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Fuchs, Christian. "Communicative Socialism/Digital Socialism". tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 18, n.º 1 (13 de janeiro de 2020): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v18i1.1144.
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This introduction provides a preface to the contributions gathered in tripleC’s special issue “Communicative Socialism/Digital Socialism”. It outlines how Marx conceived of socialism (Sections 2, 3, 4, 5), introduces a model of a socialist society that consists of three dimensions (Section 6), and shows how, based on Marx, we can conceptualise communicative and digital socialism (Section 7). Section 8 introduces ten principles of communicative/digital socialist politics.
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Pula, Besnik. "Socialism Betrayed? Economists, Neoliberalism, and History in the Undoing of Market Socialism". Historical Materialism 23, n.º 4 (27 de novembro de 2015): 169–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341426.
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Through an historical analysis of the transnational practices of economists during the Cold War, Johanna Bockman rejects the narrative that the revolutions of 1989 represented the victory of ‘Western economics’, and especially neoliberalism, over ‘East-European socialism’. Rather, Bockman shows that the space of exchange, as well as policy experimentation in socialist states such as Yugoslavia and Hungary, led to the articulation of alternative, decentralised, ‘market socialisms’ from the 1950s up until the 1980s. Instead of operating within separate and incommensurable paradigms of ‘capitalist’ and ‘socialist’ economics, Bockman shows how neoclassical theory and its long tradition of comparing distinct economic systems became the centralepistemeallowing for the transnational exchange of ideas between economists of both the East and the West. This review-essay evaluates the book’s central claims but argues that the book stands on weaker ground when arguing that a reformed socialism was a viable option in Eastern Europe after 1989.
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Visic, Maroje. "Onwards and upwards to the kingdom of beauty and love. Herbert Marcuse’s trajectory to socialism". Filozofija i drustvo 34, n.º 1 (2023): 170–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid2301170v.
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Socialists today can learn from Marcuse. Starting from this premise this paper discusses and elaborates on Herbert Marcuse?s trajectory to socialism. Marcuse successfully eluded the trap of ?economism?, and turned to subjectivity in search of a socialist solution. The transition to socialism is possible through the creation of new anthropology expressed through the concept of ?new sensibility?. The prototype of a new socialist human is an anti-superman. Peace and beauty are important characteristics of Marcuse?s socialism. ?Libertarian socialism?, ?feminist socialism?, ?integral socialism?, ?socialist humanism?, ?socialism as the work of art?, and ?utopian socialism? are all terms that testify to Marcuse?s open and many-faceted understanding of socialism in all of its complexity of meanings. Some of those meanings can inform debates on future prospects of socialism.
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Zarecor, Kimberly Elman. "Socialist Neighborhoods after Socialism". East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 26, n.º 3 (22 de dezembro de 2011): 486–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325411428968.
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The Czech Republic’s socialist-era neighborhoods are largely intact twenty years after the end of Communist Party rule. These buildings will be rehabilitated, but not replaced, because of financial and logistical constraints. In the context of the country’s accession to the European Union in 2004 and the recent global economic crisis, this essay questions what can and should be done in an effort to make these neighborhoods better places to live in the present and the future. It starts with a brief history of postwar housing construction and socialist-era design methodologies, exploring postwar architectural practice and innovations in construction technology that were connected to the industrialization of housing production. The role of the Baťa Company in the development of panelák technology is described. In the context of post-socialist rehabilitation efforts, the discussion addresses current housing policy including regulated rents and the shift in emphasis from renting to ownership. Government subsidies and grant programs are considered, as well as problems such as physical degradation and social segregation. The essay proposes that for the future the social and spatial ideas that were part of the original designs may be more important than the architectural style of individual buildings.
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Sadowski-Smith, Claudia, e Ioana Luca. "Introduction: The Cultures Of Global Post/Socialisms". Comparative Literature Studies 59, n.º 3 (1 de agosto de 2022): 425–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/complitstudies.59.3.0425.
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ABSTRACT The introduction to this special issue outlines comparative approaches to cultural representations of post/socialism in order to move beyond the term’s association with the Soviet Union, the unevenly aligned or nonaligned nations in Central/Eastern Europe (CEE), and the period between 1917 and 1990. The histories and afterlives of state socialisms, and socialist globalization in Asia, Africa, Europe, and the Americas, are at the center of ongoing geopolitical realignments toward a multipolar world. The introduction explores the framing of these shifts as a “new Cold War” between the West and the nations of China and Russia, whose autocratic regimes are associated with remnants of totalitarian state socialism. Like the official rhetoric of many postsocialist nations, these discourses dismiss the far more diverse and progressive legacies of socialism. The introduction inserts cultural representations of Left Internationalism, the Non-Aligned Movement, socialist reformism, and committed art into the fields of comparative literature and media studies to contribute to theories of ongoing transformations and to provide alternative imaginaries for more equitable futures.
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Allison, Mark. "Socialism". Victorian Literature and Culture 51, n.º 3 (2023): 505–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150323000517.
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Anglo-American socialism has reached a curious impasse. Levels of economic inequality not seen since the nineteenth century would lead one to anticipate an upsurge in socialist affiliation and activism. Nevertheless, socialism has stagnated as a political force. This essay argues that, as a collectivist ideology, socialism demands a degree of communal identification that modern individuals find uncomfortable, even threatening, to the integrity of the self. Investigating this discomfort leads me to argue that, while socialism is not a religion (pace the claim of Gareth Stedman Jones), it nonetheless flourishes in eras of spiritual and societal foment. In such periods, communal effervescence softens the boundaries of the self, rendering collectivist ideologies like socialism more intuitive and appealing. Given desacralizing trends in Anglo-America, a contemporary socialist revival would seem unlikely. Consequently, I argue that it is time for progressives to embrace, rather than critique, the strong sense of individual autonomy and deep subjectivity that characterizes bourgeois individualism. The Victorian socialist canon provides many resources for a reconciliation of individualism and collectivism, which I illustrate via reference to H. G. Wells, John Stuart Mill, and Oscar Wilde.
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Smith, Robert C. "Democracy, Race, and the Socialist Project in the United States". National Review of Black Politics 1, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2020): 34–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nrbp.2020.1.1.34.
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This paper examines the relationship between race, socialism, and democracy in America. It is organized into five sections and a conclusion. The first section explores how socialism has been viewed by many black leaders and intellectuals as necessary, imperative perhaps, in the black struggle for material equality, and further investigates the relationship of this black perspective on socialism to white opposition. The second section uses the most recent historical work to identify the factors that have the stalled the development of socialism in America. I also assess how these factors have changed or not in terms of making the socialist project more likely. In the third section, I analyze available poll data on American opinion about socialism from the 1930s to the present. While the data show unambiguously increased support for socialism since the 1930s, socialism does not today command the support of a majority of the American people. In the fourth section I examine the paradigmatic Franklin Roosevelt presidency on how liberal Democratic presidents have avoided the socialist label while embracing socialist programs. The fifth section is a brief examination of what socialism—really existing socialism—means in the early twenty-first century, and the idea of “socialist smuggling” as manifested in the presidencies of FDR and Lyndon Johnson. The speculative conclusion asks what are the prospects for the socialist project, and whether the white liberal cosmopolitan bourgeoisie rather than the white working class might become a mass base for the socialist project.
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Capaldi, Nicholas. "Mill and socialism". Tocqueville Review 33, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2012): 125–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.33.1.125.
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The question of Mill’s relation to socialism continues to puzzle scholars. There are good reasons, for this. Mill described himself in the Principles of Political Economy as an “Ideal Socialist,” and later wrote in the Chapters on Socialism a scathing critique of socialism. O. Kurer, identifies 10 features of Mill’s so-called socialist utopia.
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Navarro, Vicente. "Has Socialism Failed? An Analysis of Health Indicators under Socialism". International Journal of Health Services 22, n.º 4 (outubro de 1992): 583–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/b2tp-3r5m-q7up-dua2.
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This article analyzes the widely held assumption in academia and the mainstream press that capitalism has proven superior to socialism in responding to human needs. The author surveys the health conditions of the world's populations, continent by continent, and shows that, contrary to dominant ideology, socialism and socialist forces have been, for the most part, better able to improve health conditions than have capitalism and capitalist forces. In the underdeveloped world, socialist forces and regimes have, more frequently than not, improved health and social indicators better than capitalist forces and regimes, and in the developed world, countries with strong socialist forces have been better able to improve health conditions than those countries lacking or with weak socialist forces. The socialist experience has, of course, also included negative developments that have negated important components of the socialist project. Still, the evidence presented in this article shows that the historical experience of socialism has not been one of failure. To the contrary: it has been, for the most part, more successful than capitalism in improving the health conditions of the world's populations.
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Kott, Matthew. "Latvia’s Pērkonkrusts: Anti-German National Socialism in a Fascistogenic Milieu". Fascism 4, n.º 2 (23 de novembro de 2015): 169–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00402007.
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Aside from equating it with Hitlerism, there have been few scholarly attempts to define national socialism and specify its relation to the broader category of fascism. This article posits that national socialisms are a sub-genus of fascism, where the distinguishing feature is an ultaranationalism based on a palingenetic völkisch racism, of which anti-Semitism is an essential element. Thus, national socialism is not just mimetic Hitlerism, as Hitler is not even necessary. National socialist movements may even conceivably be opposed to the goals and actions of Hitlerism. To test this definition, the case of Latvia’s Pērkonkrusts [Thunder Cross] movement is analysed. Based on an analysis of its ideology, Pērkonkrusts is a national socialist movement with a völkisch racialist worldview, while also being essentially anti-German. The case study even addresses the apparent paradox that Pērkonkrusts both collaborated in the Holocaust, and engaged in resistance against the German occupation regime.
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Miller, David. "WHAT'S LEFT OF THE WELFARE STATE?" Social Philosophy and Policy 20, n.º 1 (18 de dezembro de 2002): 92–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052503201059.
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What, if anything, is left of the socialist project? One way of interpreting this question is to ask whether socialism has bequeathed any permanent legacy to the capitalist democracies—do they have any features that would not exist apart from the historical impact of socialism, and that positively reflect socialist values? If we assume, with the political consensus of the moment, that full-blown socialism no longer represents a possible programme for these democracies, perhaps we can still discover the remains of socialism embedded in their practices. Or maybe not—that is the question I want to address.
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Wollner, Gabriel. "Socialist Action". Philosophical Topics 48, n.º 2 (2020): 285–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philtopics202048224.
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This paper offers a new version of a historically influential, yet today unpopular, neglected, and on the whole insufficiently developed argument for socialism: socialism makes it possible for people to really act together. This idea of socialist action, combining the claims that there is a particularly valuable form of joint action and that socialism is about making such action possible, played an important role in the history of the labor movement, going back to the early Marx and running through various strands of socialist thought. I shall argue that socialist action should be seen as central to the socialist project, its critique of capitalism, and the institutional alternatives envisaged by it.
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Bakker, Nicolau João. "O desafio do socialismo religioso na pastoral (I)". Revista Eclesiástica Brasileira 72, n.º 285 (18 de fevereiro de 2019): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.29386/reb.v72i285.913.
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Falar de socialismo religioso tem algo de ambíguo. Existem muitos socialismos na história e na atualidade. O objetivo deste artigo é demonstrar que, tanto na Revelação bíblica quanto na Tradição Cristã, alguma forma de socialismo está claramente presente. Javé se revela um Deus que se coloca do lado dos escravos, em oposição ao Faraó, e se compromete com eles. Jesus rejeita o legalismo do Templo e retoma o profetismo que exige fidelidade à Aliança, expressão de justiça social e amor aos desvalidos. O Reino de Deus se refere a uma “nova” sociedade a ser estabelecida na terra, mas cuja concretização final está no porvir. Este mesmo socialismo religioso está presente na Tradição Cristã e na história da humanidade. Hoje, perigosamente, o pêndulo da Igreja pende novamente para o lado do Templo. Manter o socialismo religioso, a busca pela “nova” sociedade, continua um dos grandes desafios da pastoral dos nossos dias.Abstract: To speak about religious socialism is somewhat ambiguous. There are a lot of socialisms in history and at present. The scope of this article is to demonstrate that, in biblical Revelation and in Christian Tradition, some kind of socialism is visibly present. Yaweh reveals himself as a God who remains on the side of slaves, in opposite of Pharaoh, and commits himself to them. Jesus rejects the legalism of the Temple and renews the prophetic promise that requires fidelity to the Covenant, symbol of justice and love for the helpless. The Kingdom of God refers to a “new” social order to be established on this earth, but whose full realization lies always in the future. This same religious socialism is to be found in Christian Tradition and mankind´s history. At present, the pendulum of the church, dangerously, tends once more to the side of the Temple. Maintain the religious socialism and the search for a “new” social order, continues to be one of the greatest challenges of pastoral ministry in our day.
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Mišina, Dalibor. "Beyond Nostalgia". Canadian-American Slavic Studies 50, n.º 3 (2016): 332–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-05003004.
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This article addresses the issue of socialist nostalgia. Specifically, it deals with the inadequacy of treating the post-socialist “return of socialism” as different incarnations of socialist nostalgia. The author contends that this kind of treatment suffers from “nostalgia reductionism” and “socialism essentialism,” and leads to the very problematic conceptual and analytical shortcoming of pre-determining the nature of what needs to be understood and explained. Correspondingly, the author argues that a meaningful consideration of the post-socialist return of socialism has to free itself from the “nostalgia presumption” and embrace a non-essentialist analytical viewpoint whereby socialist nostalgia is recast as a plurality of heterogeneous and context-dependent post-socialist socialist discourses. To this end, the author analyzes two post-Yugoslav documentary films, Sretno dijete and Orkestar, to substantiate the claim that socialist nostalgia is too narrow of a framework to encapsulate adequately the span of an entire range of post-socialist socialist discourses and the ways they operate in specific sociocultural contexts and communicate to and with particular audience(s). In advancing this argument, the author does not propose that “the nostalgic” has no place in the analysis of the post-socialist memory of socialism but, rather, that the degree and nature of its presence has to be established through an interpretive reading of particular post-socialist socialist texts, rather than presumed a priori.
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Kornai, János. "The Affinity Between Ownership Forms and Coordination Mechanisms: The Common Experience of Reform in Socialist Countries". Journal of Economic Perspectives 4, n.º 3 (1 de agosto de 1990): 131–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.4.3.131.
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The world is witnessing a great upheaval in socialist countries, where dramatic events have been happening since 1988. The present paper concentrates on evaluating past experience in the hope that a correct understanding of the past will help in devising sound policies for the future. In the following, I distinguish two prototypes of socialism. The first one is classical socialism: the form of socialism that prevailed under Stalin, Mao Zedong, and their disciples in other countries. The second one is reform socialism: the new form of socialism that evolved (in chronological order) under Tito in Yugoslavia, Kádár in Hungary, Deng Xiaoping in China, and Gorbachev in the USSR; some further countries could be named as well. The reform socialist countries made some steps toward liberalization in the political sphere, somewhat decentralized the control of their state-owned sector, and allowed a somewhat larger scope for the private sector. At the same time, these countries still maintained the fundamental attributes of a socialist system: the Communist party did not share power with any other political force, the state-owned sector still played a dominant role in the economy, and the main coordinator of economic activities was the centralized bureaucracy, even though coordination was effected with the aid of less rigid instruments. In this paper, I am concerned with reform socialism, and do not discuss the problems of “post-socialist” revolutionary systemic transformation.
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Zeng, Ziyun. "Reform or Revolution? Socialism from China to Asian Communities". Journal of Education and Educational Research 8, n.º 3 (27 de maio de 2024): 238–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/gb8zy189.
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“This article examines socialist ideologies in Asian American literature by comparing Karen Tei Yamashita's I-Hoteland H.T. Tsiang's And China Has Hands. Despite both novels centering on Chinese American experiences in the 20th century, they offer differing perspectives on socialism influenced by the authors' backgrounds and historical contexts. Tsiang's work, set in 1930s New York, portrays socialism as an experimental pursuit for Chinese revolutionaries amidst the clash between socialism and nationalism. Conversely, Yamashita's I-Hotel, set in 1960s and 1970s San Francisco, depicts Asian American characters influenced by Maoist socialist ideology, tempered by disillusionment with the Cultural Revolution. Through close analysis, the article examines how each author navigates characters' attitudes towards socialism. In I-Hotel, Yamashita critiques the Cultural Revolution's suppression of art and literature, exposing Maoist authoritarianism. Meanwhile, Tsiang's optimism towards socialism is reflected in characters like Fellow, expressing a longing for reform and unity within the proletariat. Both authors' personal experiences and historical contexts shape their narratives. Tsiang's immersion in New York City's political landscape during the early 20th century informs his advocacy for socialist reform. Similarly, Yamashita's upbringing in a Japanese American family during World War II informs her critique of authoritarianism and advocacy for equitable socialism. In conclusion, this comparative analysis highlights diverse interpretations of socialism in Asian American literature, emphasizing the interplay between personal experiences, historical contexts, and ideological frameworks. Through their narratives, Yamashita and Tsiang offer reflections on the potentials and pitfalls of socialist ideologies, urging readers to engage critically with questions of revolution and social justice.”
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Wang, Huan. "The Enlightenment by Western Eco-Socialist Ideas on Socialist Harmonious Eco-Construction". Advanced Materials Research 524-527 (maio de 2012): 3553–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.524-527.3553.
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Western Eco-socialist Ideas, combined product between the contemporary western eco-movement and socialist ideas, and important part of new socialist movement in the west, is the rising western social thought of the left wing since the 1960s and 1970s. Broadly speaking, eco-socialism can be divided into three closely-related parts, eco-Marxist theory, eco-socialism (narrowly) theory and the "red-green" political movement theory. Confronted with the increasingly serious eco-crisis, eco-socialism puts forward to build a harmoniously-developing socialist society of between people and nature, between people and people, and between people and society, on the basis of maintaining ecological balance, in establishing a sustainable model of economic development, health and peace of rational consumption mode, and aiming at harmonious interpersonal relationship as the main content. It throws light upon us in the socialist harmonious eco-construction for today. In reference to and on the basis of the ecological socialism valuable ideas, we aim to provide reference for the socialist harmonious ecological construction and development, and finally achieve China's economic, political, cultural and ecological and social harmonious development and progress, which is the purpose of this article.
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Makarova, Anna. "Socialism is personalism: Nikolai Berdyaev about the “proper” social organization". Philosophy Journal 17, n.º 2 (maio de 2024): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/2072-0726-2024-17-2-37-50.
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The article examines the attitude of Nikolai Aleksandrovich Berdyaev (1874–1948) to the main features of socialism and his criticism of the weaknesses of the socialist social order (the idea of equality, ineffective work ethic, chiliastic sentiments, profanation of Christian values, etc.). It is noted that Berdyaev is undoubtedly a socialist-oriented thinker, and his critical attitude towards the forms of socialist manifestation is associated with the fact that Berdyaev had his own vision of the “target” state of the socialist system, that may be called “personalistic socialism”. The article examines the main features of personalistic socialism proposed by Berdyaev: justification of inequality and defense of the principle of hierarchism, protection of personal freedom, proper attitude towards work (labor as service to one’s neighbor, as the revelation of the creative potential), “new economic psychology”, and, in contrast to already embodied forms of socialism, Berdyaev declares, that the goal of personalistic socialism is the creation of a classless society. The third part of the article attempts to reconstruct Berdyaev’s “social-philosophical dream”, while substantiating the philosopher’s lack of ambition for political action and the creation of a political project of personalistic socialism. In order to reconstruct the ideas of Berdyaev, the author uses texts from different periods of his work: “New Religious Consciousness and Society” (1907), “Philosophy of Inequality” (1918), “Self-Knowledge” (1949), as well as articles from the 1930s: “On Social Personalism (1933), “Personalism and Marxism” (1935), “On modern nationalism” (1938), etc.
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Lichtenberg, Philip. "Gestalt therapy and 21st Century Socialism". British Gestalt Journal 22, n.º 2 (1 de novembro de 2013): 40–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.53667/mzzf9305.
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"Abstract: Life lessons brought issues of democracy and equality to my personal and theoretical commitments. Recent thinking and actions in South America have raised a new socialism – 21st Century Socialism. The themes of this new socialism, in the form of a ‘socialist triangle’, are reviewed with a focus on human development rather than the production of things. Gestalt therapy, in which processes lead to the growth of persons, can be a major contributor to the creation of this new socialism. Key words: 21st Century Socialism, democracy, substantive equality, human development, rich human being."
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., Durr-e.-Nayab. "Neil Wilcock and Corina Scholz. Hartmut Elsenhans and a Critique of Capitalism. Conversations on Theory and Policy Implications. London, U.K.: Palgrave Macmillan, UK. 2016. xii+184 pages. €84.99 (Hard Bound)." Pakistan Development Review 55, n.º 3 (1 de setembro de 2016): 241–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v55i3pp.241-244.
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After the Second World War, the world was practically divided into two competing economic systems, capitalism and socialism. This ideological competition extended to the socio-political realm, and became the basis of the cold wars from the late 1940s to early 1990s. The events in Russia in the early to mid-20th century presented socialism as a real contender, if not a complete alternative to capitalism. With its increasing influence in many countries, not just in Russia’s neighbourhood but also in the continents far across, socialism emerged as the dominant thought, leading to what became to be referred to as the socialist bloc. But then came the collapse of the USSR in early 1990s and the whole socialist thought came to be questioned. In socialist China, introduction of reforms with a capitalist bent further questioned the practicability and success of socialism, while reforms in the Indian economic system encouraged the proponents of capitalism to declare victory. Adoption of capitalist ideals by purely or quasi-socialist countries stamped the superiority of capitalism.
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Costaguta, Lorenzo. "“Geographies of Peoples”: Scientific Racialism and Labor Internationalism in Gilded Age American Socialism". Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 18, n.º 2 (8 de março de 2019): 199–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781418000701.
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AbstractThis article investigates ideas of race in Gilded Age socialism by analyzing the intellectual production of the leaders of the Socialist Party of America (SLP) from 1876 to 1882. Existing scholarship on socialism and race during the Gilded Age and the Progressive Era rarely addresses socialist conceptions of race prior to 1901 and fails to recognize the centrality of scientific racialism and Darwinism in influencing socialist thought. By positioning American socialism within a transatlantic scenario and reconstructing how the immigrant origins of Gilded Age socialists influenced their perceptions of race, this article argues that scientific racialism and Darwinism competed with color-blind internationalism in shaping the racial policies of the SLP during the Gilded Age. Moreover, a transatlantic investigation of American socialist ideas of race presents a reinterpretation of the early phases of the history of the SLP and addresses its historical legacies. While advocates of scientific racialism and Darwinism determined the racial policies of the SLP in the 1880s, color-blind internationalists abandoned the party and extended their influence beyond organized socialism, especially in the Knights of Labor.
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Webb, Danielle. "A Socialist Compass for Aotearoa". Counterfutures 8 (1 de março de 2020): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/cf.v8i0.6362.
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In this article, I argue that both tino rangatiratanga and socialism lie at the heart of emancipatory politics in Aotearoa New Zealand. For Māori, the economy has always been a dynamic site of interaction with the state and corporate bodies, and today the Māori economy is celebrated by some as a space where tino rangatiratanga can be realised. For the most part, though, the capitalist economy has been a site of exploitation for Māori. Given the inextricable relations between capitalism and colonialism, I present the case for Māori socialism as an emancipatory response to both. To do so, I employ Erik Olin Wright’s socialist compass, a conceptual tool that points to a variety of economic pathways towards socialism. But there is a major problem with Wright’s compass: it only has three points (state power, economic power, and social power). I extend Wright’s vision for socialism by completing the compass, adding to it a much needed fourth point: tino rangatiratanga. The resulting ‘Aotearoa socialist compass’ can be used to orient us towards Māori socialism—a socialist economy in which tino rangatiratanga is realised.
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WATSON, GEORGE. "Take back the past". European Review 10, n.º 4 (outubro de 2002): 459–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798702000376.
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The surprising fact about the 20th century was the return of the liberal free market, circling back to where it began. It was helped because liberalism, unlike socialism, was never a theory of history and could not be falsified by events. But, socialist historians still control the past, and it is still widely believed that the welfare state was created by socialism and that genocide is right-wing. In fact, socialist leaders, fearful of preserving capitalism, opposed the welfare state, which in Britain was the creation of Asquith. Between the wars, Labour had no national health plans, and it was the last of the British parties to accept the Beveridge report. Repetition and suppression have entrenched the myth, which is widely accepted, that welfare equals socialism. The first history of socialism, by a French radical, Alfred Sudre, was opposed to socialism as a conservative idea; Marx and Engels, Ruskin and Morris were openly conservative and the Bolsheviks proudly elitist.
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Schneirov, Richard. "New Perspectives on Socialism II Socialism and Capitalism Reconsidered". Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 2, n.º 4 (outubro de 2003): 351–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400000487.
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The July 2003 special issue of the Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era revisited the history of the Socialist Party of America during the Progressive Era. This second issue on “New Perspectives on Socialism” examines socialism largely outside the party context, thereby challenging the tendency of scholars and non-scholars alike to identify socialism with a party-based political movement. To the degree that the essays collected here examine party-based socialism, they focus on the gradualist or revisionist wing of the party, whose socializing and democratic reforms, programs, and ideas helped establish a context for the Progressive Era and thereafter, when a “social democratic” type of politics became intrinsic to the mainstream American politics.
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Jiang, Huashuai. "Study on Sun Yat-sen's Spreading Socialist Thought in late Qing Dynasty and Early Republic of China (1905-1912)". Advances in Education, Humanities and Social Science Research 1, n.º 1 (9 de maio de 2022): 319. http://dx.doi.org/10.56028/aehssr.1.1.319.
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Sun Yat-sen was a pioneer in the early dissemination of socialist thought in China. At the end of the Qing Dynasty and the beginning of the Republic of China, Sun Yat-sen introduced the popular socialist schools through speeches, among which there is no lack of marxism. In the late Qing Dynasty and early Republic of China, Sun Yat-sen's spreading socialist thought had four characteristics: first, Sun Yat-sen was good at integrating Chinese traditional culture with socialist thought; Second, Sun Yat-sen was good at combining foreign situations to interpret the necessity of socialism in China; Third, Sun Yat-sen was good at using others' theories to expound his own socialist views. Fourth, Sun Yat-sen was good at using his political reputation and media volume to spread socialism. Sun Yat-sen pioneered the spread of socialism in China, and some of his propositions and views also provide reference for future generations.
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Valila, Jacinto, Jr. "MOZAMBIQUE AND NEPAL: REVOLUTIONARY EXPERIENCES ON THE CUSP OF SOCIALISM WHICH REMAINS UNBORN". Journal of Asian and African Social Science and Humanities 10, n.º 2 (1 de julho de 2024): 13–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.55327/jaash.v10i2.336.
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The revolutionary experiences of Mozambique and Nepal present a stark case of revolutions on the verge of socialism which remains unborn. Owing to several factors, the communists and socialists at the helm of these states for several years now have faltered to embark on decisive socialist paths despite their firm hold of state power. The same reportedly hindered its march to socialism. In 1985, Frelimo finally shredded its Marxist-Leninist ideology and embraced the neo-liberal policies in the guise of development and modernity in exchange for loans and aid from multilateral financial agencies of the West. Nepal, on the other hand, is being led by an alliance of communist and socialist parties. However, its march towards socialism is supposedly hampered by the country’s economic backwardness, dependence on aid and labor wages from India and the Middle Eastern countries, ballooning debt from multilateral institutions, the predominance of the peasant class over the proletariat, and the inability of the ruling coalition to forge on a single road to socialist construction. This paper looks into the feasibility of socialism being attained in Nepal and Mozambique whose economies and productive forces are undeveloped, with their people in subsistence living and a meager awareness of socialist ideals among the masses. ? The paper argues the possibility of building socialism as shown by the Soviet and Chinese experience, provided that there is a strong proletarian party whose vision and ardor are consistent with the Marxist theory of history and class struggle.
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Paszkiewicz, Lilla Barbara. "The Opposition to Communism in the Political Thought of The Exiled Democratic Socialist Adam Ciołkosz". Polish Political Science Review 6, n.º 1 (1 de dezembro de 2018): 92–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ppsr-2018-0007.
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AbstractThe Polish socialist movement has undergone various stages of development over more than 100 years of history. In the first half of the 20th century it was, to a large extent, identified with European Social Democracy. After the Second World War and the seizure of power in Poland by the communists, the socialist movement was replaced by a communist ideology that completely distorted the authentic democratic socialism and appropriated the values it represented. The unmasking of communist counterfeits was dealt with by the Polish émigré activist – Adam Ciołkosz, who as active politician and theoretician of socialism, showed a special activity in the contestation of communism. His views as an authentic Social Democrat had a significant impact on the political thought of the Polish socialist movement outside Poland. Ciołkosz, as an anti-Communist, represented such values as: respect for human rights and social justice, humanistic sensitivity, Christianity and above all socialism. At the same time, he promoted the need to fight communism and expose the criminal ideology. He pointed to the need to introduce a system of social justice (i.e. democratic socialism).
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Scirocco, Giovanni. "Un dialogo non interrotto: Arfé e Salvemini tra storia e politica". PASSATO E PRESENTE, n.º 77 (maio de 2009): 57–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2009-077004.
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An Uninterrupted Dialogue: Arfé and Salvemini between History and Politics reconstructs the origins of the republication of Salvemini's writings on the Southern question. For the young Neapolitan historian Gaetano Arfé, Salvemini represented a model both as a historian and for his political commitment, above all because of their common interests that underlay their collaboration, albeit only for a brief period: the Southern question, the socialist movement and antifascism. Key words: Arfé, Salvemini, History, Politics, Socialism, Southern question. Parole chiave: Arfé, Salvemini, storia, politica, socialismo, Questione meridionale.
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McCabe, Helen. "Mill and socialism: A reply to Capaldi". Tocqueville Review 33, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2012): 145–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.33.1.145.
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As Nicholas Capaldi notes, “the question of Mill’s relation to socialism continues to puzzle scholars.” There are two possible reasons for this. One is because it seems eminently puzzling that a philosopher with such a fundamental commitment to individual freedom could be a socialist; the other is because Mill was unclear about the relationship. The latter is, to some extent, true; Mill changed his mind about some of the contemporary socialist theories of his day, and also changed the extent to which he was willing to endorse socialism, as he expressly admits, depending on how open to socialism he felt his audience was likely to be.1
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Hoffrogge, Ralf. ""Die wirkliche Bewegung, welche den jetztigen Zustand aufhebt"". PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 39, n.º 155 (1 de junho de 2009): 287–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v39i155.434.
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This article gives a short overview on the German labour movement from its beginnings to the 1920ies and shortly portraits the different concepts of socialism within the German social democratic party, Against the common misperception of a hegemonial, coherent and powerful concept of socialist politics in the past the article argues that even in their heyday the German labour movement did not have a clear concept of socialist politics, that the term socialism itself was an object of permanent discussions, Both the Marxist critique of utopian socialism and the overwhelming domination of the Prussian state often constrained these discussions about the political form of a postcapitalist society, The most interesting concept of socialism was not created by theoretical discussions among leftist intellectuals, but by political actions against the first world war, which ended with the German Revolution of 1918 and the rise of a powerful council movement This movement not only insisted on the principles of class war but practically overturned many authoritarian and state-dominated ideas of socialism which were common at that time,
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HABER, SAMUEL. "The Nightmare and the Dream: Edward Bellamy and the Travails of Socialist Thought". Journal of American Studies 36, n.º 3 (dezembro de 2002): 417–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875802006898.
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In the light of recent events, the once widely accepted Marxist distinction between “scientific” and “utopian” socialism is fading rapidly. For it has become increasingly difficult to believe that any form of socialism is inherent in the workings of history, as the Marxists had claimed for their “scientific” variety. Today Marxism, in its own terms, turns out to be “utopian.” One can now more readily recognize the kinship of the many different socialisms as well as the significance of their link to the social ideals of the past. What had previously been a somewhat antiquarian literature on “precursors,” “forerunners,” and “schismatics” of socialism suddenly appears as especially pertinent and perhaps even central. Today, without difficulty, one turns away from the various contradistinctions developed in this scholarship and toward the interconnections implicit in it.1Surveying this literature, we can recognize three preeminent social ideals that went into the making of the various socialisms – the call for social justice, the aspiration toward a society of brotherly love, and the belief that one could rid society of poverty. It was the eighth-century prophets of the Hebrew Bible who advanced the audacious demand for justice in society. They urged an end to oppression, cruelty, abuse, and more generally that people be given what was rightfully theirs. This demand recurs in almost all the socialist programs. In the Marxist scheme, it takes the form of the theory of surplus value which describes capitalist profit as a surplus product stolen (“entwandt”) from the worker who creates it.
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Roland, Yapi Joelle, e Elena Petrovna Martynova. "Soviet socialism VS African socialism: promotion of socialist ideas in the African States in the 1960-1970s". Bulletin of Nizhnevartovsk State University 58, n.º 2 (23 de junho de 2022): 10–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.36906/2311-4444/22-2/02.
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The article examines the issues concerning the perception and promotion of socialist ideas on the African continent in the 1960s and 1970s. The purpose of this article is to show how socialism was perceived and interpreted in African countries that chose the "socialist way" of development, namely Egypt, Tunisia, Morocco, Algeria, Mali, Guinea, Senegal, Ghana, Tanzania, Angola, Mozambique, Sudan and Ethiopia. The author set the task to show the reasons for the failures in the promotion of Soviet socialism in Africa. Attention was focused on the analysis of difficulties and obstacles in the promotion of socialism in the economic, political and cultural spheres. The work is based on the information of a survey conducted by the author among representatives of the African intelligentsia from different countries, many of whose representatives studied in the Soviet Union. The research showed that, despite the fact that the USSR spent an active policy in Africa, developing economic, military, political, educational cooperation, it was unable to implement its plans for socialist construction on the continent. This can be explained by the fact that after independence, Africans developed their own views on the socialist system. Perceiving socialism at the level of ideology, African leaders could not accept the socialist economic system. It was impossible to fully accept the Soviet model, since it did not correspond to the realities of African life in many ways. The fact that many African leaders studied in the West also played a role. The materials contained in the article can be used in educational and training activities, as well as for a better understanding of why Soviet socialism could not gain a foothold in Africa.
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JEFFREYS-JONES, RHODRI. "Changes in the Nomenclature of the American Left". Journal of American Studies 44, n.º 1 (17 de dezembro de 2009): 83–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875809991356.
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A frequency survey of Google Books and other digital sources indicates that in political terminology the use of the phrase “American socialism” yielded to “American left” in the course of the twentieth century. Reasons for this include the tactical and personal ambitions of reformers who saw advantage in dropping the socialist tag in the face of domestic antisocialism. In mid-century, domestic antisocialism revived both in extremist rhetoric and in mainstream Republican charges of “creeping socialism.” The Cold War also played a role in changing the nomenclature balance, as it led to the identification of American socialism with the creed of the Soviet adversary. At the same time, a broadening in the left's agenda beyond the election platforms of the Socialist Party of America contributed to the change. The nomenclative “-ism” failure is significant as an indicator of left tendencies because it relates to perceptions of the failure of socialism itself.
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Boni, Lyudmila. "Basic Economic System of Socialism and Market in China". Problemy dalnego vostoka, n.º 4 (2022): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013128120021164-1.
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The Chinese science’s recognition of the possibility of a market under socialism in China was a major breakthrough in the theory of Marxism. The combination of socialism and the market marked the beginning of formation of a socialist market economic system and development of mixed economy with the public property as basic. The principle of “public property is the basis，joint development of the economy of many forms of ownership” was officially called the specifics of Chinese socialism at the initial state of its development and one of its most important advantages, that made it possible to ensure high economic growth rates over the past 40 year and to transfer China into the second world economic power. But this specificity and the advantages of socialism with Chinese specifics can be manifested and realized on the institutional level only through a certain coordinate system, known as the fundamental system for state governance, namely through one of its system responsible for governing the Chinese economy, known as the basic economic system of socialism. In 2019 according to the decision of the 4th plenum of the CPC Central Committee of the 19th convocation, the status of the socialist market economy system was raised: it was announced as an integral part of the basic economic system of socialism, which is responsible for guidance and development of China’s economy at the institutional level. The role and significance of the market system of China has increased sufficiently: the market is going to become the decisive driver for socialist modernization of the Chinese economy.
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Šliavaitė, Kristina. "Ar baigėsi posocializmas Lietuvoje? Antropologija ir posocializmo transformacijų etnografija". Lietuvos etnologija / Lithuanian ethnology 20 (29) 2020 (21 de dezembro de 2020): 9–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.33918/25386522-2029001.
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Has Post-Socialism Ended in Lithuania? The Anthropology and Ethnography of Post-Socialist Transformations The main aim of the paper is to overview ethnographic research on post-socialist transformations in Lithuania by contextualising it within the broader framework of the field of anthropology of post-socialism. The author refers to numerous discussions in the field on the validity of the use of the term post-socialism long after the collapse of the Soviet system (Sampson 1999; Humphrey 2002; Műller 2019, etc), and discusses whether and how selected ethnographies on social cultural transformations in Lithuania after the 1990s and later use the term postsocialism, and how the period is defined conceptually and chronologically. The first part of the paper introduces discussions in anthropology on challenges in defining the post-socialist region and the chronology of post-socialism (Humphrey 2002; Buyandelgeriyn 2008; Frederiksen, Knudsen 2015; Műller 2019; Нильсен 2004, etc), as well as reflections on issues of the representation and unequal relations between the West and the East in studies of post-socialist European countries (Thelen 2011; Buchowski 2012; Cervinkova 2012; Klumbytė, Sharafutdinova 2013b; Frederiksen, Knudsen 2015, etc). These critical studies indicate that ethnographies of socialist and post-socialist East Central Europe constructed it as the ‘other’, different to the western part of the region (Thelen 2011; Buchowski 2012; Cervinkova 2012; Klumbytė, Sharafutdinova 2013b; Frederiksen, Knudsen 2015; Műller 2019; etc), and that the term post-socialist/post-socialism refers to these unequal relations between the West and the East (Cervinkova 2012; Frederiksen, Knudsen 2015; Műller 2019; etc). However, disregarding certain conceptual challenges, it is agreed that the ethnographies of social cultural transformations in post-socialist European countries are unique and important, due to their methodological approach (long-term fieldwork), and focus on people’s everyday lives and the emphasis on the interrelations of cultural, social and economic processes (Burawoy, Verdery 1999; Hann 2002; Hőrschelmann, Stenning 2008, etc).
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Dimitrova-Grajzl, Valentina, e Eszter Simon. "Political Trust and Historical Legacy: The Effect of Varieties of Socialism". East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 24, n.º 2 (22 de janeiro de 2010): 206–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325409353334.
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This article, unlike the vast existing literature on political trust, focuses on trust in post-socialist countries and, more specifically, on trust of young people rather than on trust of general populations. Studying young people is important in the context of establishing democracy and the survival of democracy. The authors examine the continuous effect of socialism and stipulate that the legacy of the type of socialist regime is a major determinant of political trust in Central and Eastern European and former Soviet Union countries. Utilizing individual-level data from an institutional survey, the authors find that distinguishing between different types of socialism is instrumental in explaining political trust. Results on the former Yugoslavia, however, suggest that the effects of socialism might be temporarily overshadowed in the short run by drastic post-socialist events such as warfare. The findings have implications for policies aimed at fostering political trust in post-socialist countries and for discerning future patterns of political and social developments.
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Gaus, Gerald F. "BACKWARDS INTO THE FUTURE: NEOREPUBLICANISM AS A POSTSOCIALIST CRITIQUE OF MARKET SOCIETY". Social Philosophy and Policy 20, n.º 1 (18 de dezembro de 2002): 59–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052503201047.
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Socialism, understood as the rejection of markets based on private property in favor of comprehensive centralized economic planning, is no longer a serious political option. If the core of capitalism is the organization of the economy primarily through market competition based on private property, then capitalism has certainly defeated socialism. Markets have been accepted—and central planning abandoned—throughout most of the Third World and in most of the formerly Communist states. In the advanced industrial states of the West, Labor and “democratic socialist” parties have rejected socialism, by deregulating markets and privatizing industries, utilities, and transport. The U.K. Labour Party's 1945 manifesto declared the party to be a “Socialist Party, and proud of it. Its ultimate aim is the establishment of the Socialist Commonwealth of Great Britain.” Today the Labour Party insists that markets are a given.
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Streeten, Paul. "Arthur Lewis Distinguished Lecture What's Left of What's Left? or: What Does it Mean to be a Socialist Today?" Review of Black Political Economy 21, n.º 1 (setembro de 1992): 5–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02689950.
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After a few reminiscences about Arthur Lewis, several questions on what socialism is not about are raised. Neither public ownership, nor welfare services nor central planning are considered essential to it. The view that the distinction capitalism-socialism is obsolete is briefly discussed. It is argued that many important distinctions cut across the divide. The United States is held up as a socialist country. Changes in the socialist creed in the last century are noted. An alternative window of looking at the private-public sector distinction is discussed. And the essence of socialism as the democratization of political and civil society and private firms is advanced. A final plea for pedantic utopianism is made.
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Villoro, Luis. "Socialismo y moral". Theoría. Revista del Colegio de Filosofía, n.º 26 (30 de junho de 2014): 47–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/ffyl.16656415p.2014.26.484.
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In this brief essay, Luis Villoro comes back, again, to debate the opus of Adolfo Sánchez Vázquez. Villoro specially focuses on two aspects: the connexion between liberalism and socialism, and the fundamental sense of morals in socialism and marxism. Villoro points out that socialism is a regulative ideal; for this reason it cannot be deduced from historical facts or instrumental rationality; it is, instead, a moral practice. This is one capital reason of the importance of liberalism in the socialist reflexion. In this context, Villoro looks at the work of Sánchez Vázquez as a great example of moral Socialism.
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Zhao, Qian. "Doctrinal Interpretation and Value Implications of Scientific Socialism". International Journal of Education and Humanities 10, n.º 1 (16 de agosto de 2023): 16–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ijeh.v10i1.10911.
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The Development of Socialism from Idea to Science (hereinafter referred to as Development), taken from Engels' book Anti-Dühring, is an introductory work of scientific socialism, which was called "the most important part of the theoretical part" by Engels. The text profoundly elucidates the ideological origins of scientific socialism and reveals the importance of the materialist concept of history and the doctrine of surplus value. Revisiting this classic in the new era will be of great benefit to us in firmly establishing the correct political direction, opposing all kinds of historical nihilism and non-socialist thinking, and advancing the construction of socialism.
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Sunaryo, Suparman. "Sosialisme dalam Kajian Ilmu Filsafat". Journal of Innovation in Teaching and Instructional Media 4, n.º 1 (17 de setembro de 2023): 89–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.52690/jitim.v4i1.734.
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This article explores the role and conception of socialism in philosophical studies, exploring the roots of thought, theories, values, and concepts underlying socialist ideology. This study discusses the evolution of socialism from a historical perspective and its philosophical consequences on societal, political, and economic structures. The writing method is done by article review. Furthermore, it was found that the solution offered by Islamic Socialism was that Islam had exemplified its values, including love of justice, opposition to oppression, and belief in the macrocosmic transcendence of Allah and microcosmic transcendence of fellow human beings. Modern socialism emerged as a reaction to the plight of the people under greedy liberal capitalism. There is moderate socialism that champions its ideals in a “soft” way, and there is “radical” socialism that seeks to bring about the ideal conditions of society through revolution. Understanding related to socialism in philosophical studies plays an important role in presenting knowledge, especially in Indonesia.
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Pejovich, Svetozar. "From Social Democracy to Liberal Socialism". New Perspectives on Political Economy 5, n.º 1 (8 de dezembro de 2009): 33–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.62374/nrb8xh38.
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Two important lessons of all socialist experiments to date are: socialism has repeatedly failed to duplicate the accomplishments of capitalism, and socialism refuses to die. At the turn of 21st century, a new type of socialism, liberal socialism, is growing in Europe. Analysis shows that a major reason for the rise of liberal socialism lies in its success in eroding the two key institutions of capitalism, private property rights and the freedom of exchange. Unlike communism, which used brute force to replace private property rights and free exchange with state ownership and central planning, liberal socialism is spreading the wealth around, creating entitlement programs, supporting labor unions and promoting “fair” trade. The common objective of those and similar policies is to lower the costs of the emergence of liberal socialism by replacing the capitalist culture of independence based on self-responsibility and self-determination in open and competitive markets with the culture of dependence on the state.
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Strikwerda, Carl. "The Divided Class: Catholics vs. Socialists in Belgium, 1880–1914". Comparative Studies in Society and History 30, n.º 2 (abril de 1988): 333–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001041750001522x.
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The rise of working-class movements has recently been subjected to a great deal of historical scrutiny. Although this literature treats a variety of topics, much of it is devoted to different aspects of socialism: the radical, reformist, or utopian nature of socialism, the sociological roots of the movement among artisans and industrial workers, and the creation of an alternative, or socialist, subculture. One reason socialism has been investigated so intensively is that historians have assumed that socialism represented the authentic working-class ideology. Implicitly or explicitly, scholars have conveyed the idea that socialism alone promoted class consciousness, that socialism led workers to realize that they formed a distinct group and had to act together to defend their interests. Other movements among workers have been considered to be conservative and, as such, have been discounted as unrepresentative of workers' interests.
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Curthoys, Ann. "What is the socialism in socialist feminism?" Australian Feminist Studies 3, n.º 6 (março de 1988): 17–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08164649.1988.9961583.
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Leftwich, Adrian. "Is there a socialist path to socialism?" Third World Quarterly 13, n.º 1 (janeiro de 1992): 27–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436599208420260.
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Sharma, Neelam Kumar. "Revision of Marxist Thought in Global Socialist Perspectives". Tribhuvan University Journal 28, n.º 1-2 (2 de dezembro de 2013): 191–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/tuj.v28i1-2.26241.
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Marxism gives a common background to both school of thoughts either capitalism or socialism. Marxism is also known as scientific socialism because of its practical validity. Marxism believes that the downfall of capitalism is inevitable according to its own process of dialectic feature. Communism is an extreme limit of Marxism whereas socialism is considered to be a transitional phase of capitalism and communism. The failure of both classical capitalism on the one hand and communism on the other together with the successful achievements of socialism in various countries are sufficient evidences to rationalize the practical validity of socialism in global perspectives. In this context, particularly evolutionary socialists have sufficiently contributed to replace the deficiencies of Marxism in global socialist perspectives.
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Jiang, Linlin. "The Relationship of Socialism, Nationalism and Pan- Africanism in the Thinking of Nyerere and Nkrumah". BCP Social Sciences & Humanities 14 (17 de dezembro de 2021): 211–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpssh.v14i.195.
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Nyerere is the first-generation of African nationalist, while Nkrumah is a famous ideological theorist and politician in the history of Ghana. They all saw socialism as manifestation of communitarianism. Nyerere believes that socialism is a state of mind and elaborates on the relationship between nationalism and Pan-Africanism, putting forward that unity is more important than independence and that African countries should establish federalism before achieving national independence. While Nkrumah holds the view that African socialism is the reappearance of traditional spirit in a modern environment. Pan-African Movement is the expression of African nationalism, and his socialist thought is mainly embodied in the philosophy of conscience. Socialism is the defence of local autonomy, and the goal of socialism is the decolonization of Africa.
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Capelle-Pogăcean, Antonela, e Nadège Ragaru. "Inhabiting Culture on the Frontiers of Socialism (Gorna Džumaja, 1944-1948)". Annales (English ed.) 68, n.º 02 (junho de 2013): 289–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2398568200000248.
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This article examines the cultural shaping (through film and theater) of urban identities in Gorna Džhumaja, a border city located in Pirin Macedonia, at the dawn of Socialism. In a region that was at the center of Bulgarian, Macedonian, and Greek national conflict, thus rendering its future unpredictable, the establishment of Socialism between 1944-1948 coincided with intense social and national engineering. Developments in the domains of cinema and theater offer a heuristic lens through which to view these processes, notably because of the educational and political role they were attributed. Exploring changes in the cultural environment, designated toponyms, and everyday life of cultural institutions offers new insight into the complex interplay between the pre-Socialist and Socialist periods. It also provides an oblique view of how the Socialist city was fashioned through theatrical tours and ambulant cinema. Socialism thus emerges, beyond sovietization, as a product of transnational circulation.
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Bockman, Johanna. "Democratic Socialism in Chile and Peru: Revisiting the “Chicago Boys” as the Origin of Neoliberalism". Comparative Studies in Society and History 61, n.º 3 (28 de junho de 2019): 654–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417519000239.
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AbstractIn the 1950s and 1960s, the U.S. government paid the economics department at the University of Chicago, known for its advocacy of free markets and monetarism, to train Chilean graduate students. These students became known as the “Chicago Boys,” who implemented the first and most famous neoliberal experiment in Chile after 1973. Peruvian, Mexican, and other Latin American economics students followed a similar path and advocated a turn to neoliberal policies in their own countries. The Chicago Boys narrative has become an origin story for global neoliberalism. However, the focus on this narrative has obscured other transnational networks whose ideas possess certain superficial, but misleading, similarities with neoliberalism. I examine Chilean and Peruvian engagements with Yugoslavia's unique form of socialism, its worker self-management socialism, which was part of a worldwide discussion of anti-authoritarian socialism. I first introduce the Yugoslav socialist model that inspired those in Chile and Peru. I then examine socialist discussions in Chile and Peru that called for decentralized, democratic socialism and looked to Yugoslavia for advice. I conclude by examining the 1990s postponement of socialism in the name of a very narrow democracy and realization of neoliberalism. The Chicago Boys story assumes the easy global victory of neoliberalism and erases what was at stake in the 1988–1994 period: radically democratic socialism on a global scale.
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Lazagna, Angela. "LENIN E A DEMOCRACIA". ENTROPIA 8, n.º 16 (2024): 21–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.52765/entropia.v8i16.541.
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One of the most recurrent criticisms of Marxist political theory is the lack of reflection on the relationship between democracy and socialism. Even though the historical experiences of building socialism have not succeeded in putting socialist and proletarian democracy into practice, the discussion about its implementation can be found in important works by the precursors of Marxism, such as Marx and Lenin. The aim of this article is to review Lenin’s main reflections on bourgeois democracy and socialist democracy.