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1
Emmons, Terence. "History and Politics in Russia before the Revolution". Journal of Modern Russian History and Historiography 10, n.º 1 (22 de agosto de 2017): 112–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102388-01000005.
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An introduction to the author’s engagement with the history of historical writing in Russia and the Soviet Union, with special attention to the “new direction” studies in social and economic history that flourished in the last few decades before the revolution of 1917.
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Timshina, Ekaterina Leonidovna. "Revolutionary events of 1917 in the party historical policy of modern Russia". Исторический журнал: научные исследования, n.º 2 (fevereiro de 2021): 148–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2021.2.35297.
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In the Soviet Union, the Great October Socialist Revolution was regarded as the key event in history of the country, performing the role “founding myth”. Despite the fact that three decades have passed since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, there is yet no uniform opinion to neither February nor October revolutions. Modern parties have expressed their attitude towards the events of 1917 within the framework of their historical policy. The author analyzes the attitude of the parties towards revolution, and determines the peculiarities of the image of the past they formed. The official occasion of the centenary of the Revolution. The author concludes on the absence of the unified approach of modern parties towards the revolutionary events of 1917. The parties have been divided into three groups: supporters of the October and supporters of the February single out one of the revolutions, placing emphasis on its achievements; “evolutionists” demonstrate a negative attitude towards the events of 1917, believing that the revolutions distorted the natural course of events in Russia. Among major parties, only United Russia could not formulate a clear attitude towards revolution, reducing it to the formula of “consent and reconciliation”. It can be expect that political parties will continue to develop their own historical policy.
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ENGERMAN, DAVID C. "JOHN DEWEY AND THE SOVIET UNION: PRAGMATISM MEETS REVOLUTION". Modern Intellectual History 3, n.º 1 (abril de 2006): 33–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244305000594.
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John Dewey, like many other American intellectuals between the world wars, was fascinated by Soviet events. After visiting Russia in 1928 he wrote excitedly about the “Soviet experiment” and especially about Soviet educational theorists. In his early enthusiasm Dewey hoped that the US and the USSR could learn from each other, especially among the cosmopolitan group of progressive pedagogues he met on his trip. Observing the rise of Stalinism in the 1930s, though, his optimism dissipated; at the same time he came to emphasize historical and cultural differences between the US and the USSR. The result is apparent in Dewey's writings in the late 1930s (especially Freedom and Culture, 1939), as he began to evaluate the Soviet Union in terms that would have been anathema to him a decade earlier. He increasingly blamed Russia's cultural heritage for inhibiting Soviet development along the lines he had envisioned. Dewey's transformation suggests the importance of a cultural reading of American ideas about the USSR. Many American observers joined Dewey in seeing the USSR as the product of Russian culture, with its historical traditions and its own national character—and not just as the instantiation or betrayal of a political doctrine.
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Murphy, Kevin. "Can We Write the History of the Russian Revolution? A Belated Response to Eric Hobsbawm". Historical Materialism 15, n.º 2 (2007): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920607x192048.
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AbstractTen years ago, Eric Hobsbawm presented his Deutscher Lecture on 'Can We Write the History of the Russian Revolution?' This essay argues that Hobsbawm articulated a perspective on the Russian Revolution that was shared by a much wider audience on the Left after the fall of the Soviet Union and that many of these arguments continue to resonate today. Placing the contours of the historiographical discussion of the Russian Revolution within a broader political context, I argue that Hobsbawm has underestimated the extent to which the standard academic accounts intentionally have marginalised Marxist interpretations. Hobsbawm's own ambivalence toward the October Revolution and his lack of clarity on the origins of Stalinism are not supported by the latest empirical research and concede much ground to strident anti-Marxists. Rather than refuting the Marxist classics, new evidence from the archives of the former Soviet Union actually offers substantial support. The renewed academic attacks on the Russian Revolution, including the deliberate omission of evidence that support the Marxist interpretation, should be challenged rather than embraced by socialists.
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Fitzpatrick, Sheila. "Celebrating (or Not) The Russian Revolution". Journal of Contemporary History 52, n.º 4 (outubro de 2017): 816–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417723975.
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The Russian Revolution has long been a subject of controversy among Russian/Soviet historians, both in the West and Russia/the Soviet Union. Now that the centenary has arrived, conferences are being held widely in Europe and the Americas, but less widely in the Russian Federation. For Putin’s regime, with its ambiguous relationship to the Soviet past, the centenary of the Russian Revolution is something of an embarrassment. An attempt to celebrate under the slogan of ‘reconciliation’ may or may not succeed.
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Rupprecht, Tobias. "Socialist high modernity and global stagnation: a shared history of Brazil and the Soviet Union during the Cold War". Journal of Global History 6, n.º 3 (17 de outubro de 2011): 505–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s174002281100043x.
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AbstractThis article questions a prevailing bipolarity of traditional Cold War history by examining commonalities and interactions between the Soviet Union and Brazil in the 1950s and 1960s. After outlining the common characteristics of both states around 1960, it analyses the cultural diplomacy of the post-Stalinist Soviet Union towards Brazil. Transforming its hitherto prevailing image as the cradle of world revolution and communist class struggle, the USSR now represented itself as a role model for the quick industrialization of the economy and education of the masses. Many Brazilian intellectuals and political reformers from President Kubitschek to President Goulart shared with the Soviets an interest in what is here called ‘socialist high modernity’. Contacts with the Soviet Union were connected to the putsch and the end of Brazilian democracy in 1964. However, the new military leaders also had their own interests in, and surprisingly good relations with, the stagnating Soviet Union. This was again based on a set of commonalities in the historical development of the two ostensibly idiosyncratic and distant states on either side of the Iron Curtain. Eschewing teleological interpretations of the period and exploring the ideational basis of actors in the conflict, this article – based on new documents from Moscow archives and recently declassified sources from the Brazilian Foreign Ministry – aims to link Cold War historiography to the debates on global history, which have lately neglected both Latin America and eastern Europe.
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Zou, Chengzhang. "INTERPRETING SINO-SOVIET RELATIONS IN SOVIET HISTORIOGRAPHY". Politology bulletin, n.º 91 (2023): 139–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2023.91.139-148.
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The interpretation of Sino-Soviet relations in Soviet historiography is a complex issue that reflects various stages in the history of the Soviet Union, portraying contradictions and transformations in the interaction between the two communist states. Exploring this topic allows us to unveil the evolution of relations, the impact of domestic and foreign policy factors on diplomatic ties, and the changing perceptions of China within the USSR. The article provides an overview of the history of relations between the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the Soviet Union. The main milestones in the history of these relations are highlighted, with a focus on key features and major events. The experience of cooperation between the Soviet Union and the PRC in the early stages of their relations, prior to the Sino-Soviet split, is examined. During the initial phase of Sino-Soviet diplomacy, Soviet historiography emphasized the solidarity of the two nations united by communist ideals. However, over time, discrepancies emerged, manifesting in the absence of a unified stance on international communism. Amid the Chinese Cultural Revolution, the USSR started perceiving its eastern neighbor as marked by radicalism and hostility. In the 1970s and 1980s, Soviet historiography began to highlight failures in relations, reflecting real divisions and competition. Research during this period focused on external challenges and the strategic significance of China for the USSR. The interpretation of Sino-Soviet relations in Soviet historiography indicates the complexity and dynamics of diplomatic ties between the two countries. It also reflects the internal political and geopolitical transformations occurring in both nations over time.
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Walder, Andrew G. "Bending the Arc of Chinese History: The Cultural Revolution's Paradoxical Legacy". China Quarterly 227 (setembro de 2016): 613–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741016000709.
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AbstractContrary to its initiators’ intentions, the Cultural Revolution laid political foundations for a transition to a market-oriented economy whilst also creating circumstances that helped to ensure the cohesion and survival of China's Soviet-style party-state. The Cultural Revolution left the Chinese Communist Party and civilian state structures weak and in flux, and drastically weakened entrenched bureaucratic interests that might have blocked market reform. The weakening of central government structures created a decentralized planned economy, the regional and local leaders of which were receptive to initial market-oriented opportunities. The economic and technological backwardness fostered by the Cultural Revolution left little support for maintaining the status quo. Mao put Deng Xiaoping in charge of rebuilding the Party and economy briefly in the mid-1970s before purging him a second time, inadvertently making him the standard-bearer for post-Mao rebuilding and recovery. Mutual animosities with the Soviet Union provoked by Maoist polemics led to a surprising strategic turn to the United States and other Western countries in the early 1970s. The resulting economic and political ties subsequently advanced the agenda of reform and opening. China's first post-Mao decade was therefore one of rebuilding and renewal under a pre-eminent leader who was able to overcome opposition to a new course. The impact of this legacy becomes especially clear when contrasted with the Soviet Union in the 1980s, where political circumstances were starkly different, and where Gorbachev's attempts to implement similar changes in the face of entrenched bureaucratic opposition led to the collapse and dismemberment of the Soviet state.
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de la Cueva, Julio. "Violent Culture Wars: Religion and Revolution in Mexico, Russia and Spain in the Interwar Period". Journal of Contemporary History 53, n.º 3 (10 de maio de 2017): 503–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417690594.
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This article explores the relationship between political revolution and antireligious violence in the interwar period through a comparison of Mexico, the Soviet Union and Spain. In all three cases antireligious violence was associated with revolution and the defeat of religion was seen either as a necessary condition for revolution or as an equally necessary result. All three revolutions were accompanied by violent ‘cultural revolutions’ targeting religion. The article engages in two levels of comparison. It explores similarities and dissimilarities among the events that took place in each of the three countries. At the same time, it juxtaposes the different explanatory models that have been offered of antireligious violence in each country, thereby initiating a dialogue between historiographical traditions that have developed in relative isolation from one another.
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Neimarević, Vukašin. "ENDING THE NAGY AFFAIR: YUGOSLAVIA, SOVIET UNION AND THE TERMINATION OF HUNGARIAN REVOLUTION REVISITED". Istorija 20. veka 41, n.º 1/2023 (1 de fevereiro de 2023): 139–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2023.1.nei.139-158.
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This paper analyzes the diplomatic relations between Hungary, Yugoslavia, and the Soviet Union during the Soviet intervention in Hungary in 1956, with a primary focus on the case of Imre Nagy’s capture. The crisis that arose during Nagy’s hiding in the Yugoslav embassy reveals the background of these countries’ relations, in which Yugoslavs showed ambiguousness to maintain the achieved status of a free socialist country on the one hand, and on the other, to keep good relations with the Soviet Union. Furthermore, the author attempts to provide answers on Yugoslav role in Nagy’s arrest after he left his hideout within the Yugoslav embassy. The author argues that Yugoslavs were not aware of any Soviet plans to capture Nagy after he left the embassy, even though there are other claims present in this paper that suggests the opposite.
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Kolack, Shirley. "Ethnic minorities in the Soviet Union: The unfinished revolution". Journal of Intercultural Studies 8, n.º 1 (janeiro de 1987): 38–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07256868.1987.9963310.
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Fenshu, Ma, e Guo Fengli. "Rethinking the National Policy of the USSR". RUDN Journal of Public Administration 10, n.º 4 (15 de dezembro de 2023): 487–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8313-2023-10-4-487-502.
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In the twentieth century, the Soviet Union went through a complex process of revolution, rise, crisis, reform and disintegration, which is strongly influenced by its national policy. Despite successful governance experience of the USSR, national problems, in particular ethnic contradictions, accompany the entire history of the Soviet Union and have become one of the most important factors in its collapse, which demonstrates serious shortcomings in the national policy of the USSR. All this means that rethinking the national policy of the Union state in order to learn lessons is of urgent importance both for modern Russia and for other multinational states.
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Altymyshova, Zuhra. "October Revolution and Soviet Class Struggle Policy in Kyrgyzstan". Central Asia 81, Winter (30 de junho de 2018): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.54418/ca-81.100.
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In the middle of the XIX century, the territory of contemporary Kyrgyzstan was conquered by the Tsarist Russia. Later, in 1917, as a result of the October Revolution, the Tsarist regime was replaced by the Soviet rule. In the territory of Kyrgyzstan, it was established firstly in the southern and western regions of the country, such as Suluktu and Kyzyl-Kiya, Osh and Talas, where the largest industrial enterprises, mines, railway junctions and most of the workers and soldiers were concentrated. However, already by the mid 1918, the Soviet government managed to spread its power to the entire region of Kyrgyzstan.
In 1924, the Turkestan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, established on April 30, 1918, was reorganized into a new administrative division. As the part of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR), on October 24, 1924 the Kara Kyrgyz Autonomous Region was formed. On May 25, 1925 the Kara Kyrgyz Autonomous Region was renamed into the Kyrgyz Autonomous Region. Then on February 01, 1926 it was restructured into the Kyrgyz Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. On December 05, 1936 it became a separate constituent republic of the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) known as the Kyrgyz Soviet Socialist Republic. Along with other 15 Soviet Socialist states, Kyrgyzstan had been the member of the USSR for about 70 years, from 1919 till 1991.
The current paper focuses on the processes of social transformation under the Soviet regime, especially the implementation of class struggle policy and its impact on Kyrgyzstan. In comparison with the interventions from the Tsarist Russia, the social transformation process undertaken under the Soviet system was quite different. In the territory of the Kyrgyz traditional society, the Tsarist Russia made only some social reorganization, but the Soviets brought radical changes in to the socio-political organizations of the Kyrgyz people. The paper seeks to understand how the Soviet Union tried to reconstruct the Kyrgyz society during the 1920s and 1930s. In addition, the paper will analyze the methods and mechanisms of the social transformation processes and the measures used by the Soviet government in their socio-political ‘battles’ against the local elites, and the influence of the new system on the existing socio-economic stratification in the context of the Kyrgyz society. During the Soviet period the prevalent scientific vision about the major historical events of the time was based on the Communist ideology. Therefore, the main aim of the paper is to analyze and describe an objective overview of the history of Soviet class struggle policy. The paper is based on the research of local archival documents, published sources and oral materials.
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Zajicek, Benjamin. "The Psychopharmacological Revolution in the USSR: Schizophrenia Treatment and the Thaw in Soviet Psychiatry, 1954–64". Medical History 63, n.º 3 (18 de junho de 2019): 249–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2019.26.
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Twentieth-century psychiatry was transformed in the 1950s and 1960s by the introduction of powerful psychopharmaceuticals, particularly Chlorpromazine (Thorazine). This paper examines the reception of Chlorpromazine in the Soviet Union and its effect on the Soviet practice of psychiatry. The drug, known in the USSR by the name Aminazine, was first used in Moscow in 1954 and was officially approved in 1955. I argue that Soviet psychiatrists initially embraced it because Aminazine enabled them to successfully challenge the Stalin-era dogma in their field (Ivan Pavlov’s ‘theory of higher nervous activity’). Unlike in the West, however, the new psychopharmaceuticals did not lead to deinstitutionalisation. I argue that the new drugs did not disrupt the existing Soviet system because, unlike the system in the West, the Soviets were already dedicated, at least in theory, to a model which paired psychiatric hospitals with community-based ‘neuropsychiatric dispensaries.’ Chlorpromazine gave this system a new lease on life, encouraging Soviet psychiatrists to more rapidly move patients from in-patient treatment to ‘supporting’ treatment in the community.
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White, Frederick H. "British Lord, American Movie Idol and Soviet Counterculture Figure". Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 42, n.º 1 (13 de abril de 2015): 64–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763324-04201004.
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For an entire generation of Soviet youth, Tarzan was a provocative symbol of individualism and personal freedom. Previous scholarship has included Tarzan within the larger counterculture movement of the thaw period (1953–64), but has not specifically examined how this occurred. Joseph S. Nye has coined the term soft power to describe the ability to attract and to co-opt rather than to force another nation into accepting your ideals. Within this rubric, Tarzan’s presence in the Soviet Union was simultaneously entertaining and provocative. As literary fare in the 1920s, Tarzan represented an escape from war and revolution and was sanctioned as acceptable reading for Soviet youths. The celluloid Tarzan also represented an escape, but this time from the repressive Stalinist regime and the hardships of post-WWII Soviet society. Raised on both the books and films, a new generation of Soviet youth longed for the individual freedom that Tarzan came to represent. Tarzan’s impact in the Soviet Union is one example of western cultural infiltration that contributed to the idealization of American individualism over the Soviet collective within the Soviet Union.
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Kozłowski, Krzysztof. "Wpływ pomarańczowej rewolucji na ukraiński system polityczny". Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego. Studia i Prace, n.º 2 (29 de novembro de 2011): 211–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kkessip.2011.2.9.
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The article presents an analysis of the Orange Revolution and its influence on the political system of Ukraine. Generally, the events of 2004 are perceived as a democratic breakthrough in the modern political history of this country. In reality it turned out to be a revolution only by name. Behind a democratic façade the socalled revolution turned into an act of disobedience of disappointed clannish and oligarchic structures to the former president, Leonid Kuchma. The international observers had an impression, that Ukrainian events were a continuation of the democratization processes started by the fall of the Soviet Union. The article seeks answers to the questions concerning the true nature of the events of 2004 in Kiev, how were they influenced by the post-soviet experiences of the Ukrainian state and society, and finally was the Orange Revolution truly a step toward democratization of the post-soviet space?
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Modest, Kolerov. "World Revolution Against Russia: the Factor of the Ukraine in the Cause of Russia Fragmentation for the Sake of World Soviet Republics (1923)". Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 1, n.º 2014 (28 de fevereiro de 2024): 127–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2024-0-1-127-136.
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The history of Russia transforming into the USSR is the history of fragmentation of Russian into the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic and other union republics of the USSR initiated by the Bolsheviks on the basis of their doctrine. In other words, the history of the Bolshevik project of world revolution, or the World Soviet Republics, that was supposed to be realized in the world mosaic of ethno national states. This concept was clearly evident in the process of USSR Constitution preparation in 1924 (it came into force in 1923)
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McGuire, Elizabeth. "Sino-Soviet Romance: An Emotional History of Revolutionary Geopolitics". Journal of Contemporary History 52, n.º 4 (outubro de 2017): 853–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417730894.
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This article argues that the relationship between the Russian and Chinese revolutions can be interpreted as a romance, to create an emotional history of elite revolutionary geopolitics. Tracing the stories of two prominent Sino-Soviet couples – President of Taiwan Jiang Jingguo and his wife Faina Vakhreva, and PRC Labor Minister Li Lisan and his wife Elizaveta Kishkina – against a larger backdrop of cultural exchange highlights continuities in a relationship most often described in terms of its ruptures. In the 1920s, when Jiang Jingguo first arrived in the Soviet Union, attitudes toward love and sex in both cultures were shifting, and the Chinese Revolution was celebrated in Moscow, rendering early Chinese experiences there romantic on several levels. The Liza-Li affair, begun in the difficult circumstances of the 1930s, highlights the ways in which the choices of one partner, personal or geopolitical, could come to constrain those of the other, through the 1950s and beyond. Such deeply felt and publicly prominent cross-cultural romances gave China’s relationship with Russia an emotional complexity and cultural depth that were lacking before the advent of twentieth century communism – and have survived its demise.
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Jovanović, Gordana. "How lost and accomplished revolutions shaped psychology: Early Critical Theory (Frankfurt School), Wilhelm Reich, and Vygotsky". Theory & Psychology 30, n.º 2 (abril de 2020): 202–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959354320917216.
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On the occasion of recent centenaries of revolutions in Europe (1917, 1918–19), this article examines, within a general theme of different forms of relationships between revolution and psychology, two types of theories. First, this paper analyses Western theories that, while developing under conditions of a missed or lost revolution in Germany, argued for radical social change by referring to Marxism and psychoanalysis as necessary theoretical tools (Frankfurt School and Wilhelm Reich). Second, this paper analyses the influence of the October Revolution on the development of the psychological theory of Lev Vygotsky in the Soviet Union. In sum, psychology under the conditions of missed or lost revolution was conceptualized as a psychology of the unconscious, of the repression of human needs. Psychology under the conditions of accomplished revolution was conceptualized as a historical social psychology of self-mastery of human beings as social beings.
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Coumel, Laurent, e Marc Elie. "A Belated and Tragic Ecological Revolution: Nature, Disasters, and Green Activists in the Soviet Union and the Post-Soviet States, 1960s-2010s". Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 40, n.º 2 (2013): 157–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763324-04002005.
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In the late Soviet period, environmental issues gained an unprecedented media resonance and dramatic socio-political importance. The “Ecological Revolution” took a tragic turn in the Soviet Union, against the background of high-impact industrial and natural disasters. After the accident at the Chernobyl nuclear power station (Ukraine, 1986) and in a context of increased free-speech, Soviet citizens seized on new and old, covered up or forgotten environmental issues and demanded that a hesitant government put them on the political agenda. In a mixture of media revelations, mass demonstrations, and intense voluntary-sector activity, environmental issues of local, national and global significance ranked high among the main preoccupations of the Soviet population. In this introduction to a special issue of SPSR on the environmental history of the late Soviet Union and post-Soviet Russia, we explore new avenues of understanding the upsurge of ecological perestroika from the 1960s to the 2010s.
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Vollgraff, Matthew. "The Reflex Republic: Physiologies of Art in the Early Soviet Union". October, n.º 188 (2024): 149–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/octo_a_00519.
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Abstract In the immediate wake of the Russian Revolution, Pavlovian reflex conditioning was rapidly elevated to a universal materialist model for understanding and manipulating human behavior, including the production and reception of art. This article explores the little-known history of the “reflexology of art,” a movement that applied physiological concepts and techniques to drama, cinema, and literature with the aim of molding atomized individual subjectivities into a corporeal collective. This movement—which involved figures like Vsevolod Meyerhold, Sergei Eisenstein, and Sergei Tret'iakov—formed part of the highly politicized dialogue between science, politics and the arts in the 1920s. By reconstructing the critical discourse around the reflexology of art within the cultural production of the early Soviet state, the article sheds light on the contradictory impulses animating an avant-garde caught between deterministic visions of social engineering and the subversive passions of revolution.
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Arndt, Melanie. "Environmentalism or Sausages? Politicizing the Environment in the Late Soviet Union". European History Quarterly 52, n.º 3 (21 de junho de 2022): 418–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914221103152.
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This paper analyzes the politicization of the environment in the late Soviet Union based on a new perception of the interconnection between the human being and the ‘rest’ of nature. On the basis of previously ignored sources, it shows the emerging rise and ultimate decline of human subjectivity as a political force in the Soviet Union, and the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic (BSSR) in particular. Experts, politicians, and the secret service had long understood the need to conserve natural resources and the ecological consequences of relentless industrialization or nature transformation projects, and they had at least partially attempted to counter them. However, the disclosure, in the late 1980s, of the extent and consequences of the Soviet Union's ecological legacies, particularly the Chernobyl disaster, triggered an unprecedented awareness of the vulnerability of the human body and the Soviet state's disregard of the dangers to human health. This new awareness mobilized Soviet citizens, including state functionaries who had previously seemed untouched by ecological issues, to call for a right to life in an unprecedented way. Despite some achievements, such as new protection laws and investments in health care, this ‘ecological revolution’ was short lived. The social and economic difficulties linked to the collapse of the Soviet Union allowed the concern for a healthy, livable environment to fade into the background again in the early 1990s.
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Ko, KaYoung. "The Reinterpretation of the Contact Zone expressed in the Exhibition of the Uzbekistan “National Memorial Museum of the Victims of Repression” After the Dissolution USSR". Korean Society for European Integration 12, n.º 3 (30 de novembro de 2021): 57–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2021.25.57.
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This article, in the 30th anniversary of the Soviet Union dissolution, is an attempt to examine how Uzbekistan, among the countries of the former Soviet Union, reinterprets its past history (mainly during the Soviet period) through an analysis of museum exhibitions. The immediate task of Uzbekistan, like other new born countries in Central Asia, which became independent after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, was ‘nation-building’. Various ways have been sought to create the identity of an independent nation. One of them is the change of interpretation of the Soviet period. Central Asian countries are putting forward a break with the Soviet era, citing the mistakes of the Soviet central government in the past. In addition, they are trying to strengthen the solidarity of the newly independent nation and create a national identity by putting themselves as victims of political oppression.
In the <Repression Museum> exhibition, Uzbekistan identifies itself with a colony conquered by the Soviet Republics. The subjects of the colonial empire include not only Tsarist Russia but also the Soviet central government.
Exhibitions 1 and 2 of the Museum of Repression in Uzbekistan reconstruct the history of oppression moving from the imperial Russia, through the Bolshevik revolution, the socialist construction, Stalin counter-terrorism and post-war period to the perestroika period. The repression related to the cotton scandal is unique to Uzbekistan. And the 3rd exhibition room deals with the current development of Uzbekistan.
In the Museum of Repression in Uzbekistan, the socialist revolution disappeared. And here Lenin s ideal of pursuing common prosperity by building a common home for the people that was considered to be different from imperial Russia, a prison for the people, became insignificant. The Bolsheviks changed into a plundering colonizers that are indistinguishable from the Western empires.
It is portrayed only in the portrait of a harsh empire that has invaded. Likewise today s authoritarian rulers in Uzbekistan are arbitrarily interpreting the past in order to solidify their own nation-state.
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VARADI, Natalia. "THE HUNGARIAN REVOLUTION OF 1956 IN THE KGB DOCUMENTS: THE CASE OF TWO ARCHIVES". Contemporary era 10 (2022): 170–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2022-10-170-184.
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The article deals with the general analysis of documents on the history of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, which are in the Sectoral State Archive of the Security Service of Ukraine and the State Archive of Transcarpathian Oblast. It is the first attempt to show the documents about the deportation of Hungarian citizens to the Soviet Union and to present the reactions of the local Transcarpathian Hungarian nation to the events of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, and it also highlights the actions of the authorities that were aimed at the purposeful total ideological control and thus influenced the formation of the general public’s opinion about the surrounding events. The main aim of the study is to show the deportations of the Hungarian revolutionists to the Soviet Union in 1956 through archival documents and to introduce the political leaflet distributor groups in Transcarpathia, which were formed during the Hungarian war of independence in 1956. There are archival documents containing different data about the behavior of the Hungarian population in Transcarpathia related to the Hungarian events. The documents also provide information about the punishments that concerned the Hungarian groups engaged in politics. These documents reveal that the political general headquarters in Uzhhorod had been operating for a long time after Hungary was invaded by the command of Moscow. It is possible to argue that the process of exploring the sources relating to the retaliation after the revolution of 1956 has not been finished yet, there are still hundreds of archival documents, mainly in Ukraine and in the former Soviet Union Archives, which still need to be explored. However, besides getting to know the real facts of the history of the Revolution in 1956, it is important to perceive that, despite the oppression, there were people in Transcarpathia too, who dared to be brave, to believe, and protest. And there were ones who paid with their lives for justice. Because of participating in the revolution, many people were arrested, sentenced, imprisoned, deported, and executed. Their truth and role should be clarified.
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Nunan, Timothy. "“Doomed to Good Relations”". Journal of Cold War Studies 24, n.º 1 (2022): 39–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01056.
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Abstract This article sheds new light on the end of the Cold War and the fate of anti-imperialism in the twentieth century by exploring how the Soviet Union and the Islamic Republic of Iran achieved a rapprochement in the late 1980s. Both the USSR and Iran had invested significant resources into presenting themselves as the leaders of the anti-imperialist movement and “the global movement of Islam,” and both the Soviet and Iranian governments sought to export their models of anti-imperialist postcolonial statehood to Afghanistan. However, by the mid-1980s both the Soviet Union and revolutionary Iran were forced to confront the limits to their anti-imperialist projects amid the increasing pull of globalization. Elites in both countries responded to these challenges by walking back their commitments from world revolution and agreeing to maintain the Najibullah regime in Afghanistan as a bulwark against Islamist forces hostile to Marxism-Leninism and Iran's brand of Islamic revolution. This joint pragmatic turn, however, contributed to a drought in anti-imperialist politics throughout the Middle East, leaving the more radical voices of transnational actors as one of the only consistent champions of anti-imperialism. Drawing on new sources from the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, as well as sources from Iran, Afghanistan, and the “Afghan Arabs,” the article sheds empirical and analytical light on discussions of the fate of anti-imperialism in the twilight of the Cold War.
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Miller, Michael Laurence. "A Monumental Debate in Budapest: The Hentzi Statue and the Limits of Austro-Hungarian Reconciliation, 1852–1918". Austrian History Yearbook 40 (abril de 2009): 215–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237809000174.
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Two of the most iconic photos of the 1956 Hungarian revolution involve a colossal statue of Stalin, erected in 1951 and toppled on the first day of the anti-Soviet uprising. One of these pictures shows Stalin's decapitated head, abandoned in the street as curious pedestrians amble by. The other shows a tall stone pedestal with nothing on it but a lonely pair of bronze boots. Situated near Heroes' Square, Hungary's national pantheon, the Stalin statue had served as a symbol of Hungary's subjugation to the Soviet Union; and its ceremonious and deliberate destruction provided a poignant symbol for the fall of Stalinism.
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Borushkina, Sofia. "Spatial Revolution. Architecture and Planning in the Early Soviet Union". Europe-Asia Studies 75, n.º 7 (9 de agosto de 2023): 1222–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2023.2234782.
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Grant, Susan, e Alice Fisher Fellow. "Nurses Across Borders: Displaced Russian and Soviet Nurses after World War I and World War II". Nursing History Review 22, n.º 1 (2014): 13–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/1062-8061.22.13.
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Russian and Soviet nurse refugees faced myriad challenges attempting to become registered nurses in North America and elsewhere after the World War II. By drawing primarily on International Council of Nurses refugee files, a picture can be pieced together of the fate that befell many of those women who left Russia and later the Soviet Union because of revolution and war in the years after 1917. The history of first (after World War I) and second (after World War II) wave émigré nurses, integrated into the broader historical narrative, reveals that professional identity was just as important to these women as national identity. This became especially so after World War II, when Russian and Soviet refugee nurses resettled in the West. Individual accounts become interwoven on an international canvas that brings together a wide range of personal experiences from women based in Russia, the Soviet Union, China, Yugoslavia, Canada, the United States, and elsewhere. The commonality of experience among Russian nurses as they attempted to establish their professional identities highlights, through the prism of Russia, the importance of the history of the displaced nurse experience in the wider context of international migration history.
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Schelchkov, Andrey. "1973 — the dramatic collapse of the Chilean revolution. Viewed by the materials of the archive of the Central Committee of the CPSU". Latinskaia Amerika, n.º 9 (2023): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0027279-5.
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The Chilean Revolution is one of the most important events in the Latin American history of the XXth century. Its defeat, its dramatic circumstances, and the brutality of the military regime's repression turned it into a symbolic event that marked the collapse of the illusions of a peaceful, democratic transition to socialism. The course of the revolution itself, the "Chilean path to socialism", the actions of various actors have been studied in numerous historical studies. In addition to Chilean actors, parties, politicians, and representatives of society, external political forces took part in this drama, indirectly and directly. One of these was the Soviet Union, which closely observed and analyzed the Chilean events. With the opening of the Soviet archives, documents became available that reveal many little-known or hidden subjects of the short but intense history of Unidad Popular in Chile. In this text, the author relies on the documents of the Central Committee of the CPSU, reflecting the vision of the Soviet authorities of the events of the Chilean revolution in the most dramatic period of its development, in the last year of the government of Salvador Allende, in 1973.
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Lecours, Francine. "L’URSS face à la guerre du Golfe, une stratégie singulière". Études internationales 17, n.º 4 (12 de abril de 2005): 785–800. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/702087ar.
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Soon after the opening of hostilities between Iran and Iraq in September 1980, the Soviet Union offered military assistance to Tehran while simultaneously suspending arms deliveries to Baghdad, a formerly faithful client. Following Iran s refusal of assistance, and possibly in reaction to a percieved threat from the spreading of Iran's Islamic revolution, Moscow re-opened arms shipments to Iraq. This ambivalent behavior on the part of the Soviet Union is partially explained by the history of its interests in the region. The Soviet Union has long Had strategic ambitions to bring Iran under its influence. Moscow welcomed any opportunity to increase economic and political des with Tehran even if in the short term the results were only partial. On the other hand, Iraq is an influential member of the Arab community - a useful relationship for the USSR, and one that while mutually1987 advantageous for both parties, has not required extensive commitments. One cannot ignore the possibility that important events in the Gulf War will cause an abrupt shift in Soviet attitudes and actions in the region.
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Yan, Li. "Historical and textual research and essence analysis of the evolution of Lenin’s “German Spy” case". OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2021, n.º 02 (1 de fevereiro de 2021): 32–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202102statyi01.
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The rumors that Lenin was a “German spy” first appeared in Petrograd after the February revolution in Russia. During the Soviet period, the “Sisson documents” (papers) were fabricated in the United States and other Western countries, and other evidence was sought that Lenin was allegedly an “agent” of the German government. However, all the evidence presented were convincingly refuted. V. I. Lenin’s “German spy” case was discussed again during the collapse of the Soviet Union and in post-Soviet Russia. In some Russian media, political and academic circles, this “case” was reproduced in various forms, but new materials and new evidences were not found.
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Rurikov, D. B. "On the History of the Entry of Soviet Troops into Afghanistan. Commentary". Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S1 (março de 2022): S18—S21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331622070115.
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AbstractThe author analyzes in detail the circumstances of the April Revolution in Afghanistan, believing that it was a coup carried out by revolutionary-minded officers of the Afghan army in spring 1987, which predetermined the subsequent entry of Soviet troops in 1979. This event, as the author argues, was completely unexpected not only for the Soviet leadership, but also for the USSR Embassy in Kabul. Relations between the USSR and former Afghan leadership were quite successful. Neither the USSR embassy nor Soviet advisers in various state structures provided assistance to the rebels. However, the course proclaimed by the new leaders of Afghanistan, N.-M. Taraki and Amin towards building socialism, demonstrative orientation towards the USSR, and reliance on its support in combating political opponents turned the Soviet Union into a forced ally of the government led by the PDPA. D.B. Ryurikov explores the gradual escalation of the Soviet–American conflict. In his opinion, a mixture of truthful information and seemingly plausible “bogus stories” from various sources, which led Soviet decision-making bodies to military intervention, assessed the situation and its prospects as very difficult, which led to the entry of a limited Soviet army contingent into Afghanistan.
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Gil Guerrero, Javier. "Propaganda Broadcasts and Cold War Politics: The Carter Administration's Outreach to Islam". Journal of Cold War Studies 19, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2017): 4–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00716.
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After the Islamic revolution in Iran in early 1979 and the hostage crisis that began at the U.S. embassy in Tehran later that year, the Carter administration launched a public diplomacy campaign specifically directed at Muslims, the first of its kind. The idea was to counter the narrative of a Western crusade against Islam while highlighting the differences between the United States and militant Islam. In time, the damage control effort was transformed into an attempt to rally Muslims—both outside and inside the Soviet Union—against Soviet Communism. The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan created an opportunity for the United States to bolster its standing in the Islamic world. Influencing Muslim opinion was no longer just a matter of delegitimizing the discourse of radical Islam, but also one of using the growth of religious sentiment among Muslims against the Soviet Union. The initiative's spearhead was the increased multilingual radio broadcasts directed at Muslim audiences across the globe.
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Lam, Kitty. "Forging a Socialist Homeland from Multiple Worlds: North American Finns in Soviet Karelia 1921-1938". Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 2, n.º 2 (15 de dezembro de 2010): 203–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v2i2_5.
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In the early 1930s, the Soviet Union recruited an estimated 6,000 Finns from North America to augment the number of skilled workers in the recently established Karelian Autonomous Republic. Using migrants' letters and memoirs held at the Immigration History Research Center, this essay examines how these North American Finns adapted and responded to fluctuating policies in the Soviet Union that originally flaunted the foreign workers as leaders in the Soviet modernization drive and as the vanguard for exporting revolution, but eventually condemned them as an enemy nation to be expunged. It also analyzes the extent to which these immigrants internalized 'building socialism' as part of their encounter with Soviet Karelia. Such an exploration requires assessing how these settlers’ ideological adaptation affected their experiences. This paper argues that by placing the North American Finns’ experience in the wider context of Soviet state building policies, these migrants’ identity formation involved participation in, avoidance of, and opposition to the terms of daily life that emerged within the purview of building socialism.
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Roosien, Claire. "Not By Archives Alone: The “Revolution” in Soviet Central Asian Literary Studies". Iranian Studies 55, n.º 3 (julho de 2022): 777–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irn.2022.19.
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In contemporary Central Asia, Soviet-era authors are national heroes. Writers’ natal homes have become lovingly curated home-museums; statues of poets bedeck city squares; and schoolchildren write dictations from twentieth-century novels. Less often discussed in public, such writers also once belonged to the Soviet Writers’ Union, many of these poets called themselves “proletarian,” and their novels purported to imagine “revolution.” Poems about tractors rarely appear in today's anthologies, and new editions of 1930s novels excise the once-obligatory references to Stalin. In reaction to their Soviet-era canonization, some writers have been knocked from their pedestals, as recently happened to Hamza in Uzbekistan. Due to the political sensitivity of many Soviet writers in Uzbekistan, most serious scholarly attention has turned, since 1990, toward transitional Jadid writers of the early revolutionary years who were ultimately devoured by the official regime, such as Cho'lpon and Fitrat.
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Kim, Seorim, e Kyoo Yun Cho. "Satire and Propaganda of Soviet Posters: The Artistic Representation of Laughter and Disgust in Deni’s Works". Institute for Russian and Altaic Studies Chungbuk University 25 (31 de agosto de 2022): 99–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.24958/rh.2022.25.99.
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First appeared for commercial purposes in the early 20th century, Russian posters developed into independent art through the First World War and the Bolshevik Revolution. The early 20th century was the most productive period for Russian Art, as various experiments were conducted in the coexistence and competition of various painting trends. Amid the turbulent conditions leading to the revolution, civil war, and establishment of the Soviet Union, the integration of various artists’ experiments with the revolution is reflected in the form and content of posters produced at the time. Viktor Deni, who is called the pioneer and classic of the Soviet poster, had a profound influence on later Soviet propaganda art and posters by embodying personal laughter, social humor and satire, and disgust based on his unique political insight and artistic imagination. Nevertheless, in Soviet poster exhibitions and related studies, Deni has been introduced as a fragment of the history of Soviet art and has not drawn much attention for the artistic value of his satirical posters because of their ideological aspect. Therefore, this study examines the meaning of the creative works of Deni, which were the basis of Soviet political posters during the formation and development of Russian posters in the revolutionary period, and clarifies the social function of his satire and the essence of propaganda art through the transformation of laughter revealed in his posters.
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KESSLER, GIJS. "Structuring time, allocating labour: income-earning strategies of urban households in Russia and the Soviet Union: Introduction". Continuity and Change 20, n.º 3 (dezembro de 2005): 407–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416005005692.
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The following articles by myself and by Andrei Markevich are the first in a series of four analysing income-earning strategies of urban households in twentieth-century Russia and the Soviet Union. The articles deal with a similar set of issues for four subsequent periods. In this issue of Continuity and Change my article covers the early Soviet period from the revolution of 1917 to the start of the Second World War and Andrei Markevich focuses on the war, the post-war Stalin period and the Khruschev years, taking his analysis into the latter half of the 1960s. In the next issue, Victoria Tyazhelnikova will examine the Brezhnev period and Sergei Afontsev the years of reform under Gorbachev and in post-Soviet Russia.
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Kaminsky, Lauren. "Utopian Visions of Family Life in the Stalin-Era Soviet Union". Central European History 44, n.º 1 (março de 2011): 63–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938910001184.
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Soviet socialism shared with its utopian socialist predecessors a critique of the conventional family and its household economy. Marx and Engels asserted that women's emancipation would follow the abolition of private property, allowing the family to be a union of individuals within which relations between the sexes would be “a purely private affair.” Building on this legacy, Lenin imagined a future when unpaid housework and child care would be replaced by communal dining rooms, nurseries, kindergartens, and other industries. The issue was so central to the revolutionary program that the Bolsheviks published decrees establishing civil marriage and divorce soon after the October Revolution, in December 1917. These first steps were intended to replace Russia's family laws with a new legal framework that would encourage more egalitarian sexual and social relations. A complete Code on Marriage, the Family, and Guardianship was ratified by the Central Executive Committee a year later, in October 1918. The code established a radical new doctrine based on individual rights and gender equality, but it also preserved marriage registration, alimony, child support, and other transitional provisions thought to be unnecessary after the triumph of socialism. Soviet debates about the relative merits of unfettered sexuality and the protection of women and children thus resonated with long-standing tensions in the history of socialism.
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Gilley, Christopher. "Reconciling the Irreconcilable? Left-Wing Ukrainian Nationalism and the Soviet Regime". Nationalities Papers 47, n.º 3 (maio de 2019): 341–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.67.
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AbstractThis article examines the attempts by left-wing Ukrainian nationalists to reconcile the seemingly irreconcilable: Ukrainian nationalism and Soviet socialism. It describes how leftist Ukrainian parties active during the Revolution and Civil War in Ukraine 1917–1921 advocated a soviet form of government. Exiled members of the two major Ukrainian parties, the Social Democrats and the Socialist Revolutionaries, then took this position further, arguing in favor of reconciliation with the Bolsheviks and a return to their homeland. After the Entente recognized Polish sovereignty over Eastern Galicia and Soviet Ukraine introduced a policy of Ukrainization in 1923, many West Ukrainian intellectuals took up this call. The Great Famine of 1932–1933 and the Bolsheviks’ purge of Ukrainian Communists and intellectuals all but ended the position. However, it was more the Soviet rejection of the Sovietophiles that ended Ukrainian Sovietophilism than any rejection of the Soviet Union by leftist Ukrainian nationalists. Thus, an examination of the Ukrainian Sovietophiles calls into question the accounts of the relationship between Ukrainian nationalism and the Soviet Union that have common currency in today’s Ukraine.
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Kasperski, Tatiana, e Paul Josephson. "Women, Reactors, and Nuclear Weapons: From Revolutionary Liberation to the "Miss Atom" Pageant in (Post-)Soviet Russia". Technology and Culture 64, n.º 3 (julho de 2023): 791–822. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tech.2023.a903973.
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abstract: This article considers the Soviet Union's successful efforts to employ more women specialists in nuclear science and technology, from the Bolshevik revolution in 1917 and the Soviet atomic bomb project to the Cold War and the present. Despite their contributions to building a Cold War military machine, women rarely reached the pinnacle of the scientific enterprise due to persistent views about their lesser capabilities as specialists. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, in a vastly changed social, political, and cultural climate, the claimed socialist equality of women gave way to more traditional views of their status in Russian society. For the nuclear enterprise, this change emerged in activities that had disappeared under communism such as the annual "Miss Atom" beauty pageant, a striking departure from Soviet attempts to involve women equally in science and technology.
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Rodríguez López, Sofía. "La mujer rusa en el imaginario de los Amigos y Enemigos de la Unión Soviética (1905-1945) = The Russian Woman in the imaginary of the Friends and Enemies of the Soviet Union (1905-1945)". REVISTA DE HISTORIOGRAFÍA (RevHisto) 31 (23 de setembro de 2019): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/revhisto.2019.4876.
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Resumen: En este artículo abordaremos tanto un estado de la cuestión sobre el papel de las mujeres rusas en la Revolución de 1917, como la propaganda que circuló en España sobre su situación en el Estado comunista. En este sentido, veremos cuáles fueron las principales publicaciones, las afiliadas a la Asociación de Amigos de la Unión Soviética entre 1933 y 1938, así como sus vínculos personales con Rusia, o qué aspectos interesaban a nivel legislativo, laboral, familiar o sexual sobre lo que el imaginario entendía cómo “nueva mujer”, “amor libre”, etc., dentro de la dialéctica fascismo/antifascismo. Por otra parte, veremos cómo el bando franquista, la dictadura después y especialmente la Sección Femenina de Falange se encargaron de denostar a esas “madres desnaturalizadas” tras el telón de acero y caricaturizarlas, al menos hasta el final de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, como representación de la Anti-España y la No-Mujer.Palabras clave: Mujeres, Revolución, Propaganda, Amigos de la Unión Soviética, Antikomintern, España.Abstract: In this article, we review the current knowledge on the role of Russian women in the Revolution of 1917 and the propaganda that circulated in Spain about their situation in the Communist State. This involves an analysis of the main publications, affiliated to the Association of Friends of the Soviet Union between 1933 and 1938, their personal links with Russia and the aspects of interest in legislative, labor, family and sexual áreas regarding the imaginary’s understanding of the “new woman”, “free love”, etc., within the dialectic fascism/antifascism. This is supplemented by an exploration of how Francoist supporters, the dictatorship and especially the Feminine Section of the Phalange took it upon themselves to insult these “denatured mothers” behind the iron curtain, caricaturing them, at least until the end of the Second World War, as an Anti-Spain and No-Woman representation.Key words: Women, Revolution, Propaganda, Friends of the Soviet Union, Antikomintern, Spain.
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Barysheva, Elena V. "Mythologization of the History of the 1920-30s Festivities". Herald of an archivist, n.º 1 (2020): 180–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2020-1-180-193.
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The article discusses techniques and methods used by the Soviet government to formulate the historical myth of the revolutionary movement in Russia and of the 1917 revolution. Holidays in Soviet Russia and later in the Soviet Union were not just days of relaxation. They served educational function, formed new spiritual values, instilled a sense of engagement with the events of 1917. As one of the ways to influence the mass consciousness, the festive events of the first decades of the Soviet power formed public opinion and influenced perception of historical and current events by the population. Popularization of the emerging official history of the new socialist state, which had begun in 1917, was especially effective during celebrations owing to their inherent emotional component. The use of historical plots in various dramatizations, mass actions, political processions, carnivals, and demonstrations of workers created an appearance of the new government’s legitimacy, contributed to the formation of the collective memory of the revolutionary days within the frameworks of their official interpretation. The article uses archival materials of the Department of Agitation and Propaganda of the Central Committee of the RCP (B.), which testify to the importance that the party authorities attached to the scenarios of the festive events. Memoirs of the direct participants in the events played their role in creating heroic myth of the revolution. An obligatory element of the celebration of the anniversaries was meetings with workers revolutionaries and witnesses of the revolutionary events that were arranged at the enterprises. Participation in these “evenings of remembrance” became a way of “self-identification” of an individual in new, socialist society, for speakers, as well as listeners. During these festive meetings, appearance of belonging, not only to the heroic past, but also to the epic present, was created. Specifics and ideological implications of the 1920s–30s memoirs contributed to the use of the “memorial boom” in the forming official narrative of the revolution.
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Gleason, Abbott, e Ronald Grigor Suny. "The Revenge of the past: Nationalism, Revolution and the Collapse of the Soviet Union". Journal of Interdisciplinary History 26, n.º 3 (1996): 521. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/206066.
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SABLIN, IVAN, e ALEXANDER SEMYONOV. "AUTONOMY AND DECENTRALIZATION IN THE GLOBAL IMPERIAL CRISIS: THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE AND THE SOVIET UNION IN 1905–1924". Modern Intellectual History 17, n.º 2 (18 de junho de 2018): 543–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244318000252.
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This article brings the case of imperial transformation of the Russian Empire/Soviet Union into global discussions about empire, nationalism, and postimperial governance, and highlights the political and legal imaginaries that shaped this transformation, including their global and entangled character. This article argues that the legal and political discourses of decentralization, autonomism, and federalism that circulated at the time of the imperial crisis between the Revolution of 1905 and the adoption of the Soviet Constitution in 1924 contributed to the formation of an ethno-national federation in place of the Russian Empire, despite both the efforts of the Bolsheviks to create a unitary state, and the expectations of a different future among contemporary observers. At the same time, the postimperial institutional framework became a product of political conjunctures rather than the legal discourse. Its weakness before the consolidating party dictatorship made the Soviet Union a showcase of sham federalism and autonomism.
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Schelchkov, Andrey. "The Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the “Chilean Way to Socialism”". ISTORIYA 13, n.º 10 (120) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023408-7.
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This paper offers an analysis of the policy of the CPSU in relation to the government of Popular Unity in Chile (1970—1973) and in general to such a political phenomenon as the “Chilean path to socialism”. Based on the documents of the Central Committee of the CPSU, the archive of the RGANI, the author proposes to explore the view of the Chilean events from the offices of the highest Soviet authorities, the Central Committee of the CPSU, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. We are talking about the forms of political support for the government of Salvador Allende, for the line of the Communist Party of Chile, in the difficult internal and external conditions of the development of the Chilean revolution, including the ambiguous position of Cuba in the domestic policy of Chile. The USSR did its best in the political sphere to support its main ally in Chile, the Communist Party, although it made efforts to strengthen its position among the popular unity parties, primarily the Socialists. Economic assistance from the USSR was limited to the proposal of long-term development projects, while chileans needed concrete immediate financial support. Such a divergence of intentions between the parties has led to empty bureaucratic activity, declarations, exchanges of delegations that are not able to exert any influence on the dramatic state of the Chilean economy. The USSR did not fully believe in the success of the Chilean revolution, moreover, even otherwise it was extremely limited in its ability to help Chile, which was due to both the geographical factor and moscow's economic inability to provide the necessary funds, and not ideological differences about the ways of the revolution.
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Lachmann, Renate. "Russia’s Iconoclasms". European Review 30, S1 (novembro de 2022): S126—S132. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798722000448.
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Two iconoclasms took place in twentieth-century Russian history: the iconoclasm after the October revolution, and the iconoclasm after the breakdown of the Soviet Union. These two (ideologically opposite) phases of iconoclastic actions (dismantling, destruction) were incited by programmes concerning the abolition of tsarist monuments of 1918 and met by controversial reactions to the removal of the statues of the former Soviet politicians in the 1990s. The revolutionary demolition of the symbols of the imperial past was executed in accordance with a clear-cut plan and included the erection of new monuments for outstanding communist activists. The official aim of the post-soviet removal of these monuments, to delete traces of a problematic past, was confronted with a revitalized communist ideology on the one hand and with the reaction of the Human Rights Organization Memorial on the other, which criticized the insufficient demolition of soviet symbols. This multifaceted situation is complicated by the reconstruction of destroyed pre-revolutionary monuments of Russian (predominantly religious) history.
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Getchell, Michelle Denise. "Revisiting the 1954 Coup in Guatemala: The Soviet Union, the United Nations, and “Hemispheric Solidarity”". Journal of Cold War Studies 17, n.º 2 (abril de 2015): 73–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00549.
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This article reevaluates the U.S.-backed coup in 1954 that overthrew Guatemala's democratically elected president, Jacobo Árbenz Guzmán. The coup is generally portrayed as the opening shot of the Cold War in the Western Hemisphere and a watershed moment for U.S.–Latin American relations, when the United States supplanted its Good Neighbor Policy with a hardline anti-Communist approach. Despite the extensive literature on the coup, the Soviet Union's perspectives on the matter have received scant discussion. Using Soviet-bloc and United Nations (UN) archival sources, this article shows that Latin American Communists and Soviet sympathizers were hugely influential in shaping Moscow's perceptions of hemispheric relations. Although regional Communists petitioned the Soviet Union to provide support to Árbenz, officials in Moscow were unwilling to prop up what they considered a “bourgeois-democratic” revolution tottering under the weight of U.S. military pressure. Soviet leaders were, however, keen to use their position on the UN Security Council to challenge the authority of the Organization of American States and undermine U.S. conceptions of “hemispheric solidarity.” The coup, moreover, revealed the force of anti-U.S. nationalism in Latin America during a period in which Soviet foreign policy was in flux and the Cold War was becoming globalized.
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Brooks, Nathan M. "Chemistry in War, Revolution, and Upheaval: Russia and the Soviet Union, 1900?1929". Centaurus 39, n.º 4 (dezembro de 1997): 349–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1600-0498.1997.tb00042.x.
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Lomb, Samantha. "Corn Crusade: Khrushchev’s Farming Revolution in the Post-Stalin Soviet Union, by Aaron Hale-Dorrell". English Historical Review 135, n.º 572 (2 de janeiro de 2020): 248–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cez365.
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Baraban, Elena V. "Ukraine in Soviet Narratives about the October Revolution: A Case Study of Ihor Savchenko’s Film Ballad About Cossack Holota (1937)". Warsaw East European Review XIII, n.º 1 (15 de junho de 2024): 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.61097/22992421/weer/2024/23-40.
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Ukraine’s social, political, and cultural history has become a controversial issue since the 1990s. Dominant until the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991, the discourse about the Soviet brotherly nations has since been contested by depictions of Ukraine as politically and ideologically divided over the course of its 20th-century history. Russia-Ukraine war that began with the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine on 24 Feb 2022 has had a dramatic impact on the process of replacing the formerly standard version of Ukraine’s past with new interpretations. At the same time, Russia’s war on Ukraine has also demonstrated that Soviet-era collective memory about the key events in Soviet history has outlived the Soviet state and has been mobilized for political use. When in pain of heart a Ukrainian politician says that Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has cancelled a shared past of Ukraine and Russia, he refers to a familiar discourse about these nations’ familial ties (Tkach). With this discourse now shattered, the question of particular salience is: How was the idea of brotherhood between Ukraine and other Soviet nations expressed and sustained? How did it evolve? In light of Russia-Ukraine war, the stories that were building blocks of the Soviet foundational narrative about Ukraine and Russia as fraternal nations are worth revisiting. An analysis of such stories reveals the mechanism of making Ukraine’s part an integral part of Soviet culture. In this paper, I discuss the issue of the evolution of the Soviet discourse about ‘eternal friendship of Ukrainian and Russian peoples’ in the example of Igor Savchenko’s film Ballad About Cossack Holota ( Duma pro kozaka Golotu, 1937), released by the Gorkii Film Studio as part of the celebrations of the twentieth anniversary of the October Revolution. Igor Savchenko (Ihor Savchenko in 24 | WEEReview 13 | 2024 Ukraine in Soviet Narratives about the October Revolution Ukrainian) was a Ukrainian Soviet film director who made films both in Russian and Ukrainian film studios; his work played an important role in promoting the idea of familial ties between Ukraine and Russia. Ballad About Cossak Holota is based on Arkadii Gaidar’s novella for children R.V.S. (1925) that is set during the Civil War in Ukraine, following the October Revolution. Savchenko’s film is especially interesting in how he reworks Gaidar’s story; he depicts events of the Civil War in the context of Ukraine’s 17th-18th-century history, drawing on Ukrainian folklore. Cossack Holota, a character from Ukrainian folklore, becomes a symbol of the revolutionary liberation of Ukraine, a promise of a just social and political order. Drawing on memory studies, post-colonial theory, and theory of deconstruction, I discuss the artistic means that Savchenko used in order to integrate Ukraine’s experience of the revolution and the Civil War into the Soviet discourse about the fight for Soviet power. Savchenko constructs Ukraine’s response to the revolution by making use of tropes of a big family, Biblical imagery, elements of folk culture, conventions of the adventure film. The study of Savchenko’s film contributes to our understanding of the debates about Soviet-era and presentday collective memory about the October Revolution and the Civil War in Ukraine and Russia. As the discourse about the biggest Soviet nations’ familial unity is yet another casualty of Russia-Ukraine war, it is important to consider how the idea of brotherhood between Ukraine and other Soviet nations was expressed in Soviet cinema. Such analysis explains why Ukrainian’s common emotional response to the start of the war was that of a feeling of shock and betrayal.