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Peña, Alejandro Milcíades, e Thomas Richard Davies. "RESPONDING TO THE STREET: GOVERNMENT RESPONSES TO MASS PROTESTS IN DEMOCRACIES*". Mobilization: An International Quarterly 22, n.º 2 (1 de junho de 2017): 177–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-22-2-177.
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This article proposes two models that address the neglected relationship between protests, government countermovement strategies, and democratic politics. By contrasting centrifugal and centripetal dynamics triggered by government responses to mass protest, the models theorize the link between government counterframes and opposition politics in democracies. The strategies deployed by the Argentine and Brazilian governments during the cycle of mass protests that erupted in these countries in 2012–13 are used in illustration. The counterframing models developed in this article shed new light on the role of government responses in the dynamics of contentious politics, with potential for application to other contentious episodes and political contexts.
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Barker, Chris. "Mass and elite politics in Mill's considerations on representative Government". History of European Ideas 41, n.º 8 (21 de setembro de 2015): 1143–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01916599.2015.1077149.
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Häusermann, Silja, Achim Kemmerling e David Rueda. "How Labor Market Inequality Transforms Mass Politics". Political Science Research and Methods 8, n.º 2 (12 de novembro de 2019): 344–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2018.64.
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AbstractWhy do left parties lose vote shares in times of economic crisis and hardship? Why do right-wing governments implement seemingly left-wing policies, such as labor market activation? Why is representation becoming more and more unequal? And why do workers vote for right-wing populist parties? Several political science theories propose meaningful and important answers to these key questions for comparative politics, focusing on identity politics, programmatic convergence of parties or exogenous constraints. However, there is an additional and distinct approach to all of the questions above, which emphasizes socio-structural transformations in the labor market: most of the processes above can be understood with reference to increasing labor market inequality and its political implications. The relevance and explanatory power of labor market inequality for mass politics have not been fully acknowledged in comparative political science and this is the reason for this symposium. Labor market inequality affects political preferences and behavior, electoral politics, representation, and government strategies. The main purpose of our symposium is to make broader comparative politics research aware of the crucial structural changes that labor markets have undergone in the advanced capitalist democracies of the OECD, and of the tremendous implications these changes have had for politics.
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Katz, Richard S. "The cartel party, consensus democracy and democracy without politics". Politologia, n.º 1 (17 de abril de 2018): 5–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/p.2016.1.01.
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Although the age of the mass party as an organizational form is long in the past, the mass party remains a widely accepted normative ideal, closely connected to the idea of party government and to a voters-as-principals-parties-as-agents understanding of democracy. In evolving from mass party, to catch-all party, to cartel party European democracies have also been evolving towards an ‘anti-political’ view of government, along with models of consensus democracy and the regulatory state. This evolution helps to explain the decline in popular connection to political parties. Ironically, the associated causes of this decline are generally regarded as good, notwithstanding that the decline itself is often identified as a crisis. Moreover, analysis of this decline suggests as striking similarity between the consensus model of democracy and the cartel party model of democracy, notwithstanding that the first is often seen as a goal to which democracies should be moving while the second is seen as a threat to democracy itself.
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Russmann, Uta, Markus Hametner e Eduard Posch. "Tax-funded digital government communication in Austria: Members of the government on Facebook". European Journal of Communication 35, n.º 2 (23 de dezembro de 2019): 140–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323119894484.
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For a few years now, members of the government in Austria have been using Facebook to reach out to the public as well as to the mass media. Following normative guidelines and regulations, tax-funded government communication should be neutral, informative and autonomous of party politics. Using a multi-method approach, combining a structural analysis of formal criteria of Facebook accounts and an automated quantitative content analysis of Facebook postings, we investigated to what extent the official Facebook accounts of members of the last two Austrian governments were an exclusive tool for digital government communication. We found that not all representatives made use of Facebook. Moreover, tax-funded digital government communication on Facebook was not all neutral and autonomous of party politics. Based on our findings, we conclude that there is a lack of regulatory framework in Austria to govern tax-funded use of social media.
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Mair, Peter. "Representation and participation in the changing world of party politics". European Review 6, n.º 2 (maio de 1998): 161–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700003203.
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The 20th-century has been the century of mass politics, and the mass parties that emerged at the beginning of this century became deeply rooted within wider society. The passing of this golden age of the party has now been marked by two distinct processes of change. On the one hand, parties have become more distant from society and more closely linked to government and the state. On the other hand, there has been a decline in the political identities of the parties, such that voters now find it increasingly difficult to distinguish between them. These changes, and the related transformation of politics into administration, have led to a growth in popular indifference to parties and to politics in general, as well as to a declining sense of engagement. Should this trend continue, it is mass spectacle rather than mass involvement that is likely to characterize the future of mass politics.
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Bertelli, Anthony M., e J. Andrew Sinclair. "Democratic Accountability and the Politics of Mass Administrative Reorganization". British Journal of Political Science 48, n.º 3 (14 de julho de 2016): 691–711. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123416000077.
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Governments face different incentives when they reorganize many administrative agencies at one time rather than making infrequent, case-by-case changes. This article develops a theory of mass administrative reorganizations, which posits that the politics of reorganization is focused on government accountability. Viewing mass reorganization as a structured decision, it argues that choices about independence, agency organization and functional disposition have different impacts on the political costs of administrative policy making. Analyzing novel data from a recent British reorganization with sequential logistic statistical models provides substantial support for these claims. The study challenges the focus on organizational survival in the existing literature. By eschewing more fundamental political questions of democratic accountability, the prevailing approach masks essential politics, and in the context of this study, all influence of conflict due to party and agency policy positions.
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Muhammad Iqbal, Mahathir. "Nahdlatul Ulama Dalam Pusaran Politik: Sebuah Otokriktik Orientasi NU Dalam Politik Perspektif Insider". Jurnal Inovasi Ilmu Sosial dan Politik 1, n.º 2 (19 de outubro de 2019): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.33474/jisop.v1i2.4852.
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A healthy and strong democratic state does not only require a strong political world. Of course, it is important to have a strong party, a strong leader, and a strong government. However, democracy also requires civil society which is also healthy and strong. In the political science literature, the political world and civil society are distinguished by political positions. The world of politics is the political territory of citizens who are prepared to fight for positions of government. The main vehicle is a political party. Meanwhile, civil society is the area of activity for citizens outside the government. The main vehicle is mass organizations. Deliberately, the world of civil society did not want to take part in the power struggle for the position of government. They deliberately chose a position outside the government to control the government. NU is expected to be in this position. Who always kept his distance from the world of practical politics and power. That way, the independence of NU as an authoritative mass organization is maintained.
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Diyakova, L. V. "New phenomena and trends in Chilean politics". Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, n.º 3 (28 de setembro de 2019): 12–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2019-3-12-15.
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The article analyzes new phenomena and trends in Chilean politics, the results of the first period of activity of the center-right government ofS. Pinera, who came to power in 2018. The main attention is paid to the analysis of contradictory initiatives of the government aimed at increasing economic efficiency at the expense of social expectations. It is noted that the greatest risks are associated with the deepening crisis in relations between the government and society, the activation of the radical protest movement caused by the unsuccessful attempt to raise prices for the subway. This measure led to mass youth protests in October 2019, clashes with police and the imposition of a state of emergency, which was accompanied by an appeal of the government to help of the army. The result of the severe political crisis was the resignation of the Cabinet and the announcement of a new package of social reforms. Among the new political phenomena, the author also highlights the decline of traditional center-left, the collapse of the coalition New majority, the beginning of the institutionalization of leftist party alternative to the official center-left, and strengthening the ultra-conservative wing on the right flank.
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Lestari, Yayuk. "Kepanikan Moral dan Politics of Moral di Sumatera Barat". Jurnal Sosiologi Andalas 8, n.º 2 (4 de outubro de 2022): 192–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/jsa.8.2.192-202.2022.
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This paper examines the discourse surrounding morality and politics. Taking the setting in West Sumatra, this paper intends to explore how local politicians use the issue of moral politics by spreading fear without solid evidence. The purpose of this article is to look at the intersection between morality and politics from the perspective of the sociological framework of “moral panics”, where the authorities, especially the government and religious institutions, are still the holders of authority to control the moral standards of society. By using the basis of adat and religion, the government negates LGBT groups for political purposes to gain mass support.
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Froio, Caterina, Shaun Bevan e Will Jennings. "Party mandates and the politics of attention". Party Politics 23, n.º 6 (20 de janeiro de 2016): 692–703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068815625228.
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This article develops an attention-based model of party mandates and policy agendas, where parties and governments are faced with an abundance of issues and must divide their scarce attention across them. In government, parties must balance their desire to deliver on their electoral mandate (i.e. the ‘promissory agenda’) with a need to continuously adapt their policy priorities in response to changes in public concerns and to deal with unexpected events and the emergence of new problems (i.e. the ‘anticipatory agenda’). Parties elected to office also have incentives to respond to issues prioritized by the platforms of their rivals. To test this theory, time series cross-sectional models are used to investigate how the policy content of the legislative program of British government responds to governing and opposition party platforms, the executive agenda, issue priorities of the public and mass media.
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Kaal, Harm. "Religion, Politics, and Modern Culture in Interwar Amsterdam". Journal of Urban History 37, n.º 6 (12 de outubro de 2011): 897–910. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144211413233.
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According to the statistics, the Dutch capital, Amsterdam, was becoming ever more secular during the interwar years (1918-1940). This article, however, argues that religion in Amsterdam continued to have a big impact on urban government and society. During the interwar years, social and political debates about modernization, and the emergence of mass entertainment in particular, were strongly influenced by religious ideas, norms, and values; Amsterdam’s public sphere was still charged with religion.
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Putrayasa, Ida Bagus. "The Semantic Study of Languages Politics". International Journal of Linguistics, Literature and Culture 3, n.º 2 (1 de março de 2017): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.21744/ijllc.v3i2.380.
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The Language has a very important role in social life. With language, one can achieve its objectives in all areas, not least in the political sphere. In politics, the politics, especially the government (authorities) should not admit defeat. In other words, the political language is the language of victory, the language which ensures the wearer will never marginalized. Variety of political language used by the authorities and published in the mass media today, seem more political than highlight aspects provide a clear understanding of the community. Variety of political language is spoken government or ruler lot packed in a rather confusing vocabulary, figurative meaning is not denotative, making it difficult to be understood by the public. Meaning as an object of study semantic structure is not very clear, especially in the political language diversity. In addition, political problems in a variety of language many of them are camouflage. This will affect people's perceptions, both positive and negative. To find out the meaning of a variety of language used by the political authorities, the research was conducted. The purpose of this study was to answer the question: (1) what is the meaning of diverse political language used by the authorities, and (2) what is the intended use of the language diversity of political authority. To achieve these objectives, designed the research literature. The data source of this research is the Bali Post newspaper began from October to December 2015, includes the field of economy, law, and politics (government).
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Miller, Susan M., Christopher Witko e Neal D. Woods. "How the Unorganized Mass Public (Sometimes) Gets Represented in Regulatory Politics". Political Research Quarterly 71, n.º 1 (17 de agosto de 2017): 88–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912917724005.
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Many scholars have argued that because consumers are poorly organized, regulatory enforcement will tend to be lax and serve the interests of industry. Considering, however, that elections are one of the main mechanisms by which the public exerts control over policy, surprisingly few studies have examined how electoral incentives may spur the government to regulate vigorously on behalf of consumers. We argue that when the threat of electoral accountability is greater, regulatory activities will serve the interests of the public, even if they impose costs on industry. We test this theoretical expectation by analyzing state regulatory activity in the wake of exogenous storms and natural disasters, which provide us with important theoretical and causal leverage. We find that a more “pro-regulation” electorate and elected chief regulators acting in close proximity to elections are associated with pro-consumer regulatory action.
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Plotke, David. "The Wagner Act, Again: Politics and Labor, 1935–37". Studies in American Political Development 3 (1989): 104–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00000602.
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Why write about the Wagner Act again? There is no shortage of commentary, yet disagreement persists on basic questions: Why did the measure pass? Did the Wagner Act make any difference. If so, how?Here I argue that the Wagner Act was passed by Progressive liberals inside and outside the government, in alliance with a mass labor movement. The National Labor Relations Act (NLRA) played a major positive role in the emergence of new industrial unions.
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Shioshvili, Tamar. "Some Observations on Mass Beliefs in the U.S. and Georgia". Journal in Humanities 4, n.º 1 (28 de setembro de 2015): 31–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.31578/hum.v4i1.306.
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Debates about the political abilities of the public remain one of the major controversies in political behavior research. This controversy implies normative presumptions about what level of sophistication is required for democracies to achieve their political ideals. For citizen politics to be purposeful, the electorate must have at least a basic level of political skills. Political attention is also very important sign of the public’s political skills. Reflecting and reinforcing the general development of cognitive mobilization, interest in politics and government affairs has increases in the U.S. and Georgia as well. Interest in specific election may vary from campaign to campaign, but statistics suggest a trend of increasing politicization. More people seem to be spreading reliance on social group and partisan cues as a basis of voting. The present level of issues voting is generally higher than during earlier periods.
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Chen, Jie, e Yang Zhong. "Mass political interest (or apathy) in urban China". Communist and Post-Communist Studies 32, n.º 3 (1 de setembro de 1999): 281–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(99)00013-6.
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Based on our reassessment of existing studies on political interest and apathy in various societies, we argue the urgent need for a more systematic and focused examination of mass political interest—as psychological involvement in politics—in China. Utilizing data collected from a public opinion survey conducted in Beijing, China in late 1995, we intend to shed some light on the level and sources of political interest in contemporary China. Contrary to the prevalent argument that most Chinese are politically apathetic, we have found that there was a rather high level of political interest within our sample. We have also found that both conventional variables (i.e. age, gender, education, income, political efficacy, and dissatisfaction with government performance) and variables unique to the Chinese setting (i.e. being a farmer, becoming a private entrepreneur, joining the Chinese Communist Party and holding leading position in the party/government) have significant effects on the levels of political interest.
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ARMSTRONG, DAVID, e THEO FARRELL. "Force and Legitimacy in World Politics: Introduction". Review of International Studies 31, S1 (dezembro de 2005): 3–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210505006893.
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This volume was produced in the context of the crisis of legitimacy that occasioned the 2003 Iraq War. As is well known, a bitter feud broke out in the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) over the legality of using force against Iraq. The US government justified going to war in the context of a new doctrine of preventive use of force for self-defence – a doctrine that was soon named after President George W. Bush. The British government anchored its case for war in two previous UNSC resolutions; res. 678 which originally authorised use of force against Iraq in the 1990–91 Gulf War, and res. 687 which suspended res. 678 on a number of conditions including the disarming of Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction (WMD) stockpiles, facilities and programmes. Both the US and British positions were underpinned by intelligence, subsequently proved to be flawed, that Iraq had failed to get rid of its WMD. Opponents of the war disputed this intelligence and, moreover, argued that the Bush Doctrine was plain illegal and ridiculed the British idea of resurrecting twelve-year-old UNSC resolutions.
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Uzonyi, Gary. "Interstate rivalry, genocide, and politicide". Journal of Peace Research 55, n.º 4 (31 de janeiro de 2018): 476–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343317741186.
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Interstate rivalry not only influences a country’s international behavior, but also its domestic conduct. Here, I focus on the connection between interstate rivalry and domestic government mass killing, specifically genocide and politicide. I argue that interstate rivalry has both direct and indirect influences on a government’s decision to use mass violence against its civilian population. Directly, countries engaged in rivalry experience a heightened state of military tension, which increases the likelihood that the country will resort to political mass killing when handling domestic dissent. Indirectly, rivalry increases the likelihood of both inter- and intrastate conflict, which also increases the likelihood of genocide and politicide. Statistical analysis of all country-years from 1955 to 2011 reveals that interstate rivals are more likely to engage in genocide and politicide than are other states. This research illustrates the way in which interstate rivalry influences a state’s domestic politics and shapes the interactions between government and population. It also highlights the importance of how the international threat environment affects a state’s willingness to engage in domestic political mass murder. These findings indicate that rivals do not only engage in the most violent interstate behavior, but also some of the deadliest domestic politics, as well.
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Haynie, Kerry L. "CONTAINING THE RAINBOW COALITION". Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 16, n.º 1 (2019): 243–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x19000122.
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AbstractThe emergence of an African American and Latino-dominated coalition with the potential to reconfigure American government and politics at the national, state, and local levels is one of the most noteworthy developments in U.S. politics over the past two decades. Racialized mass incarceration and felon disenfranchisement are impediments to this coalition’s political power. Social scientists, legal scholars, and activists have long paid attention to how devices like poll taxes, English competency tests, voter intimidation, racial gerrymandering, and voter identification laws restrict participation and diluted the political influence of racial and ethnic minorities. This essay seeks to direct renewed scholarly attention to racialized mass incarceration and felon disenfranchisement as similar devices for suppressing and containing minority group political power.
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Arisandy, Danil Putra. "Realitas Media Massa Lokal dan Politik Dalam Proses Demokrasi di Kota Langsa". Al-Hikmah Media Dakwah, Komunikasi, Sosial dan Kebudayaan 14, n.º 2 (29 de dezembro de 2023): 189–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.32505/hikmah.v14i2.7569.
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Mass media has a very important role in distributing information to society, which is part of democracy. However, in carrying out its function as social control, the media has limitations, and the media also has a relationship with local authorities. The local authority, which we call the government, will try to build relationships with the media to build the government's image through reporting in local media. This study is qualitative research that uses a content analysis approach. The use of qualitative research is related to the nature of the data collected, which is an exploration of meaning, experiences, and phenomena related to local mass media in Langsa. Through qualitative data, this research attempts to analyze the relationship between mass media and politics in Langsa City during the reporting process. The research object is focused on online news in Langsa City, such as Tanyoe Langsa, Chapnews.com, and Beritalima.com in Langsa, and Serambi.com, online People's Thoughts, Online People's Daily, and political figures. The research results show that the mass media has a strong relationship with the government, so it tends to provide news that supports government policies and programs. The mass media, BeritaLima.com, TanyoLangsa, and Chapnews, have a role that tends to support the government in reporting due to the relationships that are formed. Therefore, the mass media needs to strive to maintain editorial independence and freedom in presenting accurate, balanced information and prioritizing its role as a government watchdog in the democratic process.
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Erkinbekov, Kylychbek, Anvar Bugazov, Gulmira Karabalaeva, Alexey Smutko e Amantur Aidaraliev. "Formation of the ethnic symbolic politics as the mechanism of interaction between society and the political elite: Impact of information technologies". Cuestiones Políticas 41, n.º 78 (28 de agosto de 2023): 698–707. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.4178.47.
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The purpose of the article was to examine the role of information technologies in the formation of symbolic politics through the prism of mass media, communications and new Internet technologies. The methodological basis of the study is formed by legislation and historical literature, using dialectical and comparative methods, as well as general methods of scientific analysis. Symbolic politics is one of the mechanisms of information interaction between society and the political elite; in a new form, it allows solving social and socio-political problems. It has been established that full communication between the political elite and the population is impossible without elements of symbolic politics, such as public relations agencies, Internet blogs and social networks, etc., whose purpose is not only to form a positive image of politics and leaders, but also, it serves to establish an agreement of understanding in society. The authors conclude that new mechanisms of interaction between the elite and society, such as e-receptions, destination portals and digital government, lead to greater government transparency and increased efficiency of its activities.
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Jacobsen, Karen. "Factors Influencing the Policy Responses of Host Governments to Mass Refugee Influxes". International Migration Review 30, n.º 3 (setembro de 1996): 655–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839603000301.
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The policy responses of asylum governments to mass influxes of refugees have varied considerably. Focusing on less developed countries, this article explores why some host governments respond in relatively generous ways, while other governments act more restrictively. The policy alternatives available to receiving governments are classified, and a set of factors influencing refugee policy formation is explored. These factors include: the costs and benefits of accepting international assistance, relations with the sending country, political calculations about the local community's absorption capacity, and national security considerations. However, the end result is not a neat solution yielding a rationally evolved refugee policy. Host governments also struggle with bureaucratic politics, the position of refugees in domestic politics, power struggles between government ministries and among decisionmakers, paucity of information, bureaucratic inertia, and other complications that must be teased out at the empirical level.
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Tymowski, Andrzej W. "Interview with Karol Modzelewski, 1991". East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 33, n.º 4 (15 de outubro de 2019): 806–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325419874384.
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This is an edited version of an interview conducted in 1991 and first published in New Politics 4, no. 2 (1993): 155–72. The editors of EEPS publish this version after the recent death of Karol Modzelewski, 1937–2019. In the 1991 interview, Modzelewski reflected on the difference between Solidarność 1980–1981 as a mass social movement and the very much changed Solidarność that in 1989 formed the first non-Communist government in the Soviet bloc. His comments have a premonitory relevance for Polish politics today.
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Nguyen, Tiep Van. "Some comments on national policy of the republic of Vietnam under control of ngo dinh diem (1954 – 1963) for ethnic group in central highlands". Science and Technology Development Journal 16, n.º 1 (31 de março de 2013): 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdj.v16i1.1401.
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Due to the Highlands’ strategic location in terms of politics and military, after the enthronement, President Ngo Dinh Diem implemented the policy of nationalization to annex Highlands into the Territory of Republic of Vietnam. Ngo Dinh Diem Government carried out wrong policies regarding economy, depriving highland villages of the collective ownership of the land mass to perform settled agriculture and habitation, to build up strategic hamlets, all resulting in the unstabibility, disturbance and poverty of the minority communities. The government operated the policy of cultural assimilation in all aspects such as law, culture, education, etc.; at the same time, born the discrimination against public servants, officials, military officers in the Highlands leading to the conflict between the Highlands people, the government and even the Kinh people. The Department of Highlands Affairs, as an advisory body and national policy enforcer, didn’t fulfill its duty, but acting for formality. The consequences of the misguided policies of the Ngo Dinh Diem government was the mail reason leading to the struggling movement of Highlands peoples, making the Highlands’ issues of security and politics all the more unstable.
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Sujoko, Anang. "Mainstream Media Politics in the Presidential Election of the Republic of Indonesia 2019". International Journal of Science and Society 1, n.º 3 (6 de dezembro de 2019): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.54783/ijsoc.v1i3.17.
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Mass media has the power to build a discourse on public discussion. This strength should be used in carrying out its function as a watchdog in democratic practice. The mass media must break away in a position as part of the executive or legislative because he himself is the fourth force in the pillar of democracy. In the 2019 Indonesian Presidential Election (Pilpres) the mass media showed practices that weakened this position with the presence of affiliated media owners or even became part of the political parties supporting one of the candidate pairs in the 2019 Presidential Election. This paper is critical thinking about how politics mainstream mass media in Indonesia in polarizing support to candidate pairs. The data are collected through observation of media content and in-depth interviews with informants from media workers and informants who have competence in the field of mass media. The results of the study show that mainstream mass media tends to still be positioned as the main source of information in the five-year democracy event. The preaching of mainstream mass media still shows partiality to certain candidate pairs by not expressing criticism and vice versa often showing criticism on other candidate pairs. The mass media that have affiliations to political parties tend to show partiality to the authorities and ignore the critical role in overseeing government practices. The oligarchy of the media industry in Indonesia has not shown the role of overseeing the social and political environment.
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Asfia, Hilyatul. "SYNERGY OF INCLUSIVE GROUPS AS AN EFFORT TO RESOLVE IDENTITY POLITICS IN ELECTIONS". Jurnal Ilmu Hukum Tambun Bungai 8, n.º 1 (30 de junho de 2023): 260–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.61394/jihtb.v8i1.242.
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The practice of identity politics by exploiting the issue of SARA in the 2019 simultaneous election contestation has damaged the essence of democracy. This raises problems that threaten the unity and integrity of the Indonesian nation so it has implications for constituents in exercising their right to vote. Factors of diversity, structure and legal culture that are still weak are the main problems that demand to be resolved. This research focuses on efforts to gather and strengthen inclusive groups, namely active participation by the government, mass media, students and the community through a series of strategic steps in carrying out their functions. This study uses a type of normative research with secondary data types. Based on a philosophical, statutory and conceptual approach. From the research conducted, it was found that the synergy of internal (government) and external (community) roles based on the legal system in an inclusive manner is a step to overcome and resolve the problem of using SARA issues in attracting the votes of sympathizers, to create quality democracy.The practice of identity politics by exploiting the issue of SARA in the 2019 simultaneous election contestation has damaged the essence of democracy. This raises problems that threaten the unity and integrity of the Indonesian nation so it has implications for constituents in exercising their right to vote. Factors of diversity, structure and legal culture that are still weak are the main problems that demand to be resolved. This research focuses on efforts to gather and strengthen inclusive groups, namely active participation by the government, mass media, students and the community through a series of strategic steps in carrying out their functions. This study uses a type of normative research with secondary data types. Based on a philosophical, statutory and conceptual approach. From the research conducted, it was found that the synergy of internal (government) and external (community) roles based on the legal system in an inclusive manner is a step to overcome and resolve the problem of using SARA issues in attracting the votes of sympathizers, to create quality democracy.
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Chwieroth, Jeffrey M., e Andrew Walter. "The financialization of mass wealth, banking crises and politics over the long run". European Journal of International Relations 25, n.º 4 (19 de abril de 2019): 1007–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066119843319.
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The co-evolution of democratic politics and mass, financialized wealth has destabilized highly integrated financial systems and the socio-political underpinnings of neoliberal policy norms at domestic and global levels. Over the long run, it has increased the political pressure on governments to undertake bailouts during major banking crises and, by raising voters’ attentiveness to wealth losses and distributional inequities, has sharply raised the bar for government performance. The result has been more costly bailouts, greater political instability and the sustained politicization of wealth cleavages in crisis aftermaths. We underline the crucial importance and modernity of this phenomenon by showing how the high concentration of wealth in pre-1914 Britain and America among elites was associated with limited crisis interventions and surprisingly tranquil political aftermaths. By contrast, the 2007–2009 crises in both countries epitomise the political dilemmas facing elected governments in a new world of mass financialized wealth and the impact on political polarization and democratic politics. We show that these dilemmas were embryonic in the interwar period and highlight how the evolutionary forces shaping policy and political outcomes reveal the importance of time, context and the effects of long cycles in the world economy and global politics.
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Arrais, Tadeu Alencar. "When the State matters – Government spending and direct income transfer in the Covid-19 pandemic". GEOUSP Espaço e Tempo (Online) 26, n.º 3 (13 de dezembro de 2022): 7–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2179-0892.geousp.2022.197732.
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The monetary flow from direct income transfers, as well as the mass of salaries of public employee, softened the negative economic effects of the Covid-19 pandemic in municipal economies. Based on this premise, we evidenced the coverage and regionality of direct income transfer programs, advocating about the positive effects of social politics of a distributive nature for the most vulnerable part of the Brazilian population.
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Genov, Nikolai. "State Functions and Media Politics". East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 27, n.º 2 (7 de fevereiro de 2013): 333–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325412474462.
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What is specific in the efforts of the Slovenian state institutions to handle the current economic, political, and cultural crisis in the country? The answer is searched for in the media representations of the building of a new government in February 2012. The analysis is focused on five major functions of modern states: security provision, regulation of macro-economy, administration, reproduction of human resources, and environmental protection. The source of primary information for the analysis and argumentation is the daily newspaper Delo (Labor). Relevant publications in the newspaper were differentiated by applying two criteria: first, predominant reference to one of the five functions of the state; second, if the article contains no alternative (1) or presents a strong alternative to a given situation, event or opinion related to the state functions (5) on a 5-point scale. The analysis identifies a large share of publications focusing on the administrative function of the state and rather limited share of publications on security issues and environmental protection. The analyzed publications contain only modest efforts to present and discuss alternatives to political situations and opinions. The hypothesis about alleged colonization of politics by mass media is falsified.
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Girod, Desha M., Megan A. Stewart e Meir R. Walters. "Mass protests and the resource curse: The politics of demobilization in rentier autocracies". Conflict Management and Peace Science 35, n.º 5 (27 de julho de 2016): 503–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894216651826.
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Why are some dictators more successful at demobilizing protest movements than others? Repression sometimes stamps out protest movements (Bahrain in 2011) but can also cause a backlash (Egypt and Tunisia in 2011), leading to regime change. This article argues that the effectiveness of repression in quelling protests varies depending upon the income sources of authoritarian regimes. Oil-rich autocracies are well equipped to contend with domestic and international criticism, and this gives them a greater capacity to quell protests through force. Because oil-poor dictators lack such ability to deal with criticism, repression is more likely to trigger a backlash of increased protests. The argument is supported by analysis of newly available data on mass protests from the Nonviolent and Violent Campaigns and Outcomes (NAVCO 2.0) dataset, which covers all countries (1945–2006). This article implies that publics respond strategically to repression, and tend to demobilize when the government is capable of continually employing repression with impunity.
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Kaliyev, Ildar, Meiramgul Altybassarova, Arman Akishev, Amergaly Begimtayev e Boris Polomarchuk. "Mass media and social networks in the modern politics of Kazakhstan". Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University Series Physics, n.º 55 (5 de fevereiro de 2024): 586–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.54919/physics/55.2024.58bt6.
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Relevance. Kazakhstan has recently joined the group of countries affected by the concept of "networked social movements". Since 2013, many blogs have started to appear on YouTube and Facebook. Using social networks blogs, political activists have begun to voice their discontent and question the legitimacy of the political regime that has emerged since independence in 1990. While social movements and controversial politics are integral to political systems, autocratic regimes are inherently opposed to controversial collective action because they contribute to the destruction of such regimes. Purpose. The goal of such regimes is to retain power as long as possible. The Internet provides new channels for citizens' voices, minority perspectives and political mobilisation. Methodology. Blogs, online forums, Facebook, and Twitter are already providing citizens with a new form of the public sphere and an alternative source of news and information, which is seen as a new platform for exchanging news. Data from blogs and print media were taken, which reported on the worst civil conflict in the post-Soviet history of Kazakhstan. Consequently, many information sources supported the government's claims. Results. This example demonstrates both the importance of an active online community in Kazakhstan and the government's understanding of the importance of online interaction with its citizens. What can be learned from the Zhanaozen case about the role of social networks on the Internet in political transformation in Kazakhstan? What role does the government of Kazakhstan play in combating political dissent through cyberspace? Conclusions. This study will contribute to a better understanding of current political processes in Kazakhstan and demonstrate the link between the increased use of social networks on the Internet and political activism in Kazakhstan.
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Kitsak, Volodymyr. "The Politics of Great Britain Concerning the Establishment of the Eastern Frontier of Poland in 1944-1945". Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, n.º 44 (15 de dezembro de 2021): 105–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.44.105-115.
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The policy of the government of Great Britain concerning the establishment of the eastern frontier of Poland during the final period of World War II has been investigated in an article. The policy priorities of Great Britain concerning the regulation of postwar political status of Poland have been determined. It has been researched that British politics were giving a try to restore diplomatic relations between the exile government of Poland and the government of the USSR that had been cut in April 1943 by Soviets. Unsuccessful attempts of W. Churchill to compel the USSR return the legal government of Poland into the arias that were occupied by the Soviet army are analyzed. After the pro-Soviet Lublin government proclamation British politics negotiated about a coalition cabinet forming. It has been proved that by the end of the World War II the major priority of Great Britain was to restore the prewar government in Poland and to avoid its transformation into the Soviet satellite like Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. It has been established that British politics exchanged the problem of the eastern boundary with the following deportations of population on the return of Polish cabinet from London. Lviv and Vilnius had to belong to Soviets. Churchill considered that the mass migration of Ukrainians and Poles was inevitable and could help to avoid conflicts in future. Western Ukraine and Western Belarus loss was indemnified to Poland with territories on its western frontier and in Prussia. Negotiations of British cabinet with exile Polish government have been analyzed. Churchill and Iden gave a try to force the Prime minister of Poland Mykolaychyk to proclaim renunciation from the established eastern boundary of Poland. During those years Great Britain did not achive the aim. The government of the USSR and Stalin did not keep an agreement made on Tehran and Yalta conferences and in personal correspondence.
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Fairbairn, Brett. "The Limits of Nationalist Politics: Electoral Culture and Mobilization in Germany, 1890-1903". Victoria 1990 1, n.º 1 (9 de fevereiro de 2006): 145–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031014ar.
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Abstract With Germany's unification, nationalism became an entrenched part of the political culture, until its role was challenged by the rise of social “fairness” issues in the 1890s. In the first decades of the Reich, campaigns against minorities like Catholics, Poles, and Social Democrats helped cement the progovernmental forces, especially in intense “national” elections. The Kartell elections of 1887, in particular, created a patriotic coalition that remained a significant factor in electoral politics for over twenty years. But in the 1890s, nationalist coalition-building became increasingly difficult as the Kartell parties lost support, drifted apart, and competed more and more with one another. The government made efforts to shore up its allies, but these efforts failed to halt the disintegration. Significantly, while some argued the government should use the naval issue or the tariff issue (Sammlungspolitik) to influence the elections of 1898 and 1903, the government was unable to do so. Instead, increasing electoral support went to the parties that were perceived as '“mass” parties, especially the Catholic Centre and Social Democrats. These parties organized social-interest constituencies by appealing to “fairness” issues like suffrage, civil liberties, and fair taxation.
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Hoyle, R. W. "Petitioning as popular politics in early sixteenth–century England". Historical Research 75, n.º 190 (1 de novembro de 2002): 365–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00156.
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Abstract This article offers the thesis that petitioning by collective groups, whether occupational, regionally constituted, or simply the body of people called the commons, was an important form of political communication in the early sixteenth century which, although poorly documented and consequently overlooked by historians, allows us an entry into the world of popular politics. The article offers illustrations of the way in which petitions were employed within the city of York, by groups such as weavers or by the commons of East Anglia in 1549 and 1553. The right to petition could not be denied, but mass petitioning was viewed with apprehension by government. Nonetheless, petitioning may be seen as a conservative form of behaviour when compared to calls for insurrection.
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Hern, Erin. "The Trouble with Institutions: How Women's Policy Machineries Can Undermine Women's Mass Participation". Politics & Gender 13, n.º 03 (14 de setembro de 2016): 405–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x16000519.
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It is no secret that men and women continue to have unequal access in democratic systems. In nearly every country for which data exist, women participate less in politics and hold fewer government positions than men (Beauregard 2014). In recent years, analysis of this ongoing problem has taken an institutional turn: feminist institutionalism examines how the formal and informal “rules of the game” create persistent bias against women in office and the advancement of feminist policy agendas (e.g., Krook and Mackay 2011). Such analysis is important and enlightening, but it illuminates only part of the story. An ongoing problem in most democracies is women's lower level of participation: women are less interested in politics, less likely to be active in campaigning, and less likely to contact officials. While women often vote at the same rate as men, their lower rates of political engagement and higher-intensity forms of participation remains to be explained (Coffe and Bolzendahl 2011; Verba, Burns, and Schlozman 1997).
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GRUBER, LLOYD. "Power Politics and the Free Trade Bandwagon". Comparative Political Studies 34, n.º 7 (setembro de 2001): 703–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414001034007001.
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What explains the world's newfound enthusiasm for free trade? Are government leaders integrating their economies to achieve Pareto-improving gains? Or is it because a critical mass of pro—free trade governments has acquired the capacity to “go it alone,” leaving would-be protectionists with a choice between a bad option (opening their markets at very high political cost) and an even worse alternative (incurring the still higher political costs of exclusion)? This article suggests that in practice, mutual-gains-seeking motivations are frequently dominated by defensive ones. The North American Free Trade Agreement is a case in point: Without in any way being bullied or coerced, the Mexican and Canadian governments agreed to take part in a multilateral arrangement that the evidence suggests neither much liked. Although hard to reconcile with the political economy literature's positive-sum model of international cooperation, this finding is consistent with the broader “power-politics” model introduced here.
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Cai, Rong. "Restaging the Revolution in Contemporary China: Memory of Politics and Politics of Memory". China Quarterly 215 (15 de agosto de 2013): 663–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741013000763.
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AbstractThis article focuses on the adaptation of the Red Classics – a collection of literary and cinematic works depicting the Communist armed struggle produced in the PRC between 1949 and 1966 – for contemporary Chinese television. Using the controversy over the remake of Tracks in the Snowy Forest (Linhai xueyuan 林海雪原) as a case study, it explores the complexity of restaging the Communist revolution in the post-Mao reform era. Competition in the media industry compels TV producers to re-package Communist history for fragmented contemporary audiences – those who are familiar with the original Red Classics as well as those who grew up in the reform era and who are far removed from the revolutionary legacy. Adaptation of the Red Classics is a sensitive issue. By focusing on the sexual desires and individual interests muted in the original Red Classics in order to cater for the tastes of younger viewers, the remakes offer alternative readings of history and have incurred government censorship. Opposition to the adaptations has also come from a distinct mnemonic community, the Red memory group, whose members came of age in either the 1960s or during the Cultural Revolution and who absorbed the Red Classics in their formative years. The interplay of state politics, collective memory and commercial imperatives ultimately makes the repackaging of the revolution for contemporary mass entertainment a multifaceted and highly contentious issue.
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Braun, Daniela, Martin Gross e Berthold Rittberger. "Political Behavior in the EU Multi-Level System". Politics and Governance 8, n.º 1 (13 de fevereiro de 2020): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i1.2706.
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Together with its further widening and deepening, the character of the EU has changed fundamentally during the last two decades. Acknowledging this development, the politics-dimension has become visibly more relevant in research on the EU. This “politics turn” is accompanied by an increased interest in research on political behavior of individual and collective actors—voters, parties, interest groups, executive agencies, mass and social media—in the EU multi-level system. The objectives of this thematic issue are to conceptually, empirically, and methodologically capture the different facets of this newly emerged interest in actors’ political behavior in the EU multi-level system. To this end, the thematic issue strives to highlight the connections between political processes and behavior at the European level and other political layers in the EU Member States’ multi-level systems. In particular, we aim to broaden the scope of research on political behavior in the EU and its strong focus on electoral politics across multiple levels of government. To this end, the thematic issue links research on voting behavior with work on party competition, electoral campaigns, public opinion, protest politics, responsiveness, (interest group) representation, government and opposition dynamics, and parliamentary behavior more broadly to the multi-layered systems within EU Member States.
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Dreisbach, Jeconiah Louis. "Performing Politics: Dissent of the Mass Movement Against Neoliberal Policies in the Philippines". Idealogy Journal 4, n.º 1 (19 de abril de 2019): 13–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.24191/idealogy.v4i1.127.
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Nationalist and democratic mass movements consistently resist the implementation of neoliberal policies by the Philippine government. The government’s affirmation to the Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA), inclusion of the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA), and the hosting of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Summit in 2015 and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Summit in 2017, among others, have all been dealt with protests by tens of thousands of militant activists. In these demonstrations, activists convert major roads into public spaces wherein not only dissent against imperialist globalization, privatization, and issues alike are expressed, but also it made an opportunity for them to further educate the people about how the said issues affect their personal and everyday lives. This paper combined Habermas' concept of a public sphere, Lefebvre's concept of public space, and Foucault's concept of micropolitics as a form of resistance in setting a basis to establish that political participation at resistance is a form of performance. A performative look on political participation will not only give a better meaning on political works but also deepens the understanding of one on discourses and resistances.
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Charlton, Roger. "The politics of elections in Botswana". Africa 63, n.º 3 (julho de 1993): 330–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161426.
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AbstractBotswana's history of uninterrupted competitive elections since 1965, and the extensive literature that these contests have engendered, are re-examined in order, first, to illuminate the developing views of Batswana on the purposes and meanings of these events, second, to examine the evolution of electoral processes in that state, and third, to elucidate the effects that elections have had on the institutionalisation of a stable polity. A principal finding is that elections are increasingly widely accepted by the electorate, and that electoral outcomes are perceived as materially important to a population that apparently now judges candidates and parties very instrumentally on the basis of their observed political achievements. Electoral competition, in turn, has become an increasingly important factor in shaping some central elements in Botswana's political processes, perhaps particularly since the competition between government and opposition has emerged primarily as a contest between the ruling BDP and the aspirant BNF. Overall, the extensive data generated by earlier election studies, notably the results of recent mass opinion surveys, permit the development of a perspective on Botswana's politics that accords elections a more central role than has hitherto been conventional.
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Apriyani, Sinta. "Eksistensi dan Kepercayaan Pemerintah Terhadap LSM Lingkungan dalam Penerapan Green Politics di Indonesia". Jurnal Empirika 9, n.º 1 (25 de junho de 2024): 13–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.47753/je.v9i1.135.
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Political activism, which cares about the environment and is embodied in the vision, mission, and programs of government and political action, must fight for the future. The form of political concern for the environment, previously referred to as environmental policy in Indonesia, has been implemented through the submission of petitions by Indonesian environmental NGOs to pay attention to ecological aspects, lawsuits over policies, and mass mobilization actions. A survey is conducted in the study. The data used to use other data to create a form of environmental and political awareness, or what is then known as "green policy" in Indonesia, is now being used by some NGOs in Indonesia to file petitions, legal procedures on regulations, and large-scale mobilization factors to draw attention to environmental aspects. The literature was used in the study. The data comes from other documents, regulations, and books. The community and the government feel the problem of this justice, which supports what is happening on social media in Indonesia. The current reality of the "green" political narrative, which some NGOs can appreciate, is not fully understood and is on the list. The existence of green cities in Indonesia is vital and should be held accountable by the government for places in Indonesia.
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Wilson, Andrew. "The Crimean Tatars: A Quarter of a Century after Their Return". Security and Human Rights 24, n.º 3-4 (30 de abril de 2014): 418–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750230-02404012.
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The article looks at the position of the Crimean Tatars, seventy years after their mass Deportation from Crimea in 1944, and twenty-five years since they were able to begin to return to Crimea in 1989. It concentrates on the politics of their position since Viktor Yanukovych was elected President of Ukraine in 2010, looking at arguments within their ranks and at government attempts to play ‘divide and rule’.
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Darmawan, I. Made Dwi Hita, e Nyoman Gita Saraswati Ratmayanti. "The Impact of Education Budget Politics on Discontinuation of Scholarship: A Case Study of SMAN Bali Mandara". Bestuurskunde: Journal of Governmental Studies 3, n.º 2 (outubro de 2023): 143–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.53013/bestuurskunde.3.2.143-155.
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The issue of politicization in the education sector has garnered significant attention in everyday discourse, yet its exploration in academia remains limited. Often, government policies fail to align with public expectations. This study delved into the public debate surrounding the abrupt discontinuation of the scholarship program at SMAN Bali Mandara by the government, seeking to investigate the underlying reasons. The rationale behind the government's decision to discontinue scholarships, while allocating substantial funds to other sectors, remained unclear, as did the subsequent impact of the discontinuation. Consequently, the public and education activists demanded clarification from the government. This study aimed to examine the politicization of the education budget by analyzing the APBD report and public responses. Rather than providing scholarships, the government prioritized the construction of new school infrastructure in various regions. This study employed a qualitative approach with a literature review method. The author collected data from APBD reports, BPS data, online mass media, scientific articles, and other sources to support an in-depth analysis. The study encompassed problem identification, literature review, determination of the study's purpose and objectives, data collection, data analysis, interpretation, and reporting of results. The study revealed that the government abruptly and unilaterally discontinued the scholarships at SMAN Bali Mandara. The government justified this action by claiming it aimed to equalize all schools. Under the pretext that all schools should admit underprivileged students, not just SMAN Bali Mandara, the government concentrated its efforts on constructing 14 new schools. However, based on the analyzed data, this study found that this policy was neither effective nor efficient.
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Turner, John. "A Land Fit for Tories to Live In: The Political Ecology of the British Conservative Party, 1944–94". Contemporary European History 4, n.º 2 (julho de 1995): 189–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300003386.
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Although the industrialised West has seen since the 1970s a very marked leaning to the right both in government and in popular politics, the experience of the British Conservative Party has been unique. The party can trace a continuous existence to the reconstruction of the King's government by William Pitt the Younger in 1784, and is probably the oldest political organisation in the world: far older, indeed, than most sovereign states. In two centuries of life it has transformed itself from the party of monarchy, aristocracy and the Established Church into a highly successful practitioner of mass politics. It has been in government, either as the sole party of government or as the dominant partner in coalition, for seventy years in the last hundred, and thirty-two years in the last fifty. This remarkable political achievement can be explained at many levels; the purpose of this article is to explore just one of them. By bringing together the explanatory insights of political scientists working on electoral sociology with the records of the party in government and opposition, it is possible to discern how the Conservatives used the opportunities of government to cultivate the society which tended, and increasingly tends, to give them victory at the ballot box. This cultivation of the political environment was not exactly social engineering – a project which contemporary Conservatives emphatically reject – but in tune with the biological metaphor of the title of this paper it could be called ‘social gardening’. The first part of the article examines very briefly how political scientists have come to understand the functioning of the British electoral process since the Second World War. The second part explores the process of adaptation which has enabled the Conservative Party to dominate British politics since the war.
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Nyberg, Daniel, e John Murray. "Corporate Politics in the Public Sphere: Corporate Citizenspeak in a Mass Media Policy Contest". Business & Society 59, n.º 4 (12 de dezembro de 2017): 579–611. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0007650317746176.
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This article connects the previously isolated literatures on corporate citizenship and corporate political activity to explain how firms construct political influence in the public sphere. The public engagement of firms as political actors is explored empirically through a discursive analysis of a public debate between the mining industry and the Australian government over a proposed tax. The findings show how the mining industry acted as a corporate citizen concerned about the common good. This, in turn, legitimized corporate political activity, which undermined deliberation about the common good. The findings explain how the public sphere is refeudalized through corporate manipulation of deliberative processes via what we term corporate citizenspeak—simultaneously speaking as corporate citizens and for individual citizens. Corporate citizenspeak illustrates the duplicitous engagement of firms as political actors, claiming political legitimacy while subverting deliberative norms. This contributes to the theoretical development of corporations as political actors by explaining how corporate interests are aggregated to represent the common good and how corporate political activity is employed to dominate the public sphere. This has important implications for understanding how corporations undermine democratic principles.
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Gilens, Martin, e Benjamin I. Page. "Testing Theories of American Politics: Elites, Interest Groups, and Average Citizens". Perspectives on Politics 12, n.º 3 (setembro de 2014): 564–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592714001595.
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Each of four theoretical traditions in the study of American politics—which can be characterized as theories of Majoritarian Electoral Democracy, Economic-Elite Domination, and two types of interest-group pluralism, Majoritarian Pluralism and Biased Pluralism—offers different predictions about which sets of actors have how much influence over public policy: average citizens; economic elites; and organized interest groups, mass-based or business-oriented.A great deal of empirical research speaks to the policy influence of one or another set of actors, but until recently it has not been possible to test these contrasting theoretical predictions against each other within a single statistical model. We report on an effort to do so, using a unique data set that includes measures of the key variables for 1,779 policy issues.Multivariate analysis indicates that economic elites and organized groups representing business interests have substantial independent impacts on U.S. government policy, while average citizens and mass-based interest groups have little or no independent influence. The results provide substantial support for theories of Economic-Elite Domination and for theories of Biased Pluralism, but not for theories of Majoritarian Electoral Democracy or Majoritarian Pluralism.
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Śliwerski, Bogusław. "Przygotowanie do zawodu nauczycieli w świetle raportu NIK i sporu o awans naukowy z dydaktyk przedmiotowych". Studia Edukacyjne, n.º 46 (6 de janeiro de 2020): 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/se.2017.46.1.
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The core idea of the paper’s analysis is the incoherent school and academic government authority’s politics and the chaos caused by it in the process of educating future teachers of school subjects in general education and vocational training (general and mass one) in Poland. The author stresses the role and importance of subject teaching (detailed/specialized teaching) in relation to general teaching and models of vocational teachers’/academic education in contemporary tertiary education.
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Kongkirati, Prajak. "From Illiberal Democracy to Military Authoritarianism: Intra-Elite Struggle and Mass-Based Conflict in Deeply Polarized Thailand". ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 681, n.º 1 (20 de dezembro de 2018): 24–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716218806912.
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Thailand fits the pattern of pernicious polarized politics identified in this volume, where a previously excluded group successfully gains political power through the ballot box, governs unilaterally to pursue radical reforms, and produces a backlash from the traditional power elites. In Thailand, elite conflict has been a major part of the story, but this article argues that political polarization there cannot be merely understood as “elite-driven”: conflict among the elites and the masses, and the interaction between them, produced polarized and unstable politics. Violent struggle is caused by class structure and regional, urban-rural disparities; elite struggle activates the existing social cleavages; and ideological framing deepens the polarization. While the Yellow Shirts and traditional elites want to restore and uphold the “Thai-style democracy” with royal nationalism, the Red Shirts espouse the “populist democracy” of strong elected government with popular nationalism and egalitarian social order.
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YUN, JI-WHAN. "Democracy in Myth: The Politics of Precariatization in South Korea". Issues & Studies 55, n.º 01 (março de 2019): 1950001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251119500012.
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After undergoing a series of mass demonstrations during the past three decades, including the 2016–2017 candlelight protests that led to the impeachment of President Park Geun-hye, many commentators in South Korea are confident that their country has become a land for what Karl Marx called “free men.” Korean citizens are portrayed as being ready to participate in voluntary political associations and collective actions and to pursue their interests in the public sphere. However, the data are showing the opposite to be true: citizen participation in public-sphere activities has substantially decreased since the mid-2000s, while the government has managed to improve or at least maintain its political responsiveness during the same period. Explaining the unnoticed background to this imbalance, this essay sheds light on the myth of the benefactor state in Korean democracy, arguing that this has emerged because neoliberalism has not only placed an increasing number of people in precarious positions but also neutralized them politically. The Korean government has capitalized on this situation to mythicize itself as a benefactor state that possesses an incomparable administrative capacity to take care of precarious people. By investigating the period of Park’s presidency (2013–2017) and the current rule of President Moon Jae-in (2017–), this essay shows how the myth of the benefactor state has emerged and created a unique cycle of Korean democracy.