Artigos de revistas sobre o tema "Society of the United Germans"
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1
Hartenian, Larry. "The Role of Media in Democratizing Germany: United States Occupation Policy 1945–1949". Central European History 20, n.º 2 (junho de 1987): 145–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900012589.
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The Allied defeat of the German Wehrmacht in May 1945 brought the military struggle against fascism in Europe to an end. Yet with the occupation of Germany the struggle against fascism was to continue on other fronts. Germany was to be “demilitarized,” the economy “decartelized,” and the society “denazified. ” Ultimately Germany was to be “democratized.” The newly established media were to play a major role in the transformation of German attitudes, in this attempt to “reeducate” the Germans.
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Rauch, A. M. "Die geistig-kulturelle Lage im wieder-vereinigten Deutschland". Literator 18, n.º 3 (30 de abril de 1997): 119–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v18i3.560.
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The mental-cultural situation of the re-united GermanyIn 1993 an exhibition presenting phenomena about the past, present and future of both East and West Germany took place in Berlin. It became clear that West and East Germans differ in inter alia the way in which life and existence have been experienced. East and West Germans also have different perspectives and perceptions of policy and society. Among the former GDR-citizens, nostalgia dominates the reflection on the past. It should, however, not be underestimated how deeply East and West Germans have been alienated from each other and that many East Germans think that facing a common future - together with West Germans - is more than they could handle. The difference in which life and existence have been experienced in East and West Germany is also reflected in German literature as is pointed out in the work of Ulrich Woelk. It also becomes, however, clear that the idea of a common German culture and history supplies a strong link to overcome these alienations.
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Laurynovich, Maryna A. "Ethnic politics towards Germans during the period of their spontaneous eviction in 1945 in the state politics of memory of the Czech Republic". Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, n.º 4 (28 de outubro de 2020): 48–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2020-4-48-56.
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The article examines the directions of the state politics of memory in the Czech Republic regarding the problem of recognising and understanding the violence by the Czechs against the German population in 1945 and the subsequent CzechGerman reconciliation, which became an important factor of the peaceful and productive interaction of the Czech Republic and Germany in the united Europe. The adoption of a new perspective of historical memory at the stage of post-socialist transformation was primarily due to the initiatives of Czech historians and activists to study the problem of violence at the final stage of World War II on the Czech lands and the subsequent expulsion of Germans. This approach in turn was reflected in the official position of the presidents of the Czech Republic V. Havel and V. Klaus during the signing of the CzechGerman agreements and declarations, which made it possible to eliminate conflicts of perception of a common traumatic past among the current generations of Czechs and Germans. The memory of the violence against German-speaking citizens of Czechoslovakia is broadcast both through the formation of memory objects (monuments, feature films) and within the framework of local public initiatives. The review of the initiatives to perpetuate the victims of the Brno death march, undertaken in the concluding part of the article, reveals the contradictory nature of reconciliation in relation to the memory of post-war violence in contemporary Czech society.
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Wilhelm, Cornelia. "Diversity in Germany: A Historical Perspective". German Politics and Society 31, n.º 2 (1 de junho de 2013): 13–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2013.310203.
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This article explores the changing perception of "diversity" and "cultural difference" in Germany and shows how they were central in the construction of "self" and "other" throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries affecting minorities such as Jews, Poles, and others. It examines different levels of legal and political action toward minorities and immigrants in this process and explores how the perception and legal framework for the Turkish minority in the past sixty years was influenced by historical patterns of such perceptions and their memory. The article tries to shed some light on how the nature of coming-to-terms with the past ( Vergangenheitsbewältigung ) and the memory of the Holocaust have long prohibited a broader discussion on inclusion and exclusion in German society. It makes some suggestions as to what forced Germans in the postunification era to reconsider legislation, as well as society's approach to "self" and "other" under the auspices of the closing of the "postwar period" and a newly emerging united Europe.
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Schneider, Andreas. "A Model of Sexual Constraint and Sexual Emancipation". Sociological Perspectives 48, n.º 2 (junho de 2005): 255–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sop.2005.48.2.255.
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In the United States, public concern in sexual matters and stigmatization of sexual identities make people retreat into privacy. This sexual constraint makes people experience shame and guilt. According to Scheff, shaming is a cause of violence. In contrast, German society shows less public concern and social opposition in the sexual-erotic domain. This sexuality allows privatization as independence and creates sexual emancipation. Consequently, Germans associate less shame with their sexual identities and will be less likely to introduce violence into the sexual-erotic domain. This article develops a recursive cultural/structural model to investigate and explain cultural, subcultural, and historical differences in sexual constraint and emancipation.
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Krawatzek, Félix, e Gwendolyn Sasse. "Integration and Identities: The Effects of Time, Migrant Networks, and Political Crises on Germans in the United States". Comparative Studies in Society and History 60, n.º 4 (outubro de 2018): 1029–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417518000373.
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AbstractThis article offers the first large-scale analysis of the interlinked dynamics of integration and belonging based on perceptions of “ordinary” German-speaking migrants in the United States in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Our analysis draws on a corpus of over a thousand letters from the North American Letter Collection held at the Forschungsbibliothek Gotha in Germany. Through computer-assisted text analysis, framed by research on transnationalism and immigrant integration, we explore patterns in integration and identities over time. We show how the migrants continuously redefine their identities vis-à-vis their homeland and the host society, and their letters thereby shape the image of the United States and the homeland for their recipients. Our analysis establishes more comprehensively than have previous historical and social science studies that integration into a host society is a non-linear process. Immigrant identities are influenced less by the time they have spent in the receiving country than by critical political events that affect both the country of origin and that of destination. Such events can reactivate migrant's identifications with their homeland. Immigrant networks filter this dual process in that they can facilitate migrants’ integration while also reminding them of people and places left behind.
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Pálfi, László. "Being World Power and Economic Utility: The Economic History of Germany’s African Colonies". Journal of Central and Eastern European African Studies 3, n.º 1 (2023): 170–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.59569/jceeas.2023.3.1.157.
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As a late colonial power, Germany was seeking to conquer territories in Africa and Oceania in the last third of the 19th century. The two major purposes for founding colonies were 1) to reduce the immigration of Germans to America; and 2) to represent the young German nation state as a mature power, which can compete with the United Kingdom (called simply England in the historical sources) and with the despised Western neighbour France. The most important lobby and pressure group of German colonial aims was the German Colonial Society (Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft), a group of widely respected intellectuals, influential businessmen and politicians. After the accession on the throne of Emperor Wilhelm II, the colonial lobby became more influential, and the process of colonial expansion was accelerated. Nevertheless, there was an Achilles’ heel in this policy: gaining territories did not seem to be profitable in the short term. Thus, theorists and propagandists of colonization, such as Paul Rohrbach, published papers about possible measures that could have made the colonies financially fruitful territories. This thought remained vivid in the National Socialist era as well: Germany’s right to have colonies was explained on the base of the need for raw materials and the overpopulation of the German fatherland. This study has been written for the purpose to summarize the colonial economic policy of the German Kaiserreich and to briefly explain the economic plans of National Socialist German state regarding Germany’s former colonies in Africa.
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Wildan, Muhammad. "PERKEMBANGAN ISLAM DI TENGAH FENOMENA ISLAMOFOBIA DI JERMAN". TEMALI : Jurnal Pembangunan Sosial 2, n.º 2 (3 de julho de 2019): 244–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/jt.v2i2.4694.
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Although Islam in Europe is not a new phenomenon, Muslims in Germany are still quite remarkable to study. The dynamic of Muslims both internally and externally is the most interesting thing. Internally, Muslims in Germany who are coming from many different ethnics and races in Asia and Africa is a such a big challenge for Muslims to unite and integrate. Externally, Islam which is historically not a “homegrown” religion in Europe is facing such a big challenge to adjust to such a “new” circumstances. Judeo-Christian has long been the cultural tradition of Germans and Europeans in general. The influx of a number of Muslims from some conflict areas in the Middle East and Africa recently adds another notable phenomenon. This article is trying to portray the development of Islam and Muslims in Germany and the way how they mingle with German counterparts along with the growing of islamophobia in the country. Eventually, this article will also observe some resistance of Muslims in the form of radicalism in the country and their efforts to integrate into Western society.
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Ambos, Kai. "“Freiburg Lawyers’ Declaration” of 10 February 2003 – On German Participation In A War Against Iraq". German Law Journal 4, n.º 3 (1 de março de 2003): 247–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200015923.
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[Editors’ Comment: As is well known, opposition to a possible war against Iraq has been, within the Western world, among the strongest in Germany. Accurately sensing an overwhelming rejection of any armed intervention in Iraq among the German populace, the Social-Democrat / Green coalition government led by Chancellor Gerhard Schröder and Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer began to take a stance against the forcible disarmament of Iraq and the toppling of the regime of Iraqi President Saddam Hussein during their reelection campaign in the fall of 2002. Since then, and in the face of an ever more undisguised intention on part of the Bush administration to go ahead with a war under all circumstances, Schröder and Fischer have reiterated and reinforced their position, going as far as to rule out any active German participation in an armed intervention even if such was eventually called for by the Security Council. The German government's position has been complicated by the fact that Germany is currently an elected member of the Security Council, and held its rotating presidency in the month of February. Its relations with the United States have been strained on account of the incompatibility of views on how to resolve the Iraq crisis, and Germany has increasingly found itself in an isolated position on the international plane, though it has recently been joined by France and Russia in its attempts to yet avoid a war. The Christian-Democratic and Liberal opposition have alleged that the Schröder government has internationally isolated the country, and, worse, alienated it from its traditionally strongest ally, the United States, in order to distract from its current domestic unpopularity. Be this as it may, it is probably true to say that the great majority of Germans across all sections of society are genuinely strongly opposed to a war. Such pacifist sentiments link back to the peace movement of the late 1970s and 1980s which saw an equally broad cross-section of society march side by side to protest against the military build-up of the Cold War, and which, among others, brought about the Green party itself. Critics have alleged then and now that such radical pacifism is both naive and the wrong lesson to be learned from Germany's omnipresent Nazi-past. Interestingly, the non UN-sanctioned intervention in Kosovo had the strong support of both this just re-elected government, as well as the general public, although the more mainstream adherents of a German ‘no’ to an Iraq intervention point to the very different circumstances in that case.
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Levin, Yaroslav. "FBI Opposition to German and Japanese Nationalist Organizations in the United States (1941–1945)". Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, n.º 6 (2023): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640024078-3.
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In modern research on the history of the United States in World War II, it is quite popular to study the opposition of the American special services and, in particular, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) to various organizations of the German and Japanese diasporas in new historical conditions. The appeal to traditional methods of historical research, comparative studies and the principles of historicism will make it possible to more accurately trace the process of tightening the counterintelligence work of the Bureau and the close connection of concerns about the involvement of public organizations in the intelligence activities of the enemy. The broadcast of nationalist ideas by various communities of Germans and Japanese under the auspices of their governments quickly attracted the attention of the FBI, which is in the process of consolidating its powers as the main US counterintelligence service. At the same time, the investigations and trials conducted by the John Edgar Hoover department following these investigations often had an openly political color and increasingly consolidated the beginning of a political investigation in this service. This practice and its implementation ran into a tough contradiction between the legal norms of America, which proclaimed "democratic values," the right to freedom of speech and the needs to strengthen the internal security of the state and society in wartime. All these processes and the associated nuances and complexities are considered on specific examples of the work of federal agents against various pro-German and pro-Japanese organizations in the period 1941-45.
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Ivanov, Oleksandr, e Mykhailo Boiko. "Denazification policy in Germany in the coverage by the representatives of American scientific and political thought in the second half 1940s – 1950s". American History & Politics: Scientific edition, n.º 11 (2021): 65–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2021.11.6.
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Based on an analysis of published works by American researchers (historians, political scientists, lawyers, sociologists, philosophers), the majority of whom was involved in the preparation and implementation of the process of re-education of Germans in the first postwar years, the authors aim to identify the main trends, approaches, assessments of the progress and future prospects of denazification of Germany from the point of view of American scientists and politicians of the first postwar decade. Denazification became one of the main public topics that was widely discussed in American society in the second half of the 1940s and 1950s, but these publications have not yet been the subject of a separate historiographical analysis in either ukrainian or foreign scientific literature that determines the novelty of the proposed article. Discussions were formed by those who were involved in its implementation and did not always express the views of academics alone. Based on the methods of historiographic analysis and problem-chronological approach, it was found that the program of «re-education» of Germany and its implementation were ambiguously perceived and evaluated by different researchers, which led to the formation of two directions in historiography of this problem. The first and a little earlier formed direction showed a balanced positive assessment of the denazification policy even if certain problems, shortcomings or even partially negative results were stated. Another trend, which crystallized a little later, articulated a more critical, skeptical, and even negative view of US policy in occupied Germany. In American historiography there is a thesis that the Germans must solve their own problems. The assessment of denazification took place at a time of critical geopolitical change in Europe, interest in which waned in the 1950s. Exacerbation of the confrontation with the USSR, fear of possible radicalization of Germany, problems of postwar economic recovery forced the United States to reconsider approaches to methods and rates of denazification policy and transfer control over its implementation to the newly formed Germany, an American ally.
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Polat, Defne Kadıoğlu. "‘Now the German comes’: The ethnic effect of gentrification in Berlin". Ethnicities 20, n.º 1 (19 de novembro de 2018): 155–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796818810007.
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Compared to the United States, the relationship between ethnicity and gentrification is still understudied in the Western European context. However, while Western Europe does not have the same racial history as the United States, ethnic and racial divisions are still expressed through urban inequality. This paper, a study of small-business owners in an ethnically stigmatized Berlin neighborhood, shows how the gentrification process leads to the revelation and reification of ethnic boundaries between Turkish immigrants and their descendants and the so-called German majority society. It firstly finds that gentrification by Turkish-origin business owners is frequently understood as an ethnic remake that leads to the displacement of Turkish immigrants and their families in favor of non-immigrant Germans. The gentrification process is accordingly perceived, not only as a form of material dispossession, but also as a form of cultural dispossession in which the multicultural character of the quarter is erased. Second, the paper postulates that, in cases in which Turkish immigrant entrepreneurs adapt their businesses to the demands of new middle-class consumers, they tend to exclude the lower-income population in the quarter whom they mainly define as Turkish or Arabic. All in all, the debate presented in this paper shows how, in the German context, gentrification relates to prior forms of ethnic prejudice, discrimination and racism. It thereby also complicates the prominent discussion on the nexus between gentrification and displacement by showing that, even if long-time residents are not immediately threatened with having to leave, they still experience forms of exclusion that are entrenched with already existing structural inequalities.
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Madsen, Grant. "Becoming a State-in-the-World: Lessons Learned from the American Occupation of Germany". Studies in American Political Development 26, n.º 2 (outubro de 2012): 163–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x12000119.
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For students of American Political Development, the emergence of globalization and Americanization as themes of inquiry has spurred a growing interest in explaining America's rise as “a legal-economic and geopolitical hegemon.” An important episode in this rise came during the American occupation of Germany after World War II. In postwar Germany, America's military government realized that the American public remained unwilling to support (over the long term) the global projection of what Michael Mann has called “despotic power.” To achieve its fundamental goal of reorienting Germany toward a peaceful coexistence with the Unites States, military government turned instead to what Mann has called “infrastructural power” (power projected “through” society by state institutions). In pivoting from despotic to infrastructural power, three important consequences followed for the occupation. (1) Because it relied on the development of new infrastructures within a new German state, the occupation saw institutional “genesis” in which the Germans themselves influenced the pathway and timing of military government policy. (2) In creating new state institutions, military government performed “policybricolage,” creatively reconstructing institutions “from” the ruins of war-torn Europe (as opposed to “on” its ruins). (3) Financial policy took a central place in military government's focus because it allowed for “increasing returns” in advancing military government's interests. Collectively, military government's experience provided lessons for an American state in the world.
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Latysh, Yurii. "WHY DON’T LEFT PUBLIC INTELLECTUALS UNDERSTAND UKRAINE? (CASES OF NOAM CHOMSKY AND JÜRGEN HABERMAS)". European Historical Studies, n.º 21 (2022): 69–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.5.
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The article considers the attitude of left public intellectuals to the Russian-Ukrainian war. A brief analysis of the concept of “public intellectual”, the roles and functions of intellectuals in society is made. Based on the study of public speeches of famous philosophers and influential intellectuals Noam Chomsky (USA) and Jürgen Habermas (Germany), their views on the causes and possibilities of ending the Russian-Ukrainian war, as well as the circumstances of their reproduction of individual Russian narratives, were analyzed. The conclusions show that Noam Chomsky and Jürgen Habermas see the role of the public intellectual in the position of a critical dissident. They have traumatic memories of World War II, using of nuclear weapons, and the Cold War. Therefore, they seek to avoid a recurrence of these events. Chomsky wants to keep the chance for Europe as a “third power” between the United States and Russia and for the space of security from the Atlantic to Vladivostok. Habermas seeks to preserve the post-national and post-heroic mentality of the Germans as a guarantee of the revival of German militarism, which led to two world wars. Chomsky focuses on the problems of the global world order (and because of this he is ready to sacrifice Ukraine to the idea of a single European security space). Habermas is primarily concerned with internal German issues and fears the influence of an overly national Ukraine. He supports the Social Democrats and the moderate policies of Chancellor Olaf Scholz. Ukraine is not in the center of their attention, although they have sympathy for Ukraine. Russia abuses the fears of intellectuals, especially of a nuclear war. But they cannot be branded as agents of the Kremlin. We need to look for arguments for these authoritative and wise people how to make Ukraine interesting for them.
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Martynenko, Elena, e Nickolay Parkhitko. "The history of the German media in the context of political transformation since unification (1990–2020)". OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2023, n.º 7-2 (1 de julho de 2023): 44–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202307statyi35.
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The authors analyze the development of the German mass media over the 30-year period of the existence of the united country, outline the main trends, and identify the features and prospects for the German's mass media development as the crucial institution of a modern democratic society. The context of the transformation of the modern media space seems relevant in scientific and practical terms.
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Braun, Jutta. "30 Jahre deutsche Sporteinheit: Von der Epochenzäsur 1989/90 zur geteilten Erinnerung". STADION 44, n.º 1 (2020): 86–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0172-4029-2020-1-86.
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On the occasion of the 30th anniversary of German Unity in 2020, the article examines the impact of sport during the process of unification and transformation in Germany. It explains why the field of serious sport represented a special area of the German unification process, as West German sport politicians hoped to benefit from East German personal potential and scientific knowledge. At the same time, the groundbreaking reform of the East German constitution since 1990 also led to a democratization of the sports system that shaped society in the “new Bundesländer”. Finally, the often controversial place of sport in united German remembrance culture is outlined.
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Sorensen, Jocelyn. "Negotiating Blackness in White Germany". Westcliff International Journal of Applied Research 6, n.º 1 (15 de dezembro de 2022): 52–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.47670/wuwijar20226js.
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People of African descent in Germany suffer racial discrimination, Afrophobia and racial profiling in their daily lives, but their situation remains largely invisible to the wider society. […] There is a serious lack of ethnicity-based disaggregated data, and an incomplete understanding of history, which obscure the magnitude of structural and institutional racism people of African descent face. (United Nations, 2017a, para. 1) Keywords: Blackness, German identity, Afro-deutsch
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Maier, Charles S. ""Als wär' es ein Stück von uns …"; German Politics and Society Traverses Twenty Years of United Germany". German Politics and Society 28, n.º 2 (1 de junho de 2010): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2010.280201.
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This essay looks at postunification Germany through the pages of German Politics and Society. The articles published during this period reveal the evolution of intellectuals' understanding of the unified country—concerns that mirrored changes in social, political, and cultural reality. Of course, academics are beholden to their own histories and Weltanschauung, a fact that produced, at times, prescient, sometimes fragmentary, and sometimes alarmist interpretations and analyses of the country in an attempt to provide orientation. Nevertheless, this review shows how German watchers have slowly up-dated their paradigms and are now not worrying as much about a mellowed, less German country that has fascinated them over the decades.
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Ferree, Myra Marx, Hanno Balz, John Bendix, Meredith Heiser-Duron, Jeffrey Luppes, Stephen Milder e Randall Newnham. "Book Reviews". German Politics and Society 36, n.º 4 (1 de dezembro de 2018): 98–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2018.360405.
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Ann Taylor Allen, The Transatlantic Kindergarten: Education and Women’s Movements in Germany and the United States (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017).Christoph Becker-Schaum, Philipp Gassert, Martin Klimke, Wilfried Mausbach, and Marianne Zepp, ed., The Nuclear Crisis. The Arms Race, Cold War Anxiety, and the German Peace Movement of the 1980s (New York: Berghahn Books, 2016).Armin Grünbacher, West German Industrialists and the Making of the Economic Miracle: A History of Mentality and Recovery (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2017).Dan Bednarz, East German Intellectuals and The Unification of Germany (Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017).Cornelia Wilhelm, ed. Migration, Memory, and Diversity: Germany from 1945 to the Present (New York: Berghahn Books, 2017).Britta Schilling, Postcolonial Germany: Memories of Empire in a Decolonized Nation (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014).Jenny Wüstenberg, Civil Society and Memory in Postwar Germany (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017).John J. Kulczycki, Belonging to the Nation: Inclusion and Exclusion in the Polish-German Borderlands 1939-1951 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2016).
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Trajman, Joanna. "Przyrodnie siostry – sytuacja kobiet z byłej RFN i NRD 30 lat po zjednoczeniu Niemiec". Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, n.º 28 (17 de dezembro de 2020): 155–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2020.28.11.
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The goal of this article is to present the transition in the situation of women in the former West Germany and East Germany as a consequence of German reunification. Starting with an outline of the legal framework defining gender equality, as well as the actual circumstances of females in society as part of a family and on the labour market in both German countries, the situation of women in the united country is analysed within the context of their professional activity, remuneration and pension amounts and promotion prospects as well as the ability to combine their professional and family lives. I try to answer whether women in the former East Germany became underprivileged due to the German reunification process and whether the situation of the West German women changed as a result of certain equality incentives which could be considered the heritage of the German Democratic Republic.
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Lazareva, Anna. "Simulation of Social Reality: Dreaming as an Anthropological Field: A Review of Jeannette Mageo, Robin E. Sheriff (eds.), New Directions in the Anthropology of Dreaming. New York: Routledge, 2021, 250 pp." Antropologicheskij forum 19, n.º 58 (2023): 305–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31250/1815-8870-2023-19-58-305-318.
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The collection of articles under review proposes new approaches and directions for the anthropological study of dreams. In articles devoted to the analysis of the dream plots of representatives of different social, ethnic, and gender groups in Europe and the United States (Germans, American women, national minorities and immigrants), the authors emphasized the connection between personal concerns and the problems of society as a whole (violence, inequality, hypocrisy). In societies labeled as “dream cultures” (the Asabano of New Guinea, the Tzotzil Maya of Mexico) and religious groups (the Tibetan Buddhists, the Muslims of Egypt), dreams are perceived as a special reality in which the dreamer interacts with deities, spirits and other people (so that dreams can be described as a “shadow society” influencing social relationships in waking life). Exploring these cultures, the authors raise questions of how dreams and their discussion form religious ideas (by validating or disproving religious concepts), change statuses and social roles of dreamers. The study of cultures through the prism of dream images allowed authors to see in them something unobservable and inaccessible to other methods of research (hidden conflicts, contradictions, and the potential for social change).
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JACKSON, PETER. "FRENCH INTELLIGENCE AND HITLER'S RISE TO POWER". Historical Journal 41, n.º 3 (setembro de 1998): 795–824. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x98008000.
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This article examines the French response to the rise to power of Adolf Hitler and the Nazi party in Germany in January of 1933. It argues that French intelligence warned civilian and military leaders that the priorities of the new regime were rearmament and the militarization of German society in preparation for a war of conquest. This essentially accurate appreciation of the situation inside Germany had little impact on the course of French foreign policy. At this juncture French society was preoccupied with worsening economic crisis and pacifist sentiment had reached its inter-war zenith. The national focus was inward and domestic concerns took priority over the external threat from Germany. Finally, France was in a position of relative isolation and could garner no support for a policy of firmness from its erstwhile allies, Great Britain and the United States. This combination of national introspection and diplomatic isolation deterred a succession of governments from taking determined steps to meet the Nazi challenge in 1933.
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Kudryachenko, A. "Formation and Development of the Policy of “Overcoming the Past” in the National Memory of the FRG". Problems of World History, n.º 5 (15 de março de 2018): 96–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2018-5-5.
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The article analyzes the processes of postwar development of Germany from the point of view of implementing measures to denazify and disqualify persons who have tarnished themselves under theHitler regime, the specifics of the formation and stages of the formation of the policy of “overcoming the past” in the national memory of postwar Germany. The author, singling out four different stagesand depths of understanding, clarifies the problems of the formation and development of this policy from posing the “problem of guilt”, the differentiation of its types with respect to the common andexcellent policies of the two German states, the role of the international political context and the reconstruction of the historical truth regarding the Third Reich and conditions for the formation ofculture of memory in modern Germany. The strengths and weaknesses of West Germany’s ambivalent policy with regard to its identity are analyzed through clear disassociation from the Nazi past and, on the other hand, the broad integration of former Nazis into new public institutions as an option to win democracy in Germany despite the post-war moods of most of its citizens. The immediate significance of the succession of generations in the political arena, the public study of the Nazi past and the establishment of a new political culture in public discourse are underlined. Its main elements were the memory and responsibility of generations for the Holocaust and the strengthening of the national identity of the Germans through “constitutional patriotism”. In the united Germany, the comprehension of the totalitarian past, which took place quite intensively and resulted not only in public discussions, but also contributed to the memorialization and commemoration of historical memory, the reparation to victims of Nazism and forced workers of the Third Reich from different countries and the restoration of justice to all those affected by the so-called policy “Arization” and measures to return property and cultural values to their heirs, is fairly effective. The policy of “overcoming the past” contributed to the achievement of a public consensus of the national memory of the modern FRG regarding the recognition of the crimes of the Nazi period and the making of lessons from the past. As in any other Western society, in Germany the attitude towards the Holocaust is the cornerstone of the memory of the Second World War and the symbol of the crimes of Nazism, as well as the central historical event of the XX century.
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GALILEISKAYA, D. I. "THE LEGAL FRAMEWORK FOR THE ACTIVITIES OF NATIONAL-CULTURAL PUBLIC ORGANIZATIONS RUSSIANS, KAZAKHS AND GERMANS IN THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION AND THE REPUBLIC OF KAZAKHSTAN". Ethnography of Altai and Adjacent Territories 11 (2023): 86–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.37386/2687-0592-2023-11-86-89.
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More than 220 000 national public organizations are registered in Russia and Kazakhstan. Information about them is included in the state registers: the Ministry of Justice in the Russian Federation and the Committee for Civil Society Affairs of the Ministry of Information and Social Development in the Republic of Kazakhstan. The article considers the question of the characterization of the ethnic self-organization of Russians, Kazakhs and Germans, which is based on results of research of the creation a unifed register of national public organizations registered in territories of the post-Soviet space.
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Khodun, Eduard. "The U.S. public opinion regarding the USSR at the initial stage of the German-Soviet war: religion aspect". American History & Politics: Scientific edition, n.º 15 (2023): 86–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2023.15.7.
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The article deals with the attitude of predominantly religious American society to the atheistic USSR and the perspectives of military-political alliance with it at the initial stage of the German-Soviet war. The chronological boundaries of the study are the period from the German attack on the USSR on June 22, 1941, to the beginning of December 1941, when a number of important events occurred: the Soviet counteroffensive near Moscow, Japan attacked the U.S. Pacific Fleet base in Pearl Harbor, Germany, and Italy declared war on the United States. The aim of the article is a comprehensive analysis and systematization of the religious aspect of the USSR’s reputation in U.S. public opinion at the beginning of the German-Soviet war. Methodology: the article uses the method of analysis to study various points of view of American society on the possibility of an alliance with the USSR in the second half of 1941. The author also applies methods of systematization and generalization to illustrate the conclusions. Scientific novelty: for the first time in domestic historiography, the religious factor in U.S. public opinion about the possibility of an alliance with the USSR is analyzed. The author comes to the conclusion that the religious consciousness of American citizens had a significant impact on the adoption of important political decisions, and on the issue of alliance with the USSR at the beginning of the German-Soviet war, the religious part of American society proposed two possible models of solution: the absolute exclusion of any support for the USSR from the United States and, on the contrary, the establishment of temporary cooperation for early victory over the common enemy. Despite the existence of mutually exclusive strategies, supporters of both of them regarded the USSR as an ideological opponent with whom it is fundamentally impossible to build long-term promising relations.
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Vahrenkamp, Richard. "Mathematical Management – Operations Research in the United States and Western Europe, 1945 – 1990". management revue 34, n.º 1 (2023): 69–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0935-9915-2023-1-69.
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The rise of Operations Research, which provides mathematical models for the management of commercial enterprises, in the political knowledge culture of Cold War Science is shown and then transferred to the institutionalization of Operations Research in Europe and in the Federal Republic of Germany. The predecessor organizations of the German Society for Operations Research are presented and the interaction of the annual conference of this society with the conferences on a European and worldwide level. It tells how numerous chairs for corporate research and operations research were founded at universities between 1960 and 1980. The connection between Operations Research and the macroeconomic field of econometrics in chairs, conferences and publications is explained and problematized. The great flood of publications on the subject of Operations Research between 1960 and 1980 is referred to, but the rise of the competing field of business informatics in the 1980s halted the success of Operations Research. Based on the historical study by Alexander Nützenadel, the difference between the field of econometrics, which is based on empirical data, and the field of operations research, which is more academically oriented, is worked out. The methodological approach of Operations Research is referred to as abstractification. An example for abstractification is the transport model of linear optimization, which simplifies (abstractifies) economic reality to such an extent that it can be transformed into manageable formulas. However, the transport model is unsuitable for applications in the real economy and thus serves only as a self-referential project for the academic sector. This contribution shows that Operations Research lacks the level of empirical implementation of mathematical models known from econometrics and the social sciences. How transport optimization was taken up in the political knowledge cultures of the Eastern bloc (1945 – 1990) and in the German Democratic Republic is dealt with in a section.
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Dinulescu, Iulian. "The Risks to Germany’s Peace and Security Generated by the Reichsbürger Movement or “Citizens of the Reich” Based on Political and Religious Convictions". Romanian Military Thinking 2023, n.º 4 (31 de dezembro de 2023): 138–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.55535/rmt.2023.4.07.
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In recent years, the extreme right in Germany has expanded, the phenomenon gaining momentum. The far-right groups and organisations in Germany were, are and will be dominated by an ideology that amalgamates religious or non-religious ideas but that defends German culture and spirituality according to its visions and objectives. Adherents of far-right ideology combine these ideas with conspiracy theories, and on such a background, some of them change their attitude towards society and become violent. For example, right-wing extremists attacked the Parliament, the symbol of democracy, for the first time in Germany, namely on 29 August 2020, and later on 6 January 2021, protesters, including right-wing extremists, attacked the Congress of the United States of America. One of the organisations, such as the Reichsbürger Movement, which means Citizens of the Reich, who reject the current borders of Germany and want the return to those established in 1871, set up cells and planned activities recently catalogued as terrorists by German prosecutors, in December 2022 and May 2023. For the Citizens of the Reich, there is no Federal Republic of Germany because this country is part of a conspiracy and part of a satanic state system, and they recognise only Imperial Germany. According to the religious beliefs of some of them, the imperial constitution was received from God and must be respected, and they are in an apocalyptic battle between good and evil. The model invoked by some of them is that of Jesus Christ who changed society, erroneously invoking biblical precepts to bolster their claims.
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Dinulescu, Iulian. "Riscurile la adresa păcii și securității Germaniei generate de mișcarea Reichsbürger sau „cetăţenii Reichului” pe fondul convingerilor politice și religioase". Gândirea Militară Românească 2023, n.º 4 (31 de dezembro de 2023): 142–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.55535/gmr.2023.4.07.
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In recent years, the extreme right in Germany has expanded, the phenomenon gaining momentum. The far-right groups and organisations in Germany were, are and will be dominated by an ideology that amalgamates religious or non-religious ideas but that defends German culture and spirituality according to its visions and objectives. Adherents of far-right ideology combine these ideas with conspiracy theories, and on such a background, some of them change their attitude towards society and become violent. For example, right-wing extremists attacked the Parliament, the symbol of democracy, for the first time in Germany, namely on 29 August 2020, and later on 6 January 2021, protesters, including right-wing extremists, attacked the Congress of the United States of America. One of the organisations, such as the Reichsbürger Movement, which means Citizens of the Reich, who reject the current borders of Germany and want the return to those established in 1871, set up cells and planned activities recently catalogued as terrorists by German prosecutors, in December 2022 and May 2023. For the Citizens of the Reich, there is no Federal Republic of Germany because this country is part of a conspiracy and part of a satanic state system, and they recognise only Imperial Germany. According to the religious beliefs of some of them, the imperial constitution was received from God and must be respected, and they are in an apocalyptic battle between good and evil. The model invoked by some of them is that of Jesus Christ who changed society, erroneously invoking biblical precepts to bolster their claims.
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Fiebig, Andre, e David Gerber. "The Causes and Consequences of the Neo-Brandeisian Antitrust Movement in the United States". Zeitschrift für Wettbewerbsrecht 19, n.º 4 (8 de dezembro de 2021): 460–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.15375/zwer-2021-0405.
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Abstract The recent appointments of Timothy Wu as Special Assistant to the U.S. President for Technology and Competition Policy and Lina Khan, a member of the U.S. Federal Trade Commission, two prominent advocates for a fundamental shift in U.S. antitrust policy, and the introduction of federal and state legislation to change how antitrust is applied signal a realistic possibility of a fundamental change of direction in the course of U.S. antitrust. The shift advocated by these self-described “Brandeisians” goes beyond the reform proposals advocated by the Post-Chicago School movement. Whereas the Post-Chicago School movement, which was based primarily on industrial organization theory, advocated for change while recognizing the primacy of economic theory in the application of antitrust law, the Neo-Brandeisians argue that economic considerations should only be part of the substantive antitrust analysis and not necessarily the determinative factor. For many Europeans, and in particular Germans familiar with legal history, the ideas advanced by the Neo-Brandeisians will be familiar. Louis Brandeis, whose writings and opinions serve as the intellectual compass of the Neo-Brandeisians, was himself influenced by the Freirechtsbewegung and their skepticism of a wertfreie jurisprudence. Borrowing from post-modernist philosophy, the Neo-Brandeisians recognize that the dominant legal doctrines reflect the prevailing power structures in society. In their view, the fact that U.S. antitrust law relies heavily on economic theory does not allow it to claim value neutrality. The more radical members of this movement consequently argue that other values beyond economics should be considered in the application of U.S. antitrust law by the courts and antitrust agencies. In this article we attempt to introduce this movement to a European audience and assess its possible impact on the direction of U.S. antitrust.
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Kellman, Steven. "Multilingual Literature of the United States". Polylinguality and Transcultural Practices 19, n.º 1 (16 de março de 2022): 19–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2618-897x-2022-19-1-19-27.
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Like the Russian Federation, the United States is a multilingual, multicultural society. A nation of immigrants and indigenous peoples, it has produced a rich body of literature in dozens of languages in addition to English that scholars have only in recent decades begun to pay attention to. Of particular note are texts in Spanish, Yiddish, Chinese, French, Hebrew, German, Arabic, Norwegian, Welsh, Greek, Turkish, Italian, Korean, Polish, Portuguese, Russian, Vietnamese and numerous American Indian languages. In this paper we observe the most significant texts of multilingual American literature. The corpus of literary works shows us, that despite Americans pervasive and enduring xenolinguaphobia - aversion to other languages - the United States, like other large countries, is a heterogeneous amalgam. Ignoring the variety of works written in languages other than English impoverishes the national culture and handicaps serious readers.
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Traverso, Enzo. "Longing for the Sonderweg". New German Critique 50, n.º 3 (1 de novembro de 2023): 205–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0094033x-10708461.
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The highly controversial idea of Sonderweg, a special path to modernity, is frequently invoked to depict the history of Germany in the twentieth century. Initially claimed by nationalists as an exceptionalism proudly opposed to the development of both France and the United Kingdom, the German Sonderweg became a stigma after 1945, the mark of the wrong turn that had led to National Socialism. Beyond these debates, the thought remains that, under the shadow of this supposedly unique destiny, Germany was a volcano of aesthetic and intellectual creativity. This article analyzes the mental and cultural inversion produced by the end of the Cold War and the birth of a new “Berlin Republic.” From 1990 on, German politics and society tenaciously pursued a project of “normalcy” that consolidated both its democracy and its economy by establishing Berlin leadership in Europe. But this spectacular accomplishment also meant intellectual dryness and a memorial “wisdom” combined with a conservative “constitutional patriotism.” This inverted Faustian fate—conformist and mediocre prosperity instead of evil genius—is the transitory aftermath of a century of fire and blood.
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Elson, Peter R., Jean-Marc Fontan, Sylvain Lefèvre e James Stauch. "Foundations in Canada: A Comparative Perspective". American Behavioral Scientist 62, n.º 13 (20 de maio de 2018): 1777–802. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764218775803.
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From a Canadian perspective, this article provides a comparative historical and contemporary overview of foundations in Canada, in relation to the United States and Germany. For the purposes of this analysis, the study was limited to public or private foundations in Canada, as defined by the Income Tax Act. As the Canadian foundation milieu straddles the welfare partnership model that characterizes German civil society and the Anglo-Saxon model of the United States, Canadian foundations as a whole have much in common with the foundation sector in both countries. Similarities include the number of foundations per capita, a similar range in size and influence, a comparable diversity of foundation types, and an explosion in the number of foundations in recent decades (although the United States has a much longer history of large foundations making high-impact interventions). This analysis also highlights some key differences among larger foundations in the three jurisdictions: German foundations are generally more apt to have a change-orientation and are more vigorous in their disbursement of income and assets. U.S. foundations are more likely to play a welfare-replacement role in lieu of inaction by the state. Canadian foundations play a complementary role, particularly in the areas of education and research, health, and social services. At the same time, there is a segment of Canadian foundations that are fostering innovation, social and policy change, and are embarking on meaningful partnerships and acts of reconciliation with Indigenous Peoples in Canada.
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Savelyeva, A. V., e A. A. Soikin. "Discussions about US Entry into World War I in American Society (1914—1917)". Nauchnyi dialog 11, n.º 7 (1 de outubro de 2022): 432–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2022-11-7-432-448.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the public opinion of the United States of America regarding the participation of the American state in the First World War, which in Western historiography is referred to as the “Great War”. Based on a wide range of English-language sources (American press, posters, speeches by politicians, representatives of the church, public associations), the authors concluded that the American society ambiguously assessed the fact of the participation of the United States of America in the military conflict. One group of American citizens advocated intervention in the war to prevent relentless German submarine action and to determine the participation and role of the American state in making peace. Another group of the American population believed that the entry of the United States of America into a military conflict would facilitate the penetration of a militarized culture into the country, which would threaten American values. The proposed study may be of interest and be useful for rethinking the experience of interaction between the state and society in the process of solving the most important tasks, as well as for revealing certain issues of public reaction to the problems of the state during wartime.
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Bryce, Benjamin. "Entangled Communities: Religion and Ethnicity in Ontario and North America, 1880–1930". Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 23, n.º 1 (22 de maio de 2013): 179–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1015732ar.
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This article examines the relationship between religion, ethnicity, and space in Ontario between 1880 and 1930. It tracks the spread of organized Lutheranism across Ontario as well as the connections that bound German-language Lutheran congregations to the United States and Germany. In so doing, this article seeks to push the study of religion in Canada beyond national boundaries. Building on a number of studies of the international influences on other denominations in Canada, this article charts out an entangled history that does not line up with the evolution of other churches. It offers new insights about the relationship between language and denomination in Ontario society, the rise of a theologically-mainstream Protestant church, and the role of institutional networks that connected people across a large space. The author argues that regional, national, and transnational connections shaped the development of many local German-language Lutheran communities in Ontario.
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Mork, Gordon. "Baltic States". Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 17, n.º 1 (1 de abril de 1992): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.17.1.3.
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The Internationale Gesellschaft fur Geschichtsdidaktik (International Society for History Didactics) met at the European Academy at Leck, Germany, September 9-12, 1991, for a conference on history and history education in the Baltic region. Scholars from Denmark, Sweden, Finland, Estonia,, Latvia, Russia, Poland, Germany (including former East Germany), The Netherlands, and the United States participated. When plans had been laid for the conference more than a year earlier, no one could have foreseen the timeliness of the conference.
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Varkevisser, Marco, e Frederik T. Schut. "The impact of geographic market definition on the stringency of hospital merger control in Germany and the Netherlands". Health Economics, Policy and Law 7, n.º 3 (21 de fevereiro de 2012): 363–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744133112000011.
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AbstractIn markets where hospitals are expected to compete, preventive merger control aims to prohibit anticompetitive mergers. In the hospital industry, however, the standard method for defining the relevant market (SSNIP) is difficult to apply and alternative approaches have proven inaccurate. Experiences from the United States show that courts, by identifying overly broad geographic markets, have underestimated the anticompetitive effects of hospital mergers. We examine how geographic hospital markets are defined in Germany and the Netherlands where market-oriented reforms have created room for hospital competition. For each country, we discuss a landmark case where definition of the geographic market played a decisive role. Our findings indicate that defining geographic hospital markets in both countries is less complicated than in the United States, where antitrust analysis must take managed care organisations into account. We also find that different methods result in much more stringent hospital merger control in Germany than in the Netherlands. Given the uncertainties in defining hospital markets, the German competition authority seems to be inclined to avoid the risk of being too permissive; the opposite holds for the Dutch competition authority. We argue that for society the costs of being too permissive with regard to hospital mergers may be larger than the costs of being too stringent.
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Li, Shannon. "‘Working Smarter to Stay Ahead’: American Society for Indexing (ASI) Annual Conference 2020". Indexer: The International Journal of Indexing: Volume 38, Issue 3 38, n.º 3 (1 de setembro de 2020): 331–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/indexer.2020.31.
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Due to the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic, the American Society for Indexing (ASI) annual conference scheduled for April 2020 switched to an online venue. The conference had 80 attendees overall, hailing from the United States, Canada, England, Scotland, the Netherlands, Germany, France, and India. Shannon Li reports on the program and reflects on the experience of meeting online with other indexers around the world rather than in the usual in-person conference format.
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Hunold, Christian, e John S. Dryzek. "Green Political Theory and the State: Context is Everything". Global Environmental Politics 2, n.º 3 (agosto de 2002): 17–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152638002320310518.
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Green political theory generally emphasizes universal values and associated projects at the expense of particular contexts. However, these contexts affect the plausibility and attractiveness of theoretical projects. In light of the current spectrum of green political thinking from anarchist to statist poles, this paper shows that sometimes statist strategies make sense, sometimes more confrontational action is required, and sometimes a mix is appropriate. The kind of context highlighted is state structure as it faces civil society. Comparative historical analysis of four countries (the United States, Norway, Germany, and the United Kingdom) is brought to bear.
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Triadafilopoulos, Triadafilos, e Karen Schönwälder. "How the Federal Republic Became an Immigration Country: Norms, Politics and the Failure of West Germany's Guest Worker System". German Politics and Society 24, n.º 3 (1 de setembro de 2006): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503006780441629.
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With the passage of a new citizenship law in 1999 and the so-calledZuwanderungsgesetz (Migration Law) of 2004, contemporary Germanyhas gone a long way toward acknowledging its status as an immigrationcountry (Einwanderungsland). Yet, Germany is still regarded bymany as a “reluctant” land of immigration, different than traditionalimmigration countries such as Canada, the United States, and Australia.It owes this image to the fact that many of today’s “immigrants”were in fact “guests,” invited to work in the Federal Republicin the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s and expected to leave when they wereno longer needed. Migration was meant to be a temporary measure,to stoke the engine of the Economic Miracle but not fundamentallyalter German society. The question, then, is how did these “guestworkers” become immigrants? Why did the Federal Republicbecome an immigration country?
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VALDEZ, DAMIAN. "PRUSSIAN FAUST OR UNIVERSALIST PURITAN?" Modern Intellectual History 14, n.º 2 (5 de abril de 2016): 585–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244315000487.
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At the end of May 1917, Max Weber attended a “cultural congress” at the picturesque castle of Lauenstein in Thuringia. The congress had been organized by the publicist Eugen Diederichs of Jena and by the Patriotic Society for Thuringia 1914. The moment was a particularly tense one in the life of the embattled German Reich. Against the advice of many cooler heads within the country, Germany had declared unrestricted submarine warfare in January, which together with other antagonistic moves on its part, had led to the entry of the United States into the war in April. By this point it was clear to all but the most indefatigable optimists that Germany would lose the war. In this atmosphere of dread and of new hope that a phoenix-like new Germany or a new humanity would arise out of the ashes of the war, the participants outlined their visions of the future. The eccentric former Social Democrat-turned-nationalist Max Maurenbrecher denounced capitalist mechanization but called for a revival of the traditional Prussian concept of the state, for an “idealistic state” and for workers to be educated towards national consciousness by means of the German literary and philosophical classics (Kaesler, 747–52).
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Kibler, Amanda. "Speaking like a “Good American”: National Identity and the Legacy of German-Language Education". Teachers College Record: The Voice of Scholarship in Education 110, n.º 6 (junho de 2008): 1241–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016146810811000604.
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Background/Context As a case study in minority language restriction, the German example provides a useful historical counterpoint to more recent debates regarding the place of non-English languages in American schools. Focus of Study and Research Design This historical analysis examines the role of education in the changing discourse of minority languages and national identity, specifically analyzing the tradition of German-language education in the United States as it changed during World War I. Findings The establishment of German-medium public and private schooling in the United States prospered until the late 1800s as the result of practical considerations and German communities’ own commitments to linguistic, religious, and/or cultural maintenance. German use in some of these schools declined in relation to English as the result of demographic shifts and efforts in the 1880s and 1890s to restrict non-English languages in schools. The advent of World War I, however, dramatically altered the status of German in society generally, and in education specifically. Wartime federal rhetoric and involvement, educational and social policies, and debates within the educational community indicate not only a period of restricted non-English language use in schools, but they also signal the emergence of a new conception of American identity, one defined in linguistic terms and displayed through the exclusive use of English. Conclusions/Recommendations Shifts in rhetoric and policy offer significant insight into the relationships between minority languages and larger issues of power and social control; the restriction and subsequent loss of a seemingly privileged non-English language in the United States reveals the precarious position of any minority language in society. Contemporary discussions about immigration, official languages, and national identities continue to operate within a monolingual English paradigm, carrying significant implications for schools serving immigrant and language minority students.
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Hart, Jeffrey A. "The Effects of State–Societal Arrangements on International Competitiveness: Steel, Motor Vehicles and Semiconductors in the United States, Japan and Western Europe". British Journal of Political Science 22, n.º 3 (julho de 1992): 255–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006396.
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Changes in international competitiveness since the Second World War have favoured Germany and Japan over France, the United States and Britain. This applies to competitiveness in general, but is examined here in three specific industries: steel, motor vehicles and semiconductors. Explanations of changes in competitiveness often focus on economic and cultural variables, but an examination of the three industries shows that a better explanation can be found in the way in which each country organizes its state and its society. State-societal arrangements influence competitiveness mainly through their impact on the speed of diffusion of new technologies. The disparate cases of Germany (strong business and labour, weak government) and Japan (strong business and government, weak labour) suggest that there is more than one path to competitiveness. The literature on competitiveness has focused too much on Japan, and therefore on state industrial policies, as the key to increasing competitiveness. The German case shows that increased competitiveness is possible with a relatively weak state, but only if there is a major commitment to upgrading the skill levels of the work force.
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Boichuk, Boichuk. "Evolution of historical policy in Poland after II World War in the context of treatment of Germany". Grani 23, n.º 9 (28 de outubro de 2020): 26–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/172082.
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The research dedicated to the analysis of the evolution of historical policy in Poland after the World War II. The crucial part of the article is the role of Germany in this process. On the current stage of mutual Polish-German relations, where a remarkable point of political ties is historical conflict over the aftermath of the World War II. The evolution process of the historical process in Poland is complicated and complexed. Furthermore, the evolution of the historical narrative goes in a shadow of the ideological struggle between two blocks, which had been established after the war. It is need to point the international aspect of historical policy establishing in Poland had one point of view. On the other hand, internarial factors played the crucial role, which were attached at that time for Polish society.The aim of the research is an analysis of the process of historical policy establishing in the Polish People’s Republic and research of main elements in this process. The context of the last events in Polish-German relations is heightening the role of conflict in the sphere of political history over the aftermath of the World War II. It arises the necessity to analyze more deeply the process of historical policy establishing in Poland.It had been established that the historical policy in the Polish People`s Republic was used as the instrument of internal policy and propaganda. The historical policy played two main functions is the integration and the stabilization. The function of integration is used to unite Polish society on the background of the stereotype “Germans – enemy” and for confirmation of new western territories (Ziem odzyskanych). At the same time, the historical policy led to the approval of a new sociopolitical order in Poland at that time. It is noted that historical policy in Poland has few approaches dedicated to periodization and mostly it depends on the area of research. Social researchers divide historical policy after the World War II into two periods. In contrast to social science, representatives of Political Science divide into three periods.
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Kudriachenko, Аndriy. "The Peculiarities of Overcoming the Painful Nazi and Socialist Past in Contemporary Germany". Diplomatic Ukraine, n.º XX (2019): 664–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-43.
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The article analyses the components of overcoming the national socialist past of Germany and the totalitarian legacy of the socialist era, identifies four historical periods, displays the fundamental difference and common features in the approaches of the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic to the study of the national socialist past, and outlines a system of measures for the formation of political culture in reunified Germany. Various components of the policy of clear distancing from the Hitler regime and integration of former Nazis into new public institutions as a way to establish modern democratic foundations of Germany’s development are considered. The article emphasizes the importance of the generational change and critical public study of the painful past and an important role of the establishment of a new political culture. The growing public interest and intensive public discussions in united Germany related to the formation of historical memory are pointed out. The importance and significance of studying the GDR’s past and overcoming differences between citizens of the Eastern and Western parts of reunified Germany are emphasized. The article also outlines new approaches and visions of self-identification of a state, society and citizens based on the so-called constitutional patriotism. The author emphasizes that the German society has established the idea that any positive historical myths cannot become a basis for the genuine development of a country and that an antidote to the repetition of the terrible pages of history is not relegating them to oblivion but immortal memory thereof. Such an approach included an appropriate set of sociopolitical and economic measures ranging from property restitution and lustration to the payment of monetary compensation to victims of the regime and creation of memorial complexes. The author hopes that overcoming the burdensome Nazi and totalitarian past will continue to serve as a powerful guarantee of the democratic progress of modern Germany. Keywords: FRG, GDR, historical memory, World War II, national tragedy, historical heritage.
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Huang, Jiongming, e Lu Tong. "The Influence of Artistic Thought on Modernist Design". BCP Social Sciences & Humanities 16 (26 de março de 2022): 637–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpssh.v16i.523.
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The end of the 19th century in the early 20th century, in order to solve the problem of the design, in places such as Europe and the United States the rise of modernism design movement, it has changed the previous design for the upper classes, such as noble as the service object, did it for the first time to serve the broad masses of the people, is a subversive design movement, for after laid a solid foundation for the industrial production. The purpose of modernism design is to emphasize that design should change with the changes of The Times, in line with the development of post-war society at that time, and also produced a variety of artistic styles. Constructivism in Russia, styleism in The Netherlands, Bauhaus in Germany and industrial design in the United States all paid attention to the characteristics of materials and the application of new technologies in their design, advocating the design ideas of "form serves function" and "less is more". Among them, the article mainly discusses the influence of Russian constructivism and Dutch style school on modernist design, and lists the evolution of German and Japanese design under the influence of contemporary art trend.
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Álvarez-García, José, Amador Durán-Sánchez, María de la Cruz del Río-Rama e Ronny Correa-Quezada. "Older Adults and Digital Society: Scientific Coverage". International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 16, n.º 11 (5 de junho de 2019): 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph16112010.
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While there is a progressive ageing of the population, we are witnessing a rapid development of new information and communication technologies (ICTs). Although for most of society this technology is within reach, there are population segments for whom access is limited, especially adults who are considered of old age. Due to the relevance that the relationship between ICTs and older adults acquires in today’s society, it is necessary to carry out an analysis of the scientific literature in order to understand the knowledge structure of this field. In this research, a comparative bibliometric analysis of 172 documents published in the Web of Science (WoS) and Scopus databases was carried out until 2018 and is complemented by a co-citation analysis. The results show that this subject is incipient and is in its exponential growth stage, with two thirds of the production concentrated in the 2012–2018 period. Four out of five authors are transient with a single authorship and the collaboration level is high. The most productive country is Germany followed by the United States and Australia.
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Tan, Jia-An. "The Rise and Fall and Rise (again) of China: A Research Paper about its Dream and Superpower Ambitions". Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 6, n.º 1 (17 de maio de 2023): 860–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/6/20220850.
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With Chinas name being mentioned more frequently in the media ever since the start of the 2000s, many may tend to wonder: what has China been up to for the past few decades, and how has it rose to infamy? For the past 73 years to present day, this country is an enigma for most people in present day society. Most of todays taught history has been more focused on the Western Hemisphere countries such as the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany, and more. The elephant in the room is China, as their civilization and culture is rarely talked about and taught as well. This paper will analyze the economic actions China has taken to drastically increase and maintain their growth, what it has done in terms of being a Communist society of surveillance and heavy influence over its people, and the chess game of foreign policies and economic wars it has been playing with other major superpowers.
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Whigham, Kerry. "States of conception: Renegotiating the mnemonic order amid crisis". Memory Studies 14, n.º 6 (dezembro de 2021): 1333–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/17506980211054339.
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A memory breach is an action, statement, or sociopolitical crisis that calls into dispute the mnemonic order, which is defined as an underlying orientation toward the past that serves to justify the political order and social order within a society. Following a memory breach, the society enters a “state of conception.” Related to the “state of exception” commonly associated with political crisis, the state of conception is a liminal space that follows a memory breach in which a society reexamines the mnemonic order. This article examines three recent memory breaches in Argentina, Germany, and the United States. By comparing three different breaches, each with different outcomes, it offers a framework for understanding memory breaches and the states of conception that they produce.
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Winkley, W. "Educational Opportunities for Blind Children in the Developing World". Journal of Visual Impairment & Blindness 83, n.º 1 (janeiro de 1989): 44–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0145482x8908300114.
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For many blind youth in developing countries, where education for the general population often reaches less than half of the children, education is still a long way from being realized. However, progress is being made, often with the help of such international agencies as Helen Keller International (HKI) of the United States, the Christoffel Blindenmission (CBM) of West Germany, and the Royal Commonwealth Society of the Blind (RCSB) of the United Kingdom. These agencies have developed and offer training programs to nationals in developing countries in an effort to prove the feasibility of, and initiate training for, blind youngsters in the existing educational system.
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Smith, Trevor. "Political Science and Modern British Society". Government and Opposition 21, n.º 4 (1 de outubro de 1986): 420–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1986.tb00030.x.
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FOUR YEARS AGO THIS JOURNAL INITIATED AN OCCASIONAL series on the development of political science in different countries. To date four articles have appeared covering West Germany, Japan, France and the United States of America. Reading them together one is struck as much by the similarities as by the differences between the four countries. The main distinction of a comparative kind to be made, of course, is the fact of the sheer size and corresponding influence of American political science in relation to that of any other country or indeed all other countries taken together. It is hardly surprising, therefore, that commentaries on the contemporary character of American political science are almost exclusively concerned with its own methodological and professional considerations, while analogous exercises on the recent development of the discipline in other countries invariably dwell at length on how each has responded to the paradigmatic changes that have been pioneered from time to time in the USA; and as often as not they will admit of a hint of apology either for not embracing the new American modes fully enough, or, if positively disinclined so to do, for not developing a sufficiently considered critique of their shortcomings, or, again, for not themselves innovating alternative approaches and techniques of similar import and magnitude.