffrage movement began at Seneca Falls in 1848, anti-suffragists actively campaigned against it, claiming that woman suffrage would only destroy both American politics and the American family. However, despite their best efforts, states in the American West passed equal suffrage laws. Interestingly, once it passed in their states, anti-suffragists in the American West—albeit begrudgingly—exercised their right to vote. As equal suffrage continued to expand, the Western anti-suffragist strategy became the strategy of anti-suffragists everywhere. This essay examines three states that represent pivotal moments in the development of the anti-suffrage movement: Colorado, California, and Oklahoma. Shortly after Colorado passed equal suffrage in 1893 and California passed equal suffrage in 1911, anti-suffragists organized state and national associations. By the time Oklahoma passed its equal suffrage law in 1918, anti-suffragists were not only voting—they were also willing to run for office. Anti-suffragist strategy and rhetoric relied on how suffrage worked in the West, or at least anti-suffrage perceptions of it. In other words, women's suffrage in the West served as a catalyst for the anti-suffragist movement.
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Derleth, Jessica. "“KNEADING POLITICS”: COOKERY AND THE AMERICAN WOMAN SUFFRAGE MOVEMENT". Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 17, n.º 3 (julho de 2018): 450–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781418000063.
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During the American woman suffrage movement, opponents described suffragists as abnormal, unsexed, non-mothers who desired to leave the home and family en masse, levying “war against the very foundation of society.” This charge ultimately compelled suffragists around the nation to respond by embracing expediency arguments, insisting the women's votes would bring morality, cleanliness, and order to the public sphere. This article charts how suffragists capitalized on movements for home economics, municipal housekeeping, and pure food to argue for the compatibility of politics and womanhood. In particular, this article examines suffrage cookbooks, recipes, and bazaars as key campaign tactics. More than a colorful historiographical side note, this cookery rhetoric was a purposeful political tactic meant to combat perennial images of suffragists as “unwomanly women.” And suffragists ultimately employed the practice and language of cookery to build a feminine persona that softened the image of their political participation and made women's suffrage more palatable to politicians, male voters, potential activists, and the general public.
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Dublin, Thomas. "A Crowdsourcing Approach to Revitalizing Scholarship on Black Women Suffragists". Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, n.º 4 (3 de agosto de 2020): 575–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781420000328.
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AbstractThis article draws on a collection of crowdsourced biographical sketches of Black women suffragists to explore the contributions of these activists to the expansion of voting rights that accompanied the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment. It explores the motivations and strategies adopted by Black women suffragists and interracial alliances that emerged in the course of the suffrage struggle, comparing and contrasting the experiences of suffragists across racial lines.
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Cahill, Cathleen D. "“Our Sisters in China Are Free”: Visual Representations of Chinese and Chinese American Suffragists". Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, n.º 4 (7 de agosto de 2020): 634–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781420000365.
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AbstractBoth white and Chinese American suffragists in the United States closely watched and discussed the events of the Chinese Revolution of 1911 and the establishment of the Chinese Republic (1912–1949). They were aware of the republican revolutionaries’ support for women's rights, which conflicted with American stereotypes of China as a backward nation, especially in its treatment of women. Chinese suffragists, real and imagined, became a major talking point in debates over women's voting rights in the United States as white suffragists and national newspapers championed their stories. This led to prominent visual depictions of Chinese suffragists in the press, but also their participation in public events such as suffrage parades. For a brief time, the transnational nature of suffrage conversations was highly visible as was the suffrage activism of women in U.S. Chinese communities. However, because Chinese immigrants were barred from citizenship by U.S. immigration law, white activists tended to depict Chinese suffragists as foreign, resulting in the erasure of their memory in the U.S. suffrage movement.
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Carlson, Susan. "Politicizing Harley Granville Barker: Suffragists and Shakespeare". New Theatre Quarterly 22, n.º 2 (19 de abril de 2006): 122–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x06000364.
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The importance of Granville Barker’s association with J. E. Vedrenne in the seminal Court seasons of 1904-1907 is one of the ‘givens’ of twentieth-century theatre history, as are Barker’s later, groundbreaking productions of Shakespeare at the Savoy. Yet these and much of his intervening work were also in many ways collaborative achievements, now in association with his wife, the actress Lillah McCarthy – their later divorce helping to rewrite the history of their partnership. Lillah McCarthy was also a prominent suffragist, and Granville Barker allied himself with many other men and women who were working actively in support of the extended franchise. Susan Carlson argues that many of Granville Barker’s productions should be seen, in part, as artistic extensions of suffrage activism, and in this article she explores the ways in which his support for the suffragists manifested itself on as well as off the stage. Susan Carlson, Associate Provost and Professor of English at Iowa State University, has most recently published essays on suffrage theatre, focusing on its political use of comedy and its connections to productions of Shakespeare.
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Swanson, Kara W. "Inventing the Woman Voter: Suffrage, Ability, and Patents". Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, n.º 4 (7 de agosto de 2020): 559–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781420000316.
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AbstractIn 1870, the New York State Suffrage Association published a pamphlet titled “Woman as Inventor.” White suffragists distributed this history of female invention to prove women's inventiveness, countering arguments that biological disabilities justified women's legal disabilities. In the United States, inventiveness was linked to the capacity for original thought considered crucial for voters, making female inventiveness relevant to the franchise. As women could and did receive patents, activists used them as government certification of female ability. By publicizing female inventors, counting patents granted to women, and displaying women's inventions, they sought to overturn the common wisdom that women could not invent and prove that they had the ability to vote. Although partially successful, these efforts left undisturbed the equally common assertion that African Americans could not invent. White suffragists kept the contemporary Black woman inventor invisible, relegating the technological creations of women of color to a primitive past. White suffragists created a feminist history of invention, in words and objects, that reinforced white supremacy—another erasure of Black women, whose activism white suffragists were eager to harness, yet whose public presence they sought to minimize in order to keep the woman voter, like the woman inventor, presumptively white.
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Stevenson, Ana. "Imagining Women’s Suffrage". Pacific Historical Review 87, n.º 4 (2018): 638–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2018.87.4.638.
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During the late nineteenth century, the print culture associated with women’s suffrage exhibited increasingly transnational connections. Between the 1870s and 1890s, suffragists in the United States, and then Australia and New Zealand, celebrated the early enfranchisement of women in the U.S. West. After the enfranchisement of antipodean women at the turn of the twentieth century, American suffragists in turn gained inspiration from New Zealand and Australia. In the process, suffrage print culture focused on the political and social possibilities associated with the frontier landscapes that defined these regions. However, by envisioning such landscapes as engendering white women’s freedom, suffrage print culture conceptually excluded Indigenous peoples from its visions of enfranchisement. The imaginative connections fostered in transnational suffrage print culture further encouraged actual transpacific connections between the suffragists themselves.
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Rouse, Wendy. "Gender, Sexuality, and Love between Women in California’s Suffrage Campaign". California History 97, n.º 4 (2020): 144–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2020.97.4.144.
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The traditional narrative of the women’s suffrage movement has presented a “respectable” version of suffrage history primarily focused on the prominent role of elite, cisgender, heterosexual white women in fighting for the vote. Scholars are currently challenging that narrative. The story of California suffragists Gail Laughlin and Dr. Mary Austin Sperry “queers” our understanding of suffrage history by revealing the ways that suffragists transgressed normative boundaries of gender and sexuality not only in their norm-defying gender expressions, but in their non-heteronormative domestic arrangements.
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Rouse, Wendy. "Gender, Sexuality, and Love between Women in California’s Suffrage Campaign". California History 97, n.º 4 (2020): 144–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2020.97.4.144.
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The traditional narrative of the women’s suffrage movement has presented a “respectable” version of suffrage history primarily focused on the prominent role of elite, cisgender, heterosexual white women in fighting for the vote. Scholars are currently challenging that narrative. The story of California suffragists Gail Laughlin and Dr. Mary Austin Sperry “queers” our understanding of suffrage history by revealing the ways that suffragists transgressed normative boundaries of gender and sexuality not only in their norm-defying gender expressions, but in their non-heteronormative domestic arrangements.
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Sidhu, Maya. "Making “Women's News”: French Feminists of la Femme nouvelle (1934–36) and the Newsreel Magazine Actualités féminines". Camera Obscura 38, n.º 2 (1 de setembro de 2023): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/02705346-10654871.
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Abstract This article demonstrates how the interwar French suffragist organization la Femme nouvelle used the platform of the newsreel to make political claims through its collaboration with Pathé’s newsreel magazine Actualités féminines or Women's News. Through the filming of their political actions and educational segments edited together in their newsreel compilation film, Le film de la Femme nouvelle (dir. la Femme nouvelle, France, 1935), the suffragists, led by Louise Weiss, frame themselves as essential workers, fearless political actors, and perfect housewives. These contradictions reveal a strategic manipulation of their gender identity to obtain the vote at all costs. Newsreel making provided the feminists an avenue for political claimsmaking beyond electoral politics. These filmed accounts of their actions give the spectator a sense of being present at the event, which is missing from written accounts of la Femme nouvelle's history. Through this aesthetic liveness, achieved through camera placement and staging in crowd scenes, the suffragists were able to portray themselves as vital political actors. One such filmed protest from 12 May 1935 provides a compelling account of their filmmaking practice, in which the activists march on la place de la Bastille in chains, then break their chains and put them in a bonfire. The French Revolution, referenced by this action, was a popular analogy for the Left, as seen in the film La marseillaise (dir. Jean Renoir, France, 1937). Le film de la Femme nouvelle is significant because it allows for an alternate, feminist history of political filmmaking in the period.
Teses / dissertações sobre o assunto "Suffragists – history"
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Crenshaw, Abby Lorraine. "The Solid South: The Suffrage Campaign Revisited". TopSCHOLAR®, 2018. https://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/2448.
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This examination of the southern suffrage campaign focuses the movement through the eyes of three prominent southern women within the political movement: Kate Gordon, Sue Shelton White, and Josephine Pearson. The merged National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA) planned and organized a focus on the South during the second half of the suffrage campaign, which presented new challenges. The Nineteenth Amendment passed through Congress in 1918 and consequently set the stage for a raging political battle between suffragists and anti-suffragists. The suffrage campaign prompted women to question how the political platform of suffrage should be addressed. Women argued over the issue of suffrage and its application; a universal amendment, state legislation, or no suffrage rights at all. The question over appropriate political tactics often revealed the social and cultural prejudices of the campaign leaders.
The cornerstone of my research focuses on the history of the southern campaign and incorporates three southern women who shared distinct political views of woman suffrage. The bulk of my research focused on the primary documents from the Josephine Pearson Collection at the Tennessee State Library and Archives and the loaned papers of Sue Shelton White from Knoxville, Tennessee. I also used the Louisiana newspaper, the Daily Picayune, for information about Kate Gordon as well as her correspondence with Laura Clay.
Through this examination, a more direct focus is applied to the southern suffrage movement, which further complicates separate accounts of racial prejudice and exclusion in southern women’s politics. Furthermore, my thesis will create a framework of southern culture by incorporating the national issue of suffrage from a regional perspective to expose commonalities and themes that muddles southern women’s history and patriarchal loyalty in the South. Carefully analyzing the suffrage and anti-suffrage leadership in the South, particularly Tennessee, helps develop a well-defined understanding of the cultural and political factors influencing southern politics as well as assist in constructing a scholarly historiographic perspective on social and cultural influences of the southern campaign within the separate groups of suffragists and anti-suffragists.
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Leonetti, Shannon Moon. "Ordinary Women/Extraordinary Lives: Oregon Women and Their Stories of Persistence, Grit and Grace". PDXScholar, 2015. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2342.
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This thesis tells the stories of five Oregon women who transcended the customary roles of their era. Active during the waning years of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century, each woman made a difference in the world around them. Their stories have either not been told or just given a passing glance. These tales are important because they inform us about our society on the cusp of the twentieth century.
Hattie Crawford Redmond was the daughter of a freed slave who devoted herself to the fight for women's suffrage. Minnie Mossman Hill was the first woman steamboat pilot west of the Mississippi. Mary Francis Isom was a local librarian who went to France to deliver books to American soldiers. Ann and May Shogren were sisters who brought high fashion to Portland and defied the gender and social rules in both their business and personal lives.
These women were not the only ones who accomplished extraordinary things during their lives. They are a tiny sample of Oregon women who pushed beyond discrimination, hardship and gender limits to earn their place in Oregon's history.
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Perrone, Fernanda Helen. "The V.A.D.S. and the great war /". Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=66086.
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Tang, Kung. "The Search for Order and Liberty : The British Police, the Suffragettes, and the Unions, 1906-1912". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279136/.
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From 1906 to 1912 the British police contended with the struggles of militant suffragettes and active unionists. In facing the disturbances associated with the suffragette movement and union mobilization, the police confronted the dual problems of maintaining the public order essential to the survival and welfare of the kingdom while at the same time assuring to individuals the liberty necessary for Britain's further progress. This dissertation studies those police activities in detail.
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Sylla, Salian. ""If negroes were to vote, I would persist in opening the door to females" : alliances et mésalliances autour du vote des femmes et des Noirs aux États-Unis, 1860-1920". Thesis, Paris 10, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA100004.
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Au sortir de quatre années d’une guerre fratricide, les États-Unis s’engageaient sur la voie de la Reconstruction, période qui généra des questions autour de la liberté. Deux catégories étaient au cœur d’une actualité faite de rebondissements multiples : les Noirs et les femmes. Les uns parce que leurs soutiens abolitionnistes souhaitaient obtenir une citoyenneté immédiate (“This is the Negro’s hour”) ; les autres parce qu’elles étaient les alliées de longue date des mêmes abolitionnistes et réclamaient dorénavant le suffrage. Ce fut le début d’alliances, de mésalliances entre les hommes noirs, les suffragists, les femmes noires et leurs soutiens et adversaires respectifs, pris qu’ils étaient dans les péripéties de luttes et de causes qui, bien que complémentaires et concomitantes, demeurèrent souvent différentes voire divergentes sur le plan des principes et des stratégies de lutte, ce qui mena parfois à une hostilité réciproque. Tous entrèrent ainsi dans un jeu continu entre universalisme et particularisme (s) jusqu’à l’avènement du vote féminin (Sud mis à part) en 1920 puis du Voting Right Act (1865). Que la réussite des un(e)s dépendît ou non de la victoire des autres, les défaites successives des un(e)s et des autres montraient quant à elles les réticences d’une société traversée par les convulsions occasionnées par ses contradictions d’origine : depuis qu’elle avait proclamé tous les hommes (hormis les Noirs, les Amérindiens et les femmes) égaux. L’inclusion électorale des Noirs et des femmes fut effective au terme de plus d’un siècle de luttes, d’alliances et de mésalliances qui se succédèrent au milieu de cycles successifs d’adhésions ou d’oppositions souvent tumultueuses d’un bout à l’autre de l’échiquier politiqueIn the wake of a tragic civil war, the United States entered a period of Reconstruction that aroused many questions about the notion of liberty. Two groups were propelled into the center of the country’s public debate: Blacks and women. While the former became a central issue because their abolitionist allies wanted them to garner immediate citizenship (“This is the Negro’s hour”), the latter were trying to catch public attention because they had been longtime allies to the same abolitionists and were now claiming their own enfranchisement. That was the inception of a long period made of alliances interspersed with moments of blatant disagreement and even separation between black male militants, suffragists, black female franchise advocators, and their respective supporters or opponents. They were all caught in the twists and turns of struggles and causes that complemented one another. Though their motives were concomitant and compatible, they remained fundamentally distinct, even divergent in terms of principles and strategies, which sometimes sparked mutual hostility. They all entered a cycle of actions oscillating between a universal and a particular claim of the franchise. This situation prevailed until the advent of universal female suffrage in 1920 (except for black women in the South). Whether or not the success or failure of black males depended on the defeat of women, the successive defeats of both groups pointed out the reluctance of a society undergoing the convulsions sparked by its original contradictions stemming from the very period when it declared all men equal; all except Indians, Blacks, and women. The final enfranchisement of both women and Blacks took more than a century of alliances and dissociations in the midst of a tumult of successive support or opposition across the country’s political spectrum
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Johnson, Kathleen Carlton Ph D. "Radical social activism, lay Catholic women and American feminism, 1920-1960". Thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/1198.
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This dissertation describes a movement I am calling Radical Social Activism that flourished among Catholic women between the years 1920-1960. The Catholic women participating did not abandon their Church's teachings on women but worked within the androcentric Catholic Church to achieve some lasting results as Radical Social Activists. This Radical Social Activism worked in the lives of Dorothy Day, Maisie Ward, and Dorothy Dohen, three women who retained a firm attachment to the Catholic faith and who would not align themselves with the incipient feminism of the times, but who, nevertheless, strove for social change and justice without regard for political or social recognition. Their work was radical because they were not complacent with the status quo and worked to change it. Their work was social because they ignored Church politics and reached outside their individual egos. And their work was definitely action oriented in that they practiced their beliefs rather than simply preach them.
Few Catholic women were involved with the early women's Suffragist movement; the overwhelming majority did not participate in mainstream feminism, in part due to their immigrant background. Women stepped out of the family setting and into active roles in a society that increasingly measured success in terms of economic well being. These role changes produced trade offs in terms of how the family was viewed and it de-emphasized society's spiritual well being.
Some of the issues and solutions for women in modern society collided with moral and ethical teachings of the Roman Catholic Church. I have selected three such women who responded with Radical Social Activism, and participated in the American Catholic Church, however, they did not participate in the general feminism of the times. These women, Dorothy Day, Maisie Ward, and Dorothy Dohen, represented in their Radical Social Activism, a feminism of the spirit, as it were, while still remaining within the structure and Magisterium of the Church proper.
As women moved into secular society, they made compromises concerning their duties and responsibilities to family. Issues of divorce, birth control, and abortion became popular remedies that helped limit family duties and responsibilities. However, the Catholic Church has always viewed these as problematical and theological challenges to Catholic teaching and has consistently refuted the expediency of these solutions on moral grounds.
Yet, if the Church's view on women limits women as feminists have claimed, it did not stop Day, Dohen, and Ward from participating and changing the secular world around them, while still remaining loyal to the teachings of the Catholic Church.Christian Spirituality, Church History & Missiology
D.Th. (Church History)
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Clark, Anne Biller. "My dear Mrs. Ames: A study of the life of suffragist cartoonist and birth control reformer Blanche Ames Ames, 1878-1969". 1996. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations/AAI9638948.
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Blanche Ames Ames, an elite graduate of Smith College and a distinguished state and national leader in the woman suffrage and birth control causes, was one of a small cadre of educated women who, in the early 1900s, recast the iconography of political cartoons, long a means of discourse used only by men, to promote women's rights. In this, she was most unusual. Fortunately, because of her prominence, Ames's extensive family papers have been preserved in the Sophia Smith Collection at Smith College. She has not slid into obscurity as other women political artists and reformers have done. As a result, Ames serves as a sort of template of how an elite woman chose to become publicly involved in issues she might have funded others to pursue and also how women cartoonists went about adapting the political cartoon to promote their goals. It becomes clear from studying her letters and diaries that Ames was an unusually logical, pragmatic and determined progressive feminist, involved and engaged, who preserved a sense of humor, of irony, of detachment that allowed her to persevere in her causes without fanaticism, while carving an autonomous place for herself in a world uncertain of the wisdom of women's rights. Part of Ames's success was that she was buoyed at each step of her life from prep school to the presidency of the Birth Control League of Massachusetts by her fascinating family, the founder of which was the brilliant and outrageous Civil War Gen. Benjamin "Beast" Butler. Ames's parents encouraged her education and allowed her a growing autonomy in which to learn to think and then to act for herself. After an early and difficult struggle for autonomy in her marriage, Blanche and her husband, Oakes Ames, became partners in a joint campaign to create a sustaining family life at their North Easton estate at Borderland, while allowing Oakes to pursue a distinguished career at Harvard and Blanche an equally distinguished career as a suffragist, a political cartoonist, botanical illustrator, painter and birth control reformer. Thus the study of the life of Blanche Ames Ames is not just one of individual artistic or political brilliance, but also of how that brilliance was nurtured, encouraged and sustained throughout the vicissitudes of a life defined by a desire for real social reform by a domestic support system that too often goes unrecognized. This family support system, along with Blanche Ames Ames's activism and achievements as a political cartoonist and a leader in the suffrage and the birth control fight, are the focus of this dissertation.
Livros sobre o assunto "Suffragists – history"
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Helmer, Diana Star. Women suffragists. New York, NY: Facts on File, 1998.
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Bradley, Katherine. Friends and visitors: History of the women's suffrage movement in Cornwall, 1870-1914. Penzance: Patten for the Hypatia Trust, 2000.
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Holton, Sandra Stanley. The Suffragist and the 'average woman'. Wallingford: Triangle Journals Ltd, 1992.
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Auclert, Hubertine. Journal d'une suffragiste. Paris: Gallimard, 2021.
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McCulloch, John. The suffragists: 100 years of women's suffrage in Queensland. Rockhampton, Qld: Central Queensland University Press, 2005.
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Rampant women: Suffragists and the right of assembly. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1997.
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Weatherford, Doris. A history of the American suffragist movement. Santa Barbara, Calif: ABC-CLIO, 1998.
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Wagner, Sally Roesch. A time of protest: Suffragists challenge the Republic, 1870-1887. Sacramento, Calif: Spectrum Publications, 1987.
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Berger, Gluck Sherna, ed. From parlor to prison: Five American suffragists talk about their lives. New York: Monthly Review Press, 1985.
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1943-, Humphrey Janet G., ed. A Texas suffragist: Diaries and writings of Jane Y. McCallum. Austin, Tex: E.C. Temple, 1988.
Encontre o texto completo da fonteCapítulos de livros sobre o assunto "Suffragists – history"
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Fraser, James W. "Feminists and Suffragists". In A History of Hope, 121–49. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-09784-2_7.
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Howsam, Leslie. "1. An Unthinkable Job for a Woman". In Eliza Orme’s Ambitions, 9–20. Cambridge, UK: Open Book Publishers, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.11647/obp.0392.01.
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This chapter sets the context for Eliza Orme’s ambitions, in England from the 1860s to the 1890s, given that the extraordinary achievement of earning a degree in law was, as it happened, the easy part. She came of age into a burgeoning women’s suffrage movement whose leaders were committed to securing the electoral vote for women as well as access to a wide range of jobs and occupations; they also set their sights on the profession of medicine, but not that of law. The legal professions, encompassing both barristers and solicitors, were so totally closed to women that even the most ambitious suffragist and other feminist politicians did not consider them as institutions open to challenge. This meant that, whatever her contemporaries saw when they looked at Orme, they did not see her as we do today. When Leslie Howsam first encountered Orme in the 1980s, as a postgraduate student of British history in a Canadian university, she could discover very little information about this elusive figure. She had access to libraries and archives at home and in London, but there was no internet searching or digitized newspapers. Almost forty years later, newly available sources have made it possible to speculate that Eliza Orme’s ambition might have transcended even the practice of law, and reached as far as aiming for a seat in Parliament.
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Chernock, Arianne. "Suffrage as Philosophy". In The Oxford Handbook of American and British Women Philosophers in the Nineteenth Century, C44S1—C44N5. Oxford University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780197558898.013.44.
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Abstract Suffragists often get treated as theorists or practitioners. Many, however, were both. This chapter examines the centrality of theory, broadly construed, to suffragist and suffragette activity. Specifically, it considers the ways in which philosophy animated British suffragism. For while most women suffragists would not have defined themselves as philosophers (a label they often reserved for men, such as John Stuart Mill), they, too, explored and expanded on arguments that stretched back to the Enlightenment, if not earlier. The chapter highlights some of the arguments they made, including those regarding natural rights and the shared capacity to reason, the uses of history, the relationship between property and citizenship, and sexual difference and the place of women. In doing so, it seeks to (a) place women at the center of intellectual histories of the suffrage movement and (b) stress some of the ideational continuities within the suffrage movement (even as different generations and organizations privileged different concepts and strategies).
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Edwards, Rebecca. "Suffragists, Prohibitionists, and Republicans". In Angels in the Machinery, 39–58. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195116953.003.0003.
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Abstract Gilded Age Americans looked back on abolitionism as one of the boldest and most effective movements in the nation’s short history. Whigs and Democrats had ridiculed abolitionists in the 1840s; the targets of these jibes had responded that politicians were ignoring slavery at their peril. In little more than a decade, the prophecy had been fulfilled. The Whig Party vanished, Democrats’ national coalition collapsed, and a new party with antislavery leanings captured the White House. Of course, Republicans only ended slavery as an extreme war measure, and historians no longer believe that abolitionists caused the demise of the second party system. In the decades after Emancipation, however, many Americans argued that those who had aroused public opinion deserved the credit (or the blame) for ending slavery. As an Indiana woman wrote in 1884, abolitionists could feel in retrospect “the tremendous power of the political lever within their own grasp.”
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Cahill, Cathleen D. "Remembering and Forgetting". In Recasting the Vote, 262–78. University of North Carolina Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659329.003.0022.
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The epilogue follows the book’s central actors through the end of their lives. It also reveals the legacy of their stories through a meditation on why women like these have so often been left outside the narrative, both by white suffragists who memorialized their own accomplishments and, to a lesser extent, by professional historians. Nevertheless, these suffragists of color and their communities understood the power of history. They very deliberately placed their thoughts and stories in the historical record.
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Baker, Jean H. "Epilogue". In Votes For Women, 189–96. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195130164.003.0013.
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Abstract Like the movement itself, the written history of woman suffrage has evolved over time. The earliest phase was inaugurated by two suffragists, Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony, later joined by Matilda Joslyn Gage and even later by Ida Husted Harper, who gathered documents, memories, clippings, and miscellaneous reports from various parts of the country to create the massive six-volume History of Woman Suffrage.
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Nickerson, Michelle M. "Conclusion". In Mothers of Conservatism. Princeton University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691121840.003.0006.
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The concluding chapter examines how housewife populist ideology influenced a new generation of conservative female activists, and questions how the history of women on the right might bring useful scrutiny to the categories and assumptions that frame U.S. feminist and political history. It argues that housewife populism continues to shape conservative beliefs about women's importance to society and American politics, as the career of Alaska's former governor, Sarah Palin, illustrates. After Barack Obama won the election in 2008, Palin's populist style carried over into the conservative Tea Party movement, an alliance of organizations and bloggers that emerged in opposition to government-sponsored economic stimulus, health-care reform, and numerous other grievances directed against the Democratic administration and Congress. The endurance of housewife populist ideology demands that scholars pay closer attention to the ambiguities and paradoxes that conservative women have managed to reconcile and marshal to their own interests, in much the way that suffragists and other skillful political actors in American history achieved their goals.
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Lumsden, Linda J. "Historiography". In Front Pages, Front Lines, 15–41. University of Illinois Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252043109.003.0002.
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This essay traces the evolution of scholarship on the role of a broad range of media in the American suffrage movement, including the suffrage press, plays, films, and consumer goods as well as mainstream news representations of the movement. The essay retrieves individual suffrage editors and publications to historical memory and considers the social construction of gender in mainstream media and suffragists’ “self-mediation”; the intersection of race, class, and gender in media accounts of woman suffrage; the marketing of woman suffrage; and insights into related fields, including political science, social movements, journalism history, popular culture, literary studies, and communications studies. The essay traces how scholarship has evolved from casting woman suffrage as a white, middle-class, Northeastern movement dominated by a few leaders to a diverse mix of activists across the United States.
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Barnhart, Joslyn N., e Robert F. Trager. "The Future". In The Suffragist Peace, 157–67. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197629758.003.0008.
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Abstract The process by which the votes of women altered the international conduct of countries is not simply a matter of historical interest. Understanding how and why women’s votes have affected foreign policies around the world offers broad fundamental insights into the present and future workings of democracy and international politics. For one, the changes wrought by suffrage illustrate that who votes matters. The history of the past century also shows us that isolated states do not build peace; communities do. The promise of women in greater numbers not merely winning the political game through election but changing its rules as their numbers swell is the possibility, as yet uncertain, of an even more pacific future.
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Barnhart, Joslyn N., e Robert F. Trager. "Women’s Votes and the World Wars". In The Suffragist Peace, 87–114. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197629758.003.0005.
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Abstract The prospect that the modern era is more peaceful than at any point in history may seem hard to fathom when considering the events of the twentieth century. How can one make sense of the millions killed in conflict in light of the advance of the supposedly pacifying effects of women’s suffrage over this period? This chapter examines what, if any, influence women’s votes had on three defining episodes of the twentieth century: America’s entry into World War I, Britain’s response to Hitler’s aggression in Czechoslovakia, and the beginning of the end of the Cold War following the U.S. 1984 presidential election. In each case, the chapter shows that women’s votes, motivated by issues of war and peace, affected the political process in meaningful ways even when they did not succeed in preventing war.