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Teses / dissertações sobre o tema "Soviet"
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1
Atkins, Andrea N. "Discretion in Russian Librarianship: Pre-Soviet, Soviet, Post-Soviet". The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1343769040.
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Bashmakova, Natalʹi︠a︡ Vanhala-Aniszewski Marjatta. "Re-reading Soviet and post-Soviet texts /". Joensuu : University of Joensuu, 2005. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy0604/2005530487.html.
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Fries, Thomas A. "The Supreme Soviet and Soviet defense policy". Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/43783.
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This thesis examines the potential role of the Supreme Soviet and its Committee for Questions of Defense and State Security (KOGB) in the formation of Soviet defense policy. Important events leading to the creation of the new Supreme Soviet and opening-se
4
Johnson, David Ray. "Soviet counterinsurgency". Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1998. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion.exe/98Jun%5FJohnson.pdf.
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Johnson, David Ray. "Soviet counterinsurgency". Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/37523.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedThe aim of this thesis is to determine the presence o r absence of a Soviet doctrine of counterinsurgency and to identify the historical patterns of Soviet counterinsurgency. The thesis examines the place of counterinsurgency in Soviet military thought and compares the Soviet counterinsurgent campaigns in Soviet Central Asia, the Ukraine, Lithuania, and Afghanistan. The thesis concludes that a pattern of Soviet counterinsurgency evolved in spite of the absence of an official doctrine but that the Soviet defeat in Afghanistan may inspire changes in the Soviet approach to counterinsurgency.
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Vaitkuvienė, Agnė. "Pocesses of patrimolialisation in soviet and post-soviet Lithuania". Doctoral thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2010. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2010~D_20101102_153759-07715.
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The object of the research is the process of patrimonialisation in the state heritage protection by converting cultural material remains into heritage. To reveal it, the aspect of assessing monuments of the past is referred to which is expressed when material remains are recognised as valuable and protected by the state. The present paper synthesizes the history of Soviet and post-Soviet heritage records referring more to the principle of values than institutional principle. The methods and principles of attributing values to the objects of cultural heritage during the processes of patrimolisation are described. As the result the pragmatic approach to the formation of monument lists possessing including both Soviet or Lithuanian nationalistic ideological approach features was stated, as well as links to the Western heritage protection theoretical thought were shown and formation principles of associative/symbolic, informational, esthetical and economic were described. After regaining of independence the bigger attention to older, pre-Soviet objects of heritage to ensure legitimation of statehood was traced, and the rise of new – social and economical – cultural heritage values is observed.Disertacijos objektas yra verčių formavimo procesai valstybinėje paveldosaugoje įpaveldinant kultūros palikimą. Jam atskleisti remiamasi palikimo vertinimo aspektu, kuris atsispindi senieną pripažįstant vertinga ir saugoma valstybės. Disertacijoje nagrinėjama kultūros paveldo apskaita sovietinėje ir posovietinėje Lietuvoje remiantis ne instituciniu, o vertybiniu modeliu. Atskleidžiami įpaveldinimo procesų metu vystančio verčių priskyrimo kultūros palikimo objektams metodai ir principai. Darbe konstatuojamas sovietmečiu paminklų apskaitoje vyravęs pragmatinis – parodomasis verčių formavimo principas savyje turintis ir sovietinės, ir lietuviškosios nacionalistinės ideologijos aspektų, parodomos jo sąsajos su Vakarų paminklosauga, atskleidžiami asociatyvinių/simbolinių, informacinių, estetinių bei ekonominių verčių formavimo ypatumai. Lietuvai atkūrus nepriklausomybę stebimas paveldo objektų „senėjimas“ atsisakant „neseno“ sovietmečio palikimo prioritetą teikiant kuo senesniam paveldui siekiant legitimuoti Lietuvos valstybingumą, taip pat amžių sankirtoje konstatuojama naujų – socialinių ir ekonominių – paveldo verčių aktualizavimo pradžia.
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Livschiz, Ann. "Growing up Soviet : childhood in the Soviet Union, 1918-1958 /". May be available electronically:, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/login?COPT=REJTPTU1MTUmSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=12498.
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Beltran, Thelma L. "Philippines-Soviet relations". Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/111184.
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This study traces the development of Philippine-USSR relations and
examines the implications of such development for Philippine national
security, in particular, and the regional security of Southeast Asia in
general. At a glance, this is a problem for history and not for
international relations. However, national and regional security
problems in Southeast Asia are closely tied with the historical
development of each nation's relations with external powers,
particularly the United States and Soviet Union. Any assessment of
different national threat perceptions and their policy implications for
national or regional security can be misleading if not viewed within
the perpective of historical developments.
This is particularly true with respect to the Philippines. The
country has never been isolated from regional events nor from the
influence of international powers. Its security options reflect this
relationship. First, it was closely allied with the United States (as
it still is), being a US colony since the turn of this century up to
1946 when the country got its political independence. Second, while
politically independent, the Philippines has been economically
dependent. Third, as a result of this dependency, Philippine foreign
policy up to 1968 was closely tied with the American foreign policy.
Fourth, with worldwide economic recession, following the oil embargo of
1973, the country was forced to open trade and diplomatic relations
with other countries, particularly with the socialist and communist
bloc. And fifth, the Philippines established diplomatic ties with the USSR in 1976, apparently to ensure trade and commercial markets outside
of the traditional US and Japan markets.
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Davidson, Thelma. "Former Soviet Jews in Toronto, post-collapse of the Soviet Union". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/MQ57984.pdf.
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Paberzyte, Ieva. "Current issues in Lithuanian archaeology : Soviet past and post-Soviet present". Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=101890.
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This paper is a case study of Soviet political influences on Lithuanian archaeology. The work explores the application of central political rules of the Soviet Union to Lithuanian archaeology and analyses the consequences of these applications in the Post-Soviet period. The result of the study reveals that under Soviet policy, Lithuanian archaeologists developed a highly descriptive tradition. In Post-Soviet Lithuania, archaeologists continue to practice the descriptive tradition and rarely engage in theoretical debates. The work suggests possible explanations and solutions to the current problems in Lithuanian archaeology.
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Sanchez, James Joseph. "Soviet Azerbaijan and comparative institutional development in the Soviet Southern Tier". Diss., The University of Arizona, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184404.
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Institutional development is a process that can be analyzed from the bibliometrics of its contingent generation of documentation in the same manner that can be analyzed by historical methods. As institutions grow in resources, the absolute volume of documentation produced rises. In the context of the Soviet Southern Tier, the Russian language documentation bibliometrics for the eight republics image their relative level of institutional development. Comparing the relative levels of documentation to socio-economic variables, the degree to which the documentation is a local product, or a product of All-Union intervention can be determined. Hence, the degree to which institutional development is dependent or autonomous can be gauged for each republic. The analysis of these relationships between the degree to which documentation production is a dependent process, and the relative level of documentation generation, provides an empirical basis for the ranking of regional institutional development. This ranking establishes the framework for a historical description of the relative position of the nationalities of the Southern Tier. This quantitative perspective on Soviet nationality policy parallels the historical process by which the nationalities have been integrated into the Soviet system. The two nationalities most constrained by the nationality policies are the Armenians, with their nationalism and irredentism based on well developed local institutions, and the Uzbeks, with their large population base and historical leadership role in Central Asia. The role of intensively Soviet developed nationalities (Turkmen, Kirghiz, and Karakalpak) in the multi-ethnic system is considered in terms of their moderating the potential for hegemony by the largest nationalities. Azerbaijan SSR emerges as the regional center of a system of measures taken to promote stability and to minimize the prospects of autonomous ethnic hegemony in the Soviet Southern Tier.
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Messina, Claire. "My address is the Soviet Union : Russian migration, nationalization and identity in the Russian, Soviet and post-soviet space". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005IEPP0003.
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Cette thèse se propose d'éclairer les liens existant entre les mouvements migratoires des populations russes des républiques soviétiques et post-soviétiques et le processus de nationalisation dans ces républiques. On s'interroge tout particulièrement sur les raisons de l'inversion de tendance des mouvements migratoires russes, centrifuges au milieu du XVIe siècle jusqu'au milieu de la décennie 1970-1970, centripètes ensuite. Selon l'auteur, cette inversion s'explique par le fait que le processus de nationalisation des républiques, commencé dès le XIXe siècle, atteint un point de rupture dans le dernier tiers du XXe siècle. La réflexion sur l'identité des migrants russes développe l'idée que ces derniers n'ont pas une identité ethnique, russe, mais une identité supra-ethnique, soviétique, qui fait d'eux les prototypes de l'homme soviétique.
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Sanderson, Bernadette. "The interrelation of religion and film in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia". Thesis, University of Exeter, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.425496.
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Shternshis, Anna. "Kosher and Soviet : Jewish cultural identity in the Soviet Union, 1917-41". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.367425.
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Gabritchidze, Anna G. "Transition in the Post-Soviet State: From Soviet Legacy to Western Democracy?" Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1289943668.
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Davis, Randy. "BAKHTIN’S CARNIVALESQUE: A GAUGE OF DIALOGISM IN SOVIET AND POST-SOVIET CINEMA". VCU Scholars Compass, 2014. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/3442.
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This dissertation examines fifteen films produced in seven political eras from 1926 thru 2008 in Soviet / Post-Soviet Russia. Its aim is to determine if the cinematic presence of Bakhtin’s ten signifiers of the carnivalesque (parody, death, grotesque display, satirical humor, billingsgate, metaphor, fearlessness, madness, the mask, and the interior infinite) increase in their significance with the historical progression from a totalitarian State (e.g., USSR under Stalin) to a federal semi-residential constitutional republic (e.g., The Russian Federation under Yeltsin - Putin). In this study, the carnivalesque signifiers act as a gauge of dialogism, the presence of which is indicative of some cinematic freedom of expression. The implication being, that in totalitarian States, a progressive relaxation of censorship in cinema (and conversely, an increase in cinematic freedom of expression) is indicative of a move towards a more representative form of governance, (e.g., the collapse of the totalitarian State). The fifteen films analyzed in this study include: Battleship Potemkin (1925), End of St. Petersburg (1927), Chapaev (1934), Ivan the Terrible, Part II (1946, released in 1958), Spring on Zarechnaya Street (1956), The Cranes are Flying (1957), Stalker (1979), Siberiade (1979), The Legend of Suram Fortress (1984), Repentance (1984, released in 1987), Cold Summer of 1953 (1987), Little Vera (1988), Burnt by the Sun (1994), House of Fools (2002) and Russian Ark (2002). All fifteen films were produced in the Soviet/Post-Soviet space and directed by Russian filmmakers; hence, the films portray a distinctly Russian perspective on reality. These films emphasize various carnivalesque features including the reversal of conventional hierarchies, usually promoting the disprivileged masses to the top, thus turning them into heroes at the expense of traditional power structures.
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Merritt, Martha. "Accountability in Soviet politics". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.357342.
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Kalinina, Ekaterina. "Mediated Post-Soviet Nostalgia". Doctoral thesis, Södertörns högskola, Medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-24576.
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Post-Soviet nostalgia, generally understood as a sentimental longing forthe Soviet past, has penetrated deep into many branches of Russian popular culture in the post-1989 period. The present study investigates how the Soviet past has been mediated in the period between 1991 and 2012 as one element of a prominent structure of feeling in present-day Russian culture. The Soviet past is represented through different mediating arenas – cultural domains and communicative platforms in which meanings are created and circulated. The mediating arenas examined in this study include television, the Internet, fashion, restaurants, museums and theatre. The study of these arenas has identified common ingredients which are elements of a structure of feeling of the period in question. At the same time, the research shows that the representations of the past vary with the nature of the medium and the genre. The analysis of mediations of the Soviet past in Russian contemporary culture reveals that there has been a change in the representations of the Soviet past during the past twenty years, which roughly correspond to the two decades marked by the presidencies of Boris Yeltsin in the 1990s and of Vladimir Putin in the 2000s (including Dmitrii Medvedev's term, 2008–2012). The critical and reflective component that was present in representations of the Soviet past in the 1990s has slowly faded away, making room first for more commercial and then for political exploitations of the past. Building on Svetlana Boym's conceptual framework of reflective and restorative nostalgia, the present study provides an illustration of how reflective nostalgia is being gradually supplanted by restorative nostalgia. Academic research has provided many definitions of nostalgia, from strictly medical explanations to more psychological and socio-cultural perspectives. The present study offers examples of how nostalgia functions as a label in ascribing political and cultural identities to oneself and to others, creating confusion about the term and about what and who can rightly be called nostalgic.
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Story, Isabel. "When the Soviets came to stay : Soviet influence on Cuban cultural institutions, 1961-1987". Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2017. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/46468/.
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Cuba’s post-1960 political and economic relationship with the USSR has long been debated, especially the extent to which the connection shaped the Cuban Revolution. Consequently, readings of the occasionally conflictive relationship between Cuba’s state authorities and its cultural world have often relied on stereotypes inherited from Western interpretations of the USSR or the 1948-89 Socialist Bloc; such readings assuming that cultural policy was clearly defined and enforced by Soviet-style apparatchiks or Castro. While perhaps understandable for 1971-6, when the National Cultural Council (CNC) was led by ex-members of the pre-1959 communist party, recent research suggests that we look beyond the surface to see that ‘policy’ was often empirically formed and constantly challenged. Yet, perhaps due to those common assumptions, little has been written about real Soviet influence on Cuban culture, and different sub-periods during the 30-year Cuban-Soviet alliance have largely been ignored. This thesis seeks to address this oversight in the scholarship of Cuba and the USSR by examining the Soviet influence on Cuban culture, specifically the theatre and the visual arts, between 1961 and 1986. It interrogates the ways in which culture was linked to the political priorities and nation building goals of the revolutionary leadership and how these differed from, or coincided with, the aims of the Soviet government. In doing so, it analyses the way in which culture and cultural interactions between the two countries were organised. Using evidence from materials (magazines, pamphlets, work plans, declarations) gathered from archival work in Havana and Moscow, and supported by interviews with Cuban artists and intellectuals, this study establishes that culture acted as a discursive space in which deliberations about the nature of the Cuban Revolution could take place in a way that they could not in other spheres. It also concludes that, throughout the period studied, the USSR occupied a conflicting position, acting as both a model to be learned from but also a force to be resisted. Furthermore, this thesis makes two important contributions to existing knowledge of the Cuban-Soviet relationship. First, that the 1970s, and the period known as the quiquenio gris in particular, were not ‘Soviet’ but rather nationalist and macho. Second, that the most ‘Soviet’ period in terms of structure, organisation and demands placed on artists was the 1980s when the component roles of art were separated as part of the revolutionary government’s ongoing fight for independence.
20
Zrudlo, Laurie. "Soviet foreign policy responsiveness to the external environment : Soviet-Indian relations 1968-1985". Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=66111.
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Kovalev, Manuela. "The function of Russian obscene language in late Soviet and post-Soviet prose". Thesis, University of Manchester, 2014. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-function-of-russian-obscene-language-in-late-soviet-and-postsoviet-prose(fc0db109-e18d-4156-9b8c-53e7abad6318).html.
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This thesis is the first book-length study to explore the function of Russian obscene language (mat) in late Soviet and post-Soviet prose published between the late 1970s and the late 1990s. This period was characterised by radical socio-ideological transformations that also found expression in major shifts of established literary and linguistic norms. The latter were particularly strongly reflected in the fact that obscene language, which was banned from official Soviet discourse, gradually found its way into literary texts, thereby changing the notion of literary language and literature. The thesis breaks new ground by employing obscene language as a prism through which to demonstrate how its emergence in literature reflected and contributed to the shifts of established literary norms and boundaries. A second aim of the thesis is to trace the diachronic development of Russian literary mat. Primary sources include novels by authors pioneering the use of mat in fiction in the late 1970s, as well as texts by writers associated with ‘alternative prose’ and postmodernism. Applying a methodological framework that is based on an approach combining Bakhtinian dialogism with cultural narratology, the study demonstrates what the use of mat means and accomplishes in a given literary context. The methodological framework offers a systematic approach that does justice to the dynamic relationship between text and context, allowing for an analysis of the role of obscene language on all narrative levels while also taking the socio-historical context into account. The thesis offers not only new ways of interpreting the novels selected, it also provides new insight into the role of verbal obscenity in the process of ‘norm negotiation’ that has shaped and transformed Russian literary culture since the late 1970s. By accentuating the dialogic nature of obscene language, this study reveals that mat is a defining element of Russian (literary) culture, with implications for all facets of Russian identity.
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Lovell, Stephen. "The Russian reading revolution : print culture in the Soviet and post-Soviet eras /". London : New York : Macmillan : School of Slavonic and East European studies, University of London ; St. Martin's press, 2000. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37108403k.
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Janecek, Francis K. "The social and institutional origins and development of the Soviet officer corps in the 1930's and 1940's /". Online version via UMI:, 2000.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--State University of New York at Binghamton, History Department, 2000."Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of philosophy in history in the Graduate School of Binghamton University, State University of New York." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 408-411).
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Maguire, Muireann. "Soviet Gothic-fantastic : a study of Gothic and supernatural themes in early Soviet literature". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2009. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/224215.
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This thesis analyses the persistence of Gothic-fantastic themes and motifs in the literature of Soviet Russia between 1920 and 1940. Nineteenth-century Russian literature was characterized by the almost universal assimilation of Gothic-fantastic themes and motifs, adapted from the fiction of Western writers such as E.T.A. Hoffmann, Ann Radcliffe and Edgar Allen Poe. Writers from Pushkin to Dostoevskii, including the major Symbolists, wrote fiction combining the real with the macabre and supernatural. However, following the inauguration of the Soviet regime and the imposition of Socialist Realism as the official literary style in 1934, most critics assumed that the Gothic-fantastic had been expunged from Russian literature. In Konstantin Fedin's words, the Russian fantastic novel had "умер и закопан в могилу". This thesis argues that Fedin's dismissal was premature, and presents evidence that Gothic-fantastic themes and motifs continued to play a significant role in several genres of Soviet fiction, including science fiction, satire, comedy, adventure novels (prikliuchenskie romany), and seminal Socialist Realist classics. My dissertation identifies five categories of Gothic-fantastic themes, derived jointly from analysis of canonical Gothic novels from the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries and from innovative approaches to the genre made by contemporary critics such as Fred Botting, Kelly Hurley, Diane Hoeveler, Elaine Showalter and Eric Naiman (whose book Sex in Public coined the phrase 'NEP Gothic'). Each chapter analyses one of these five Gothic themes or tropes in the context of selected Soviet Russian literary texts. The chronotope of Gothic space, epitomized in the genre as the haunted castle or house, is readdressed by Mikhail Bulgakov as the 'nekhoroshaia kvartira' of Master i Margarita and by Evgenii Zamiatin as the 'drevnyi dom' of his dystopian fantasy My. Gothic gender issues, including the subgenre of Female Gothic, arise in Nikolai Ognev's novels and Aleksandra Kollontai's stories. The Gothic obsession with dying, corpses and the afterlife re-emerges in fictions such as Daniil Kharms' 'Starukha' (whose hero is threatened by an animated corpse) and Nikolai Erdman's banned play Samoubiitsa (the story of a failed suicide). Gothic bodies (deformed or regressive human bodies) are contrasted with Stalinist cultural aspirations to somatic perfection within a utopian society. Typically Gothic monsters - vampires, ghosts, and demon lovers - are evaluated in a separate chapter. Each Gothic trope is integrated with my analysis of the relevant Soviet discourse, including early Communist attitudes to gender and the body and the philosopher Nikolai Federov's utopian belief in the possibility of universal resurrection. As my focus is thematic rather than author-centred, my field of research ranges from well-known writers (Fedor Gladkov, Bulgakov, Zamiatin) to virtual unknowns (Grigorii Grebnev and Vsevolod Valiusinskii, both early 1930s novelists), and recently rediscovered writers (Sigizmund Krzhizhanovskii, Vladimir Zazubrin). Three Soviet authors who explicitly emulated the nineteenth-century Gothic-fantastic tradition in their fiction were Mikhail Bulgakov, Sigizmund Krzhizhanovskii and A.V. Chaianov. Many mainstream Soviet writers also exploited Gothic-fantastic motifs in their work. Fedor Gladkov's Socialist Realist production novel, Tsement, uses the trope of the Gothic castle to dramatise the reclamation of a derelict cement factory by the workers. Nikolai Ognev's Dnevnik Kosti Riabtseva, the diary of an imaginary Communist schoolboy, relies on ghost stories to sustain suspense. Aleksandr Beliaev, the popular science fiction writer, inserted subversive clich's from the Gothic narrative tradition in his deceptively optimistic novels. Gothic-fantastic tropes and motifs were used polemically by dissident writers to subvert the monologic message of Socialist Realism; other writers, such as Gladkov and Marietta Shaginian, exploited the same material to support Communism and attack Russia's enemies. The visceral resonance of Gothic fear lends its metaphors unique political impact. This dissertation aims at an overall survey of Gothic-fantastic narrative elements in early Soviet literature rather than a conclusive analysis of their political significance. However, in conclusion, I speculate that the survival of the Gothic-fantastic genre in the hostile soil of the Stalinist literary apparatus proves that early Soviet literature was more varied, contradictory and self-interrogative than previously assumed.
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Newton, Julie Malcolm. "Soviet policy towards France, 1958-1991 : a case study of the Soviet Union's Westpolitik". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.239420.
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Elkner, Julie Claire. "Constructing the chekist : the cult of state security in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.611416.
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Widdis, Emma Kathrine. "Projecting a Soviet space : exploration and mobility in Soviet film and culture, 1920-1935". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1998. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/273070.
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Tarleton, Robert E. "Bolsheviks of military affairs : Stalin's high commands, 1934-40 /". Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10348.
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Johnson, Oliver. "Aleksandr Laktionov: A Soviet Artist". Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.490187.
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What did it mean to be a successful Soviet artist? Was Socialist Realism, the official art of the Soviet Union, simply the dictated ideological product of a totalitarian cultural policy, or were its producers progressive artists, harnessed to a great national tradition and liberated from the constraints of a market-driven art establishment? These are the two Cold War poles of contention that simplify the reality of a diverse and complex art establishment. Through an analysis of Aleksandr Laktionov, a popular and contentious Soviet artist who rose to prominence in the late 1940s, it is possible to trace the main arguments and controversies that helped to shape the Soviet art world in the post-war years. This project employs archival material such as visitors' books from major exhibitions, stenographic reports of meetings, documents pertaining to the organisation of exhibitions and letters and personal documents in order to reconstruct and examine significant moments in the career of a major Soviet artist, including detailed analyses of several individual works of art. This unique case study of Laktionov's work and its popular and critical reception reveals an art establishment that was structured in the late 1940s according to privileged lines of patronage and association, and in the 1950s became the battleground of a struggle for taste. The Soviet public defied attempts to mould and direct their tastes by responding to works of art as diverse and impassioned consumers, and the Soviet artist played an active role in contributing to an evolving definition of Socialist Realism.
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Levant, Alex. "The Soviet Union in ruins". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ48579.pdf.
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Azrieli, Naomi. "Soviet economic diplomacy, 1941-1947". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.324974.
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Croll, Kirsteen Davina. "Soviet-Polish relations, 1919-1921". Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2009. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/663/.
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The Polish-Soviet War of 1919-1921 was a direct consequence of the ideological objectives pursued by the belligerents. Ideology shaped the political agenda and the diametrically opposed war aims of both states, and was implemented through the foreign policy, diplomatic negotiation and military engagements pursued. This proved to be the principal obstacle to the establishment of cordial relations. As western democracy and Russian Marxism battled it out, war was inevitable. Externally, the Paris Peace Conference provided the necessary conditions for the resumption of traditional Russian-Polish hostilities, whilst the Allied States consistently demonstrated their absolute inability to directly influence either the development, or outcome, of the conflict. Redressing the balance of historiography, this thesis includes a greater examination of the conflict from the perspective of the Soviet regime. This firmly controlled the Russian decision-making process. By charting the war, it becomes clear that both states deliberately pursued a dual offensive: traditional diplomatic negotiation and military campaign as conditions dictated. However, in addition, Soviet Russia developed a unique and innovative, revolutionary, agit-prop, diplomatic medium. This enabled adept Soviet diplomats to win the majority of diplomatic battles during the conflict, although often negotiating from a militarily weak position. Nevertheless, the regime ultimately failed in its objective: to ignite socialist revolution in western Europe. The mistaken Soviet decision in July 1920 to cross the ethnographic border to forcefully sovietise Poland, in opposition to Marxist doctrine, irreversibly altered the complexion of the war and proved its pivotal turning point. This culminated politically with the short-lived establishment of the Provisional Revolutionary Committee in Białystok, and militarily, with the decisive defeat of the Red Army at the Battle of Warsaw. It is now certain that the Red Army offensive into Poland in July 1920 aimed not only at the sovietisation of Poland, but at spreading the socialist revolution to Western Europe and overthrowing the Versailles settlement. The European revolutionary upsurge had largely extinguished during the previous year and in August 1920, Communist ideology ultimately failed to inspire the vast majority of the Polish population. Thus, by utilising the Soviet military to secure its war aims, Lenin and the Politburo inadvertently signed the death-warrant of socialist revolution in Poland at the beginning of the twentieth century.
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Bain, Mervyn J. "Soviet/Cuban relations 1985-1991". Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2001. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/5387/.
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In March 1985 Mikhail Gorbachev became General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU). By 1985 relations between the Soviet Union and Cuba had been in existence for over 25 years and were extremely close in both ideological and trade terms. Soon after coming to power, Gorbachev implemented the policies of perestroika and glasnost while Fidel Castro introduced the campaign for rectification of errors in Cuba. There were great differences in these campaigns since the Cuban one was much more ideologically driven than its Soviet counterparts. This study is an examination of the period from March 1985 to the end of 1991. This is done in three broad areas: official Soviet policy towards Cuba; the unofficial Soviet policy towards Cuba (an examination of academics and social/political commentators work on Cuba) and the Cuban perception and reaction to the events in the Soviet Union. This study also attempts to establish whether a rethinking, with the benefit of hindsight, has taken place in the years since 1991. In 1985 official and unofficial Soviet policy towards Cuba were identical but as the Gorbachev period continued this began to change. Official policy began to become contradictory in style since Moscow started "veiled" attacks against aspects of its relationship with Cuba while at the same time still defended the island in the face of continuing US hostility. Moscow also stated that the differences in Soviet and Cuban policies were because each campaign was designed for conditions specific to each country but that both had the same goal: the improvement of socialism. Although official policy became more outspoken, at no point during the Gorbachev era did it call for the termination of relations with Cuba. Unofficial Soviet policy started to change as the effects of glasnost permeated Soviet society. This became noticeable from 1987 onwards and reached the point that an open debate on the relationship was taking place. By 1991 unofficial policy was vastly different from the official Soviet line towards Cuba. The Cuban government also stated that the programmes were for situations specific to each country but that both had the same goal, that being the improvement of socialism. The unofficial Cuban line mirrored the official one but by 1990 this started to change as it started to criticise Soviet policies. In 1991 the Cuban government also started to do this. Due to the difficult situation in the socialist world the Cuban government from 1989 had been trying to increase its hard currency markets. A general re-thinking with the benefit of hindsight has not taken place on either side but an examination of participants' memoirs is still a valuable study to conduct. Although it offers very little new evidence for this period it does, however, give more credence to the events that took place between March 1985 and December 1991.
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Tolz-Zilitinkevich, Vera. "Russian academicians under Soviet rule". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.633239.
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This thesis examines relations between the Bolshevik regime and those scholars who were already full members of the Russian Academy of Sciences at the time of the October Revolution. By examining the post-revolutionary careers of these 'old Russian academicians,' the work seeks answers to the following questions: how did the status of members of the academy change after the revolution; what factors helped the 'old academicians' to adjust to post-revolutionary conditions; on what grounds did the academicians justify their cooperation with the Bolsheviks; . and, finally, what was the ideological basis of the regime's policy towards 'old academicians.' This work treats the subject not as an example of relations between a revolutionary regime and a pre-revolutionary institution, but focuses instead on the reaction of individual academicians to the situation in which they found themselves after October 1917. The work shows that many members of the academy were more politically active than earlier studies of the Academy of Sciences have tended to portray them. It finds that factors ranging from fields of specialization to personal character influenced the academicians' ability to adjust to the new conditions. Biographies of individual academicians show a striking continuity between their pre- and post-revolutionary behavior. In other words, the sharpest critics of the tsarist regime became the sharpest critics of the Bolsheviks, while those who had been time-servers before October 1917 also displayed more willingness to cooperate with the new regime.
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Seinen, Nathan Christopher. "Prokofiev's Soviet operas : four essays". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283904.
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Huseynova, Sevil. "Post-Soviet Transnational Urban Communities". Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/22039.
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Die Dissertationsarbeit ist der Erforschung des Phänomens der Transformation der urbanen und lokalen Identität im Rahmen des Migrationsprozesses nach dem Zerfall der UdSSR gewidmet. 1. Einer der wichtigsten Fokusse der Forschung ist die vergleichende Geschichte der Entwicklung der drei Städte - Sankt-Petersburg (Russland), Odessa (Ukraine) und Baku (Aserbaidschan), die als Räume im Kontext urbaner Gesellschaft und Habitus konstruiert wurden. Der wichtigste geschichtliche Zeitraum ist mit der Europäisierung des Russischen Reichs verbunden. Dieser Faktor bestimmt weitgehend die Spezifität des urbanen Habitus (Lebensraum). 2. Der zweite Fokus liegt auf der urbanen Gesellschaft der Bürger*innen Sank-Petersburgs, Odessas und Bakus. Zur Zeit hat die jeweilige Gesellschaft in ihren Heimatstädten, nachdem sie massive Auswanderungen und den Zustrom von Menschen aus anderen Städten oder ruralen Räumen erlebt hat, einen Teil ihres Einflusses sowie ihrer dominanten Position verloren. Aber in diesem Kontext der Verluste, haben die Mitglieder der urbanen Gesellschaft, auch durch die rasante Entwicklung der digitalen Kommunikation die Möglichkeit erhalten, transnationale Netzwerke zu entwickeln. 3. Der dritte wichtige Fokus liegt auf den sozialen Netzwerken der Bürger*innen von St. Petersburg, Odessa und Baku in Deutschland, u.a. in Berlin. Sowie auf der Institution – „Urban Clubs“, die von Aktivist*innen der urbanen Gesellschaft im Rahmen der Jüdischen Gemeinde Berlin, Anfang der 2000er gegründet wurden. Die Praxis der Netzwerk- und Vereinsgründung ermöglicht es Migrant*innen, auf symbolische Weise ihre gewohnten Lebensbedingungen zu rekonstruieren und bestimmt so die Besonderheit ihrer Integration in die deutsche Aufnahmegesellschaft. Eine solche Studie erlaubt es, die innere Vielfalt einer sich als „russischsprachige Juden“ definierenden Gruppe zu beschreiben. Zusätzlich trägt sie auch dazu bei, die Diskussion über die Prinzipien der Integrationspolitik in Deutschland anzuregen.This dissertation is devoted to the study of the transformation of urban local identity in the context of migration processes after the collapse of the USSR. 1. It offers a comparative history of the development of St Petersburg (Russia), Odessa (Ukraine) and Baku (Azerbaijan) as socio-cultural spaces, within which urban communities were created and urban habitus was designed. The most important period in their history is connected with Europeanisation of the Russian Empire. This history largely determines the specificity of the cities’ urban habitus, respectively. 2. Research is focused on the urban communities of Petersburgers, Odessites, and Bakuvians, which are presently experiencing mass emigration and an influx of population from other cities or rural areas. These communities remaining in their hometowns have lost some influence and status, but in the context of this loss, and due to the rapid development of digital communications, members of these urban communities have also created transnational networks. The city clubs established in St. Petersburg, Odessa and Baku in 1990-1991 have played a special role in creating such networks. Specifics of the communities and their urban habitus have been studied in parallel with the research concerning urban club activities. 3. Social networking practices of members of these urban communities are studied, with focus on immigrants in Germany, and Berlin in particular. Club creation practices allow migrants to symbolically reconstruct familiar living conditions and define the specifics of their integration into the host community (in Germany). Such research makes it possible to describe the internal diversity of the group defined as Russian-speaking Jews, and contributes to discussion about integration policy principles.
Диссертация посвящена исследованию феномена трансформации городской локальной идентичности в контексте миграционных процессов, развивавшихся после распада СССР. Исследование проводилось на трех уровнях и четырех городах и странах. 1. Один из важнейших фокусов исследования - это сравнительная история развития трех городов: Санкт-Петербург (Россия), Одесса (Украина) и Баку (Азербайджан), как социо-культурных пространств в рамках которых создавались городские сообщества и конструировались городские габитусы. Все три города играли разную, но особенную роль в истории Российской империи, а позже СССР. Данное обстоятельство во многом определяет специфику городских габитусов. 2. Один из основных фокусов исследования был направлен на городские сообщества петербуржцев, одесситов и бакинцев. В настоящий момент пережив массовую эмиграцию и приток населения из других городов или сельской местности, эти сообщества в родных городах утратили определенную часть влияния и доминирующие позиции. Но в этом контексте утрат, а также в связи с быстрым развитием цифровых коммуникаций, члены этих городских сообществ приобрели возможность конструирования транснациональных сетей. Институтами играющими особенную роль в создании таких сетей стали городские клубы, созданные в 1990-1991 годах в Петербурге, Одессе и Баку. 3. Третий основной фокус - социальные сети петербуржцев, одесситов и бакинцев в Германии, и в Берлине в частности. А также институты - "городские клубы", создававшиеся активистами этих городских сообщества в рамках Еврейской общины Берлина. Практики создания сетей и клубов позволяют мигрантам проводить символическую реконструкцию комфортных условий для проживания и определяют специфику процесса их интеграции в принимающее сообщество (в Германии).
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Kho, Song-Moo. "Koreans in Soviet central Asia /". Helsinki : Finnish Oriental society, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35823281z.
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Pessa, Antonio <1994>. "Russia and the Soviet Heritage". Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/13770.
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Il presidente della Federazione Russa Vladimir Putin nelle prime battute del suo discorso alla nazione del 2005 ha affermato che “Il crollo dell’Unione Sovietica è stato una delle più grandi tragedie geopolitiche de ventesimo secolo” . Negli anni successivi e ancora al giorno d’oggi questa frase risulta essere una delle citazioni impiegate più di frequente nella letteratura sull’analisi della politica e delle relazioni internazionali per quanto riguarda la Russia; l’obiettivo delle seguenti pagine, oltre a cercare di rendere la complessità della storia di ciò che è stata l'Unione Sovietica, è quello di passare in rassegna una serie di letture e di descrivere i significati attribuiti alla dichiarazione, nonchè di analizzare le diverse prospettive emerse dalle analisi delle politiche sia interne che esterne che hanno caratterizzato il regime di Putin.
Se da una parte al crollo dell’Unione Sovietica come tragedia geopolitica è stato attribuito un senso di volontà di affermazione di uno spazio di influenza russo, di una ricostruzione di grandezza dello stato russo, di una tutela del territorio e dell’etnia russa dall’influenza dell’Occidente, volontà che sembra essersi concretizzata nelle iniziative politiche intraprese dal governo di Putin nello spazio post-sovietico, dall’altra parte è possibile identificare di punti di vista per i quali un’affermazione di questo tipo potrebbe quanto meno presentare un fondo di verità, soprattutto in relazione alle dinamiche e alle percezioni interne alla Federazione Russa. I significati attribuiti al crollo dell’Unione Sovietica dunque forniscono l’occasione per delineare un’analisi comparativa sulle percezioni che le politiche, le azioni e le dichiarazioni del Cremlino suscitano in attori diversi, siano essi gli Stati Uniti o l’Europa, o i cittadini della Federazione Russa stessa.
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Zweerde, Evert van der. "Soviet philosophy, the ideology and the handmaid : a historical and critical analysis of Soviet philosophy with a case-study into Soviet history of philosophy /". Nijmegen : E. van der Zweerde, 1994. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb358090865.
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Thomas, Anne. "Psychological therapies in the context of the Soviet Psychiatric Service and in post-Soviet Russia". Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.326993.
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Fadina, Nadezda. "Fairytale women : gender politics in Soviet and post-Soviet animated adaptations of Russian national fairytales". Thesis, University of Bedfordshire, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10547/603530.
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Despite the volume of research into fairytales, gender and ideology in media studies, the specific subject of animated adaptations of national fairytales and their role in constructing gender identities remains a blind spot at least in relation to non-Western and non-Hollywood animation. This study addresses the gap by analysing animated adaptations of Russian national fairytales in Soviet and post-Soviet cinema and television. It does so as a tool through which to approach the gender politics of the dominant ideologies in national cinema and also, though to a lesser extent, in television. One of the key perspectives this research adopts concerns the reorganization of the myths of femininity, as stored in ‘national memory’ and transferred through the material of national fairytales produced during a century-long period. By providing a detailed critical treatment of animated adaptations of Russian magic fairytales, this research examines the interaction between the cinematic versions of the national fairytales and the representation of female characters on screen. It draws on a range of feminist theoretical approaches on media representation. By performing a systematic study of the under-researched field, through a combination of qualitative and empirical analysis, the work demonstrates how totalitarian regimes and new democratic societies implicitly control gender constructions in similar ways, and specifically through the animated versions of national fairytale adaptations. The research identifies how the constructions of femininity are manipulated through the reshaping of the national past coded in the ancient folkloric narratives. The findings of the study reveal the principles on which the implicit patriarchal gender politics is based. These principles include the conservative choice of fairytale material adapted to the screen, the reactionary increase of production of animated fairytales targeted against liberalisation, the exclusion and reconstruction of strong matriarchal fairytale female characters, stereotypical representation of selected female characters, and normalisation of domestic violence. In so doing the study identifies a weakness in the existing scholarly discourse on ideology, which traditionally has claimed that Soviet animation was non-violent. Further, the study establishes the constructions of national memory and female identity as a part of the dominant cinematic discourses.
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Sproat, Liberty Peterson. "How Soviet Russia Liberated Women: The Soviet Model in Clara Zetkin's Periodical 'Die Kommunistische Fraueninternationale'". Diss., CLICK HERE for online access, 2008. http://contentdm.lib.byu.edu/ETD/image/etd2366.pdf.
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Mukhopadhyay, Debkumar. "INDO- SOVIET TRADE RELATION : AN ASSESSMENT IN THE CONTEXT OF DISINTEGRATION OF THE SOVIET UNION". Thesis, University of North Bengal, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/575.
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Janicki, Maciek. ""Incorrigible enemies of Soviet power" : Polish citizens in the Soviet Union, 1939-1942, in the light of Soviet documents and Polish witness' testimonies". Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=101883.
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Between February 1940 and June 1941, in four major deportations Soviet authorities moved Polish citizens to work-colonies in the Soviet interior and detained others in various prisons and camps. Based on war-time information, works on the deportations published in the West during the decades of communist rule in Eastern Europe and since reported figures of over 1.5 million deportees, of whom as many as half reportedly died in the USSR. These works held a prevailing view that Soviet intentions towards the deported Poles were genocidal. Recent work with Soviet archival materials has led Polish and Russian historians to revise the number of deportees to 320,000. This substantial reduction has received a mitigated response in the work of Western commentators. A review of published archival materials and of accounts left by witnesses demonstrates that both sets of sources are indispensable to an analysis of the deportations. It also shows that Soviet policies directed against the deportees were not genocidal in their intent and adds a dimension, that of the perpetrators, to the limited conceptualization afforded to the subject thus far. The study shows that under the control of the NKVD the deportations were economic and political components of internal Soviet policy in 1939-1942 and suggests that the Soviet infrastructure was incapable of supplying the resources necessary to fulfill plans set by Moscow. Moreover, the Soviet documentation offers a glimpse into the perpetrators' planning and execution of massive population displacement, thus taking the deportations outside of the realm of conjecture and placing them more firmly within the grasp of historical understanding.
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Fedorov, Alexei A. "The Yugoslav factor in Soviet Foreign Policy : Tito, Stalin, Khrushchev and Soviet-Yugoslav Relations 1945-1957". Thesis, University of Derby, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.506686.
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Burghart, Daniel L. "Technology transfer, export control, and economic restructuring in the Soviet Union : the case of Soviet computers". Thesis, University of Surrey, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.290412.
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Andy, Joshua Charles. "Politics and the Soviet Army : civil-military relations in Soviet Union the Khrushchev Era, 1953-1964". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/2929/.
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Structure, organisation, an idea of esprit de corps, and hierarchy characterised the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU). Throughout the history of the Soviet Union only the Soviet Armed Forces had the potential to rival the CPSU in those qualities and were able to be an organised locus for potential opposition. A sense of professionalism was instilled in the Soviet Armed Forces, not only from those ‘Red Commanders’ of the Revolution and Civil War, but also from those junior, noncommissioned officers who were holdovers from the tsarist regime. The primary focus of this study is on the immediate post-Stalinist era while Nikita Khrushchev was First Secretary of the CPSU. Bridled by Stalin’s hold over strategic and armed forces policy, after his death, the Soviet Armed Forces became an institution that illustrated a strong sense of military professionalism, while at the same time serving the Soviet regime. With a focus on five case studies that occurred during the Khrushchev era 1953-1964, this thesis argues that the military attempted to remain apolitical throughout the 1950s and 1960s. Previous studies of Soviet civil-military relations have focused on the levels of cooperation or competition between the CPSU and the Soviet armed forces. This study argues however, that the ebb and flow of that relationship can be explained by the selection of personalities, or agents, by Khrushchev to posts of military command. Officers were promoted based on several factors. However, Khrushchev increasingly promoted officers to positions of command who he deemed were more personally loyal to him and were willing to put that loyalty above their duty to the Soviet armed forces. Khrushchev chose personal loyalty over an officer’s military professionalism and expertise when appointing them to posts at the Ministry of Defence, the Soviet General Staff, and to the command posts in the branches of the Soviet military and key military districts around the Soviet Union.
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Dinc, Deniz. "Nationality Policies In Post-soviet Kazakhstan". Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612633/index.pdf.
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This thesis attempts to analyze the continuity of nationality policies of Kazakhstan between Soviet and post-Soviet periods. As for the Soviet past the Soviet template of nationality policies was deeply rooted in Kazakhstan. Considering the Soviet template of nationality policies, this study conceptualizes the structure of it as first among equals under Russian hegemony. With regard to post-Soviet period, this thesis claims that the nation building policies were not born out of its ashes contrary to the mainstream arguments. This study aims to reveal how the post-Soviet nation building in Kazakhstan is still proceeding along with the Soviet template. Evaluating nation building process of independent Kazakhstan, this study emphasizes the rising titular hegemony of Kazakhs. In other words, this study attempts to analyze the transformation of first among equals taking into account the ethnic and civic aspects of nation-building oscillations
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Griffiths, Edmund. "Aleksandr Prokhanov and post-Soviet esotericism". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.486972.
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Aleksandr Prokhanov (born 1938) is a highly controversial novelist as well as editing Zavtra, perhaps the leading 'patriotic' newspaper in today's Russia. His writing-both fiction and non-fiction-is marked by a persistent return to the same group of themes (Empire, resurrection, Stalin, Afghanistan) and by abundant 'conspiracy theories'. These characteristics, though, are not unique to Prokhanov: he is the most eloquent representative of a set of views and attitudes that commands much wider assent, and that bears many of the hallmarks of an emergent belief system. The cornerstone of this belief system is esotericism-the belief in a hidden truth (whether or not the believer claims to know it) that is radically distinct from the official, public truth. TIlls outlook finds expression in 'conspiracy theories', in anti-Semitism, and in the tre~tment of ideological elements that are borrowed from previous thinkers; and its origin is related to a distinctively historical articulation of the 'problem of evil' after the collapse of the USSR. Nikolai Fedorov's dream of resurrection and space exploration is reinterpreted as the secret truth of the Soviet past. The Eurasian hankering after ~ lost mediaeval political economy is projected onto nostalgia for the Soviet system. The relationship between the 'Imperial' centre and the war-tom periphery is inverted after the Soviet collapse. Stalin, universally condemned in post-Soviet Russia, is interpreted esoterically as a despised 'suffering servant'. Many of these ideological manoeuvres bear strong similarities to tendencies observable in previous esoteric belief systems, including the Gnosticism of 5 ~ -; • . , the first centuries CEo The prose style in which Prokhanov expresses his worldview combines the matter-of-fact and the hyperbolic, mysticism and coarse satire, to generate a characteristic rhythm and tone.
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Beytullayev, Elʼvis. "Soviet policy towards Turkey, 1944-1946". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2006. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/252014.
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