Bibliografias temáticas / Somerville (Mass.) – Politics and government

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Literatura científica selecionada sobre o tema "Somerville (Mass.) – Politics and government"

Autor: Grafiati
Publicado: 25 de julho de 2024
Última modificação: 31 de julho de 2024

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Artigos de revistas sobre o assunto "Somerville (Mass.) – Politics and government"

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Peña, Alejandro Milcíades, e Thomas Richard Davies. "RESPONDING TO THE STREET: GOVERNMENT RESPONSES TO MASS PROTESTS IN DEMOCRACIES*". Mobilization: An International Quarterly 22, n.º 2 (1 de junho de 2017): 177–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-22-2-177.

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This article proposes two models that address the neglected relationship between protests, government countermovement strategies, and democratic politics. By contrasting centrifugal and centripetal dynamics triggered by government responses to mass protest, the models theorize the link between government counterframes and opposition politics in democracies. The strategies deployed by the Argentine and Brazilian governments during the cycle of mass protests that erupted in these countries in 2012–13 are used in illustration. The counterframing models developed in this article shed new light on the role of government responses in the dynamics of contentious politics, with potential for application to other contentious episodes and political contexts.
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Barker, Chris. "Mass and elite politics in Mill's considerations on representative Government". History of European Ideas 41, n.º 8 (21 de setembro de 2015): 1143–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01916599.2015.1077149.

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Häusermann, Silja, Achim Kemmerling e David Rueda. "How Labor Market Inequality Transforms Mass Politics". Political Science Research and Methods 8, n.º 2 (12 de novembro de 2019): 344–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2018.64.

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AbstractWhy do left parties lose vote shares in times of economic crisis and hardship? Why do right-wing governments implement seemingly left-wing policies, such as labor market activation? Why is representation becoming more and more unequal? And why do workers vote for right-wing populist parties? Several political science theories propose meaningful and important answers to these key questions for comparative politics, focusing on identity politics, programmatic convergence of parties or exogenous constraints. However, there is an additional and distinct approach to all of the questions above, which emphasizes socio-structural transformations in the labor market: most of the processes above can be understood with reference to increasing labor market inequality and its political implications. The relevance and explanatory power of labor market inequality for mass politics have not been fully acknowledged in comparative political science and this is the reason for this symposium. Labor market inequality affects political preferences and behavior, electoral politics, representation, and government strategies. The main purpose of our symposium is to make broader comparative politics research aware of the crucial structural changes that labor markets have undergone in the advanced capitalist democracies of the OECD, and of the tremendous implications these changes have had for politics.
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Katz, Richard S. "The cartel party, consensus democracy and democracy without politics". Politologia, n.º 1 (17 de abril de 2018): 5–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/p.2016.1.01.

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Although the age of the mass party as an organizational form is long in the past, the mass party remains a widely accepted normative ideal, closely connected to the idea of party government and to a voters-as-principals-parties-as-agents understanding of democracy. In evolving from mass party, to catch-all party, to cartel party European democracies have also been evolving towards an ‘anti-political’ view of government, along with models of consensus democracy and the regulatory state. This evolution helps to explain the decline in popular connection to political parties. Ironically, the associated causes of this decline are generally regarded as good, notwithstanding that the decline itself is often identified as a crisis. Moreover, analysis of this decline suggests as striking similarity between the consensus model of democracy and the cartel party model of democracy, notwithstanding that the first is often seen as a goal to which democracies should be moving while the second is seen as a threat to democracy itself.
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Russmann, Uta, Markus Hametner e Eduard Posch. "Tax-funded digital government communication in Austria: Members of the government on Facebook". European Journal of Communication 35, n.º 2 (23 de dezembro de 2019): 140–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323119894484.

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For a few years now, members of the government in Austria have been using Facebook to reach out to the public as well as to the mass media. Following normative guidelines and regulations, tax-funded government communication should be neutral, informative and autonomous of party politics. Using a multi-method approach, combining a structural analysis of formal criteria of Facebook accounts and an automated quantitative content analysis of Facebook postings, we investigated to what extent the official Facebook accounts of members of the last two Austrian governments were an exclusive tool for digital government communication. We found that not all representatives made use of Facebook. Moreover, tax-funded digital government communication on Facebook was not all neutral and autonomous of party politics. Based on our findings, we conclude that there is a lack of regulatory framework in Austria to govern tax-funded use of social media.
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Mair, Peter. "Representation and participation in the changing world of party politics". European Review 6, n.º 2 (maio de 1998): 161–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700003203.

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The 20th-century has been the century of mass politics, and the mass parties that emerged at the beginning of this century became deeply rooted within wider society. The passing of this golden age of the party has now been marked by two distinct processes of change. On the one hand, parties have become more distant from society and more closely linked to government and the state. On the other hand, there has been a decline in the political identities of the parties, such that voters now find it increasingly difficult to distinguish between them. These changes, and the related transformation of politics into administration, have led to a growth in popular indifference to parties and to politics in general, as well as to a declining sense of engagement. Should this trend continue, it is mass spectacle rather than mass involvement that is likely to characterize the future of mass politics.
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Bertelli, Anthony M., e J. Andrew Sinclair. "Democratic Accountability and the Politics of Mass Administrative Reorganization". British Journal of Political Science 48, n.º 3 (14 de julho de 2016): 691–711. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123416000077.

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Governments face different incentives when they reorganize many administrative agencies at one time rather than making infrequent, case-by-case changes. This article develops a theory of mass administrative reorganizations, which posits that the politics of reorganization is focused on government accountability. Viewing mass reorganization as a structured decision, it argues that choices about independence, agency organization and functional disposition have different impacts on the political costs of administrative policy making. Analyzing novel data from a recent British reorganization with sequential logistic statistical models provides substantial support for these claims. The study challenges the focus on organizational survival in the existing literature. By eschewing more fundamental political questions of democratic accountability, the prevailing approach masks essential politics, and in the context of this study, all influence of conflict due to party and agency policy positions.
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Muhammad Iqbal, Mahathir. "Nahdlatul Ulama Dalam Pusaran Politik: Sebuah Otokriktik Orientasi NU Dalam Politik Perspektif Insider". Jurnal Inovasi Ilmu Sosial dan Politik 1, n.º 2 (19 de outubro de 2019): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.33474/jisop.v1i2.4852.

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A healthy and strong democratic state does not only require a strong political world. Of course, it is important to have a strong party, a strong leader, and a strong government. However, democracy also requires civil society which is also healthy and strong. In the political science literature, the political world and civil society are distinguished by political positions. The world of politics is the political territory of citizens who are prepared to fight for positions of government. The main vehicle is a political party. Meanwhile, civil society is the area of activity for citizens outside the government. The main vehicle is mass organizations. Deliberately, the world of civil society did not want to take part in the power struggle for the position of government. They deliberately chose a position outside the government to control the government. NU is expected to be in this position. Who always kept his distance from the world of practical politics and power. That way, the independence of NU as an authoritative mass organization is maintained.
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Diyakova, L. V. "New phenomena and trends in Chilean politics". Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, n.º 3 (28 de setembro de 2019): 12–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2019-3-12-15.

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The article analyzes new phenomena and trends in Chilean politics, the results of the first period of activity of the center-right government ofS. Pinera, who came to power in 2018. The main attention is paid to the analysis of contradictory initiatives of the government aimed at increasing economic efficiency at the expense of social expectations. It is noted that the greatest risks are associated with the deepening crisis in relations between the government and society, the activation of the radical protest movement caused by the unsuccessful attempt to raise prices for the subway. This measure led to mass youth protests in October 2019, clashes with police and the imposition of a state of emergency, which was accompanied by an appeal of the government to help of the army. The result of the severe political crisis was the resignation of the Cabinet and the announcement of a new package of social reforms. Among the new political phenomena, the author also highlights the decline of traditional center-left, the collapse of the coalition New majority, the beginning of the institutionalization of leftist party alternative to the official center-left, and strengthening the ultra-conservative wing on the right flank.
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Lestari, Yayuk. "Kepanikan Moral dan Politics of Moral di Sumatera Barat". Jurnal Sosiologi Andalas 8, n.º 2 (4 de outubro de 2022): 192–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/jsa.8.2.192-202.2022.

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This paper examines the discourse surrounding morality and politics. Taking the setting in West Sumatra, this paper intends to explore how local politicians use the issue of moral politics by spreading fear without solid evidence. The purpose of this article is to look at the intersection between morality and politics from the perspective of the sociological framework of “moral panics”, where the authorities, especially the government and religious institutions, are still the holders of authority to control the moral standards of society. By using the basis of adat and religion, the government negates LGBT groups for political purposes to gain mass support.
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Teses / dissertações sobre o assunto "Somerville (Mass.) – Politics and government"

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Quinn, Leon Roman. "The politics of pollution? : government, environmentalism and mass opinion in East Germany 1972-1990". Thesis, University of Bristol, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.271839.

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Chen, Xi. "Mass Media as Instruments for Political and Social Control in China: Media Role in Chinese Politics". Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/35389.

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Under the influence of Soviet media theory, Chinese media have been held under the control of the Communist Party of China ever since the Party was established in 1921. However, this practice of control was subject to change as a result of rapid economic development and many social changes brought about by economic reform after 1978. This thesis explores the current situation of media control in China. Although the mass media in China began to enjoy more autonomy and diversity after the nation adopted its policies of reform and opening up to the outside world, given that political reform did not keep pace with economic reform, this study hypothesizes that the degree of government control varied according to the nature of the issues involved. It is expected that there would be tighter government control over the media in reporting political issues than reporting economic and social issues. The result of these case studies confirmed the original hypothesis. This study demonstrates that the relaxation of media control only happened in the non-political sphere. For those issues with political implications, there remained tight government control. In other words, the media are still used as instruments for political and social control in current day China. This study also explores the detailed approaches adopted by the government in controlling media content, management and operation. Furthermore, based on the study of both the historical development and the current situation of media control in China, this research points out the possible future developments for media control in China.
Master of Arts
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Papatheodorou, Fotini. "Broadcasting and politics in Greece, 1936-1987". Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1991. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/28955.

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The purpose of this thesis is to analyse and explain the organization of Greek broadcasting, and particularly its relationship to the state and politics. The study begins with the introduction of state-owned radio in 1936 and ends with the abolition of the state monopoly and the introduction of private local radio by a Socialist government in 1987. Through a mainly chronological structure the study examines the development of Greek radio and television set against major developments in the sphere of politics from the inter-war period until the late 1980s. These developments include the establishment of a quasi-fascist dictatorship in 1936, the Right-Left cleavage of the 1940s and the nature of parliamentary regime which was established as a result of the Communist defeat in the civil war (1946-1949). Subsequently, the study deals with the imposition of the dictatorial regime in 1967 and examines the contradictions which led to its eventual downfall in 1974. Finally, the thesis covers the transition of the country to democracy, the nature of the democratic regime, the party system and the major aspects of policy of both the Conservative governments (1974-1981) and the Socialists (1981-1987). Placed within the framework of the debate about the role of broadcasting in liberal democracies, the thesis examines the applicability of two antithetical models, the 'fourth estate' and the 'dominance' models to the Greek broadcasting system from 1936 to 1987. Neither is found to be satisfactory. Our study of government-broadcasting relations since the introduction of radio demonstrates that the broadcast media have always been subordinate to partisan political control and that neither the editorial autonomy nor the political independence of Greek broadcasters, on which the 'fourth estate' model is based, have ever been safeguarded by Greek politicians. The 'dominance' model, on the other hand, to the extent that it considers the mass media as an instrument of the dominant classes fails to describe accurately the role of Greek broadcasting institutions and of the state which controls them within Greek society. Due to the uneven and belated industrial development of the country, the state has acquired a dominant position in social and economic life by distributing resources and safeguarding the vital Interests of various social groups. Political parties have always relied on the mechanisms of the state to consolidate their power. Broadcasting institutions have therefore been used by those holding executive power as a legitimating mechanism of their policies. Preoccupied as they were with the political output of radio and television, Greek politicians never pursued the development of a public service ethos In Greek broadcasting.
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Linzer, Drew Alan. "The structure of mass ideology and its consequences for democratic governance". Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1779835441&sid=8&Fmt=2&clientId=48051&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Gazali, Effendi. "Communication of politics and politics of communication in Indonesia : a study on media performance, responsibility and accountability /". [S.l.] : [s.n.], 2004. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40078108w.

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Proefschrift--Universiteit Nijmegen, 2004.
Mention parallèle de titre ou de responsabilité : Politieke communicatie en communicatiepolitiek in Indonesië : een studie over media, verantwoordelijkheid en verantwoording. Textes en anglais, résumé en néerlandais. Bibliogr. p. 128-140.
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Kälveus, David. "Regeringskrisen 1978 utifrån två perspektiv : Massmedierna och partiernas ståndpunkt i kärnkraftsfrågan". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för kulturvetenskaper (KV), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-81616.

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This research highlights the swedish government crisis in 1978, based on two perspectives and how they affected the crisis. These include mass media and how the politicians acted in relation to their respective parties' standpoint on the nuclear power issue. The material is based on information from the editorial pages of two national newspapers and one submission page. This should shed light on whether the media affected the crisis. The research has also been supplemented with literature to investigate the parties’ opinions regarding the nuclear power issue. The chosen newspapers are Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet. A qualitative text analysis has been applied to the study by interpreting texts from newspapers and literature. The essay centers on the end of the crisis when the government parties, Centerpartiet, Moderaterna and Folkpartiet tried to find an agreement on the nuclear power issue, but also the days after Thorbjörn Fälldin's resignation as prime minister. The findings of the investigation suggests that both perspectives affected the crisis, with some exceptions. The newspapers that were examined differ in comparison with other mass media and it turns out that both leader pages and the submitter side did not follow up on the “betrayal” debate that was directed against Fälldin and Centerpartiet. However, several leaders and submitters claim that the media affected the crisis. It is also possible to suggest that the government's dissolution was due to the positions of the government parties on the nuclear power issue and that the politicians had to comply with this.
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Howard, Samuel Hering. "Still keeping watch:Measuring sourcing from statehouse news covering Springfield and Harrisburg in 1986 and 2014". Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1461333225.

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Nyambuga, Charles Ongadi. "The role of the press in political conflicts in Kenya : a case study of the performance of the nation and the East African Standard Newspapers". Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1449.

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This study focuses on the role of the press in violent political conflicts in Kenya in the period that preceded the 2005 referendum on the draft constitution. Based on media reports, six major thematic areas of concern emerged during constitution making. These were: land tenure, devolution of power, the executive, the legislature, the Bill of Rights, and the provincial administration. These sections of the draft constitution caused a remarkable divergence of opinion. The citizens either supported or opposed the draft constitution on the basis of how the draft had treated those sections in the draft constitution. Besides the major thematic areas, newspapers regularly focused and reported on ethnicity, violence, political leaders‟ utterances, the process of constitution making, and political conflicts. Three main objectives guided the study. The first objective focused on the relationship between media content and different levels of political conflict. The influence of media content and how these may have led to high political conflict, medium political conflict, low political conflict and no political conflict, are tested in this study. The second objective highlighted the kind of coverage that the draft constitution got during the period that preceded the referendum in November, 2005. This objective facilitated interrogation of media content and whether media content focused on aspects of the draft constitution such as land ownership, the executive, devolution, the legislature and religion, as highlighted in the draft constitution of Kenya 2005. The third objective examined the thematic emphasis that the media undertook in the period that preceded the referendum. The themes that were dominant in the period before the referendum could have impacted on readers' perceptions of the critical issues that could have informed the voters' decisions. Three primary questions were addressed in the study: Firstly, was there a link between media content and different levels of political conflict in weak democracies such as Kenya? Secondly, did media content influence ethnicity and did it encourage ethnic conflict in diverse societies? Finally, what were the key thematic areas of coverage by the press, and how were they used during the referendum? In order to study these research objectives, I used a combination of theories to enhance understanding of the interplay between media content and audience in the society. The theories are: agenda setting, two-step flow, priming, framing, and the public sphere. The study adopts a triangulation convergence design in mixed- methods research that involves both qualitative and quantitative methods. A structured questionnaire and content analysis were used to seek responses to the research questions of the study and to meet the stated objectives. The research revealed that the two newspapers under investigation, namely the East African Standard and the Nation, provided more coverage to issues that were not central to the content of the draft constitution, such as political leaders' utterances, violence, ethnicity, and the process of constitution making. This showed that the newspapers tended to sensationalise issues instead of providing objective coverage of political matters. These newspapers used their opinion pages to educate their readers on how the referendum was turning violent. The theme of political leaders' utterances is closely linked to that of violence. This suggests that the violence was influenced by some of the leaders' statements. These utterances, and more so those that touched on ethnicity, could therefore have been a potential cause of the ensuing political conflicts during the 2005 referendum on the draft constitution. The findings reveal that newspaper editors tended to focus on political conflict at the expense of the actual content of the draft constitution. This would have provided insight and knowledge on the document and avoided sensational reporting, which could have contributed to violent political conflicts during the period that preceded the referendum on the draft constitution of Kenya.
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Greenberg, Joshua L. "Promotional communication and reflexivity : case studies in the media politics and problematization of neo-liberalism /". *McMaster only, 2003.

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Durso, Rachel M. "“Shackles and Chains:” Three Essays on the Determinants and Consequences of U.S. Mass Imprisonment in the Twenty-First Century". The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1405703457.

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Livros sobre o assunto "Somerville (Mass.) – Politics and government"

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Purvis, Hoyt H. Media, politics, and government. Fort Worth: Harcourt College Publishers, 2001.

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Jibo, Mvendaga. Politics, mass media & national development. Lagos: Malthouse Press, 1996.

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Sin, To-chʻŏl. Mass politics and culture in democratizing Korea. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999.

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1955-, Davis Richard, ed. Politics and the media. Englewood Cliffs, N.J: Prentice Hall, 1994.

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J, Pharr Susan, e Krauss Ellis S, eds. Media and politics in Japan. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1996.

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Socialist Unity Centre of India. Build up broadbased united democratic mass movement. Calcutta: Central Committee, SUCI, 1987.

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Graber, Doris A. Mass media and American politics. 8a ed. Washington, DC: CQ PRess, 2009.

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Graber, Doris A. Mass media and American politics. 5a ed. Washington, D.C: CQ Press, 1997.

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Graber, Doris A. Mass media and American politics. 4a ed. Washington, D.C: CQ Press, 1992.

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Graber, Doris A. Mass media and American politics. 3a ed. Washington, D.C: CQ Press, 1989.

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Capítulos de livros sobre o assunto "Somerville (Mass.) – Politics and government"

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Watts, Duncan. "The mass media". In Understanding US/UK government and politics. Manchester University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.7765/9781847790897.00013.

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Foot, Philippa. "The Grammar of Goodness". In Conversations On Ethics, 87–110. Oxford University PressOxford, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199215379.003.0005.

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Abstract Dhilippa Foot was born in 1920 and was educated mainly at home before going to Somerville College, Oxford in 1939 to study Politics, Philosophy, and Economics. She graduated in 1942 and worked as a government economist during the remainder of the Second World War, before returning to Somerville to take her M.A. In 1949, she became a Fellow of the college. In the 1960s and 1970s, she was an itinerant philosopher, holding visiting professorships at Cornell, MIT, UCLA, Berkeley, and the City University of New York, before settling at UCLA in 1976. She is now an Honorary Fellow of Somerville.
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Chan, Joseph M., e Francis L. F. Lee. "Mass Media and Public Opinion". In Contemporary Hong Kong Government and Politics, 223–46. Hong Kong University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.5790/hongkong/9789888139477.003.0011.

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Chubb, Basil. "Political Communications and the Mass Media". In The Government and Politics of Ireland, 54–75. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315844961-4.

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"the Internet in Politics: Democracy in e-government in Taiwan". In Mass Media and Political Communication in New Democracies, 162–78. Routledge, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203328668-19.

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Guerra, Simona, e Hans-Jörg Trenz. "15. Citizens and Public Opinion in the European Union". In European Union Politics, 219–32. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198806530.003.0015.

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This chapter provides an overview of trends in public opinion toward the European Union. The chapter also discusses the key factors thought to explain differences in mass opinion regarding the EU. These include political economy and rationality; that is, opinions stemming from calculations about the costs and benefits of the EU; perceptions of the national government (domestic proxies); the influence of political elites; political psychology, including cognitive mobilization (attentiveness to politics) and concerns about the loss of national identity; and finally, the role of the mass media in driving opinions regarding the EU.
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Guerra, Simona, e Hans-Jörg Trenz. "15. Citizens and Public Opinion in the European Union". In European Union Politics, 219–31. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198862239.003.0015.

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This chapter provides an overview of trends in public opinion towards the European Union (EU). The chapter also discusses the key factors thought to explain differences in mass opinion regarding the EU. These include political economy and rationality; that is, opinions stemming from calculations about the costs and benefits of the EU; perceptions of the national government (domestic proxies); the influence of political elites; political psychology, including cognitive mobilization (attentiveness to politics) and concerns about the loss of national identity; and, finally, the role of the mass media in driving opinions regarding the EU.
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Romero-Vidal, Xavier, Lluís Orriols e Pedro Riera. "Moving beyond the Economy". In Economics and Politics Revisited, 181–203. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192871664.003.0008.

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Abstract This chapter revisits the effects of economic performance on executive approval in Spain and identifies new non-economic factors that provide a more comprehensive account of approval dynamics. As regards the role of the economy, the chapter shows that it still is a crucial predictor of approval ratings in Spain, but also provides evidence that its influence has fluctuated over time. As regards non-economic factors, it finds that the salience of terrorism is strongly associated with positive approval ratings in Spain. Similarly, congruence between mass preferences and government ideology results in higher approval ratings. By contrast, when mass preferences deviate from the incumbent’s ideology, the popularity of the latter deteriorates, which might ultimately result in electoral turnover. The authors’ study suggests that the economy continues to be a crucial factor behind government popularity in Spain, but also uncovers the role of other contextual factors like issue salience and mass preferences, which have received much less attention so far.
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King, Anthony. "Political Change in Britain". In Electoral Politics, 25–50. Oxford University PressOxford, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198273813.003.0002.

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Abstract David Butler and Donald Stokes entitled their pioneering study of the British electorate of the 1960s and early 1970s Political Change in Britain. Their subject was the influences that bear upon individual voters as they decide how to cast their ballots and the ways in which individuals’ voting decisions are summed across the whole mass of voters to produce the outcomes of general elections. Butler and Stokes’s focus was on the electorate and not on the various other forms that political change can take, but they were well aware that ‘the ebbs and flows of popular favour affect, often in quite unexpected ways, the whole conduct of British government’ (1974: 3).
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Guerra, Simona, e Lauren M. McLaren. "25. Public Opinion and the European Union". In European Union Politics. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198708933.003.0025.

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This chapter examines trends in public opinion toward the European Union. Through the mid-1980s, EU member governments and bureaucrats were interested in limited public involvement in the integration process. With the introduction of the Single European Act and later the Constitutional Treaty and the Lisbon Treaty, member states began selling their varying visions of a renewed European project that would contribute to the further economic and political development of the EU integration process. The chapter first considers general perceptions of the EU before assessing the key factors that are believed to account for differences in mass opinion regarding the EU. These include rational utilitarianism, perceptions of the national government, political psychology factors such as cognitive mobilization and concerns about the loss of national identity, and the role of mass media in shaping attitudes towards the EU. The chapter concludes with an analysis of the level of trust towards EU institutions.
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Trabalhos de conferências sobre o assunto "Somerville (Mass.) – Politics and government"

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Negrea, Adrian, Ciprian Beniamin Benea e Csaba Bekesi. "THE CORONAVIRUS PANDEMIC AND ITS IMPACT ON BIHOR COUNTY EXPORT ORIENTED COMPANIES". In Sixth International Scientific-Business Conference LIMEN Leadership, Innovation, Management and Economics: Integrated Politics of Research. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/limen.2020.85.

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In order to protect the health of their citizens, many governments decided to take a huge risk in implementing lockdowns all over the world, knowing how much it could affect the economy. The thought that choosing the most direct measure to cope with the pandemic in order to save their populations was one of the hardest and the governments cannot be blamed for it. The paper moves forward to correlate the links between mass shut downs affecting the economy with the effects registered by the export-oriented companies in Bihor County, Romania, and the measures that the Romanian Government took. Based on the data provided by AJOFM, the Bihor county employment agency, for the following months – March, April, May, several factors like the number of companies in export-oriented industries, the number of employees, the amount of money that the Government paid, will be analyzed.
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Peka, Nejla. "Guarantee of the Right to Online Education in Exceptional Situations: Case Study of the COVID-19 Pandemic". In Eighth International Scientific-Business Conference LIMEN Leadership, Innovation, Management and Economics: Integrated Politics of Research. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/limen.2022.371.

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Covid-19 came as a challenge in human being life. After the an­nouncement of the state of the world pandemic on March 11, 2020, by the World Health Organization, the government reacted to this situation, under­taking a series of measures considering the general interruption of social and economic activities such as closing schools, the prohibition of mass gatherings in closed or open places, the restriction or prohibition of other movements in­side and outside the country, which brought the country into total quarantine for about three months. Among other things, the government also presented an action plan for the prevention and response to Covid-19 in May 2020, which provided three pillars of action: prevention, response, and recovery, to continue providing health services to the entire population. While the government’s re­sponse has necessarily been swift in terms of protecting health and guarantee­ing the right to life, the pandemic situation brought a new challenge, in terms of children’s well-being and the effective exercise of their rights, especially in the most vulnerable children. In the situation of the global pandemic, internation­al institutions have addressed a series of recommendations and statements for the protection and guarantee of the rights of children and their families. In April 2020, ENOC 2 calls on governments, the European Commission and the Council of Europe to take all appropriate actions to ensure that the rights of all children are guaranteed in accordance with the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. Children’s rights and, the comments of the United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child, should be respected during the Covid-19 health care crisis.
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Amirjani, Rahmatollah. "Labour Housing and the Normalisation of Modernity in 1970s Iran". In The 38th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. online: SAHANZ, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a4020p1tmw.

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In the 1970s, rapid modernisation fuelled population displacement and increased the number of workers in the large cities of Iran, in particular Tehran. In response, the Imperial Government initiated several housing programs focusing on the provision of megastructures on a large scale. Consequently, a new opposition formed among some sectors of society, regarding the dissemination of gigantic buildings in the International or Brutalist styles. Critics and clerics argued that the radical government interventions not only polarised the image of Islamic identity in cities, but also affected the behaviour of people towards, and their opinions concerning, the Islamic lifestyle. Additionally, some claimed the state aimed to normalise its project of modernity and rapid westernisation for the mid- and lower classes using housing. In this regard, this article investigates the 1970s imperial government social housing programs to verify these claims. Using an extensive literature review, documentary research, observation, and descriptive data analysis, this article argues that, despite the government politics and modernisation tendencies in the 1970s, consumerism, political competition, the state of Cold War, and the emergence of new construction techniques, all resulted in the emergence of mass-produced megastructures offering a new luxurious lifestyle to residents. While the life and hygiene of the different classes were improved, these instant products inevitably facilitated the normalisation of Western lifestyle among the mid- and low-income groups of the society. Eventually, this visible social transition was utilised by opposition leaders as another excuse to topple the Pahlavi regime under the 1979 Islamic Revolution.
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