Teses / dissertações sobre o tema "Social sciences -> political science -> comparative politics"
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Davenport, R. Dean Hankins Barry. "Patriarchy and politics a comparative evaluation of the religious, political and social thought of Sir Robert Filmer and Robert Lewis Dabney /". Waco, Tex. : Baylor University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2104/4293.
Texto completo da fonteWhitehead, Richard. "Single-Party Rule in a Multiparty Age: Tanzania in Comparative Perspective". Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2009. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/58538.
Texto completo da fontePh.D.
As international pressure for multiparty reforms swept Africa during the early 1990s, long-time incumbent, such as UNIP in Zambia, KANU in Kenya, and the MCP in Malawi, were simultaneously challenged by widespread domestic demands for multiparty reforms. Only ten years later, after succumbing to reform demands, many long-time incumbents were out of office after holding competitive multiparty elections. My research seeks an explanation for why this pattern did not emerge in Tanzanian, where the domestic push for multiparty change was weak, and, despite the occurrence of three multiparty elections, the CCM continues to win with sizable election margins. As identified in research on semi-authoritarian rule, the post-reform pattern for incumbency maintenance in countries like Togo, Gabon, and Cameroon included strong doses of repression, manipulation and patronage as tactics for surviving in office under to multiparty elections. Comparatively speaking however, governance by the CCM did not fit the typical post-Cold-War semi-authoritarian pattern of governance either. In Tanzania, coercion and manipulation appears less rampant, while patronage, as a constant across nearly every African regime, cannot explain the overwhelming mass support the CCM continues to enjoy today. Rather than relying on explanations based on repression and patronage alone, I locate the basis of post-reform CCM dominance in a historical process whereby a particularly unique array of social and economic policies promulgated during single-party rule culminated in comparatively affable social relations at the onset of multiparty reform. In Tanzania, this post-independence policy mix included stemming the growth of vast regional wealth differentials, a rejection of ethnicity as a basis for organizing collective action, and the construction of a relatively coherent national identity. By contrast, in most other African cases, policies under single-party rule acted to reinforce many of those economic and ethnic divisions inherited at independence. These divisions in turn, acted as material and moral capital for organizing dissent against incumbency, and the consolidation of opposition parties following political reform.
Temple University--Theses
Bound, Mark George. "Nation-State Personality Theory: A Qualitative Comparative Historical Analysis of Russian Behavior, during Social/Political Transition". NSUWorks, 2015. http://nsuworks.nova.edu/shss_dcar_etd/33.
Texto completo da fontede, Rooij Eline A. "Specialisation of political participation in Europe : a comparative analysis". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d85dce69-2abe-44fa-ae1b-5a5c3f292c68.
Texto completo da fonteDeliberto, Jacob J. "A tale of two bloody bailouts : a comparative study between the outcomes of the American Surges in Iraq (2006-2009) and in Afghanistan (2009-2013)". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2016. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6897/.
Texto completo da fonteChevallier, Bellon Charlotte. "ESSAI D'INTERPRETATION DES PHENOMENES CENTRISTES CONTEMPORAINS :analyse comparative : France, Allemagne, Pologne". Phd thesis, Université Paris VIII Vincennes-Saint Denis, 2006. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00179340.
Texto completo da fonteKrijestorac, Mirsad. "Nationalism as a Process for Making the Desired Identity Salient: Bosnian Muslims Become Bosniaks". FIU Digital Commons, 2016. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3004.
Texto completo da fonteKavak, Sinem. "Repenser l'économie politique des conflits contemporains sur la question de l'eau en Turquie : espaces, structures et agentivité d'une perspective comparative". Thesis, Université Paris-Saclay (ComUE), 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016SACLN040.
Texto completo da fonteThis dissertation examines role of political economy in contemporary agrarian mobilizations. By focusing on recent water struggles in Turkey against the run-of-the-river hydropower plants (SHP’s); the research digs into the societal and economic factors that enable or inhibit the emergence of strong mobilizations through a comparison of reactions against SHP projects in four localities of Eastern Black Sea region- Kavak (Arhavi) and Aralik (Borcka)- and its hinterland Tortum (Pehlivanli and Bagbasi villages)The main logic behind the cross comparison is to find out if there is a relationship between the forms of rural livelihoods; mostly defined in terms of production, marketing, place in the general economic system, migration and viability of space; and political mobilization against SHP construction combined with the other possible reasons leading to an unrest and contention. The research revealed that prior transformation of the rural spaces affects the ways, means and discourses of the local struggles. In this context, I would argue that Kavak (Arhavi) and Aralik (Borçka) have become peri-urban spaces through the specific transformation that they have gone through. The peri-urban character eased the travel of ideas and city-based politicization patterns into the hometown. In the specificity of Arhavi, the city-effect in the anti-SHP mobilization is evident which gives a particular framing and discourse to the mobilization. A group of people that can be classified as new middle class who are from Arhavi but lived and worked in the big cities pioneered in the resistance. They enabled broader alliances and contributed to the strengthening of a carnivalesque resistance with rituals, reinvented traditions and micro-identities. However in Aralik, despite all the attempts, similar pattern could not be reached. The difference can be traced in the arguments of the viability of the space. The rural-urban migration pattern kept the town of Arhavi as a viable socio-economic space whereas; the town of Aralik has been adversely affected from the rural-urban migration that can be regarded as non-viability.Contrary to commercialized petty-commodity producing villages of Eastern Black Sea, the arid valleys of Tortum sheltered peasant households, which endure on subsistence farming. Viability of these societal settings well continued, despite the low socio-economic status. Rural population levels remained almost stable until the beginning of 2000s. Since the production is dependent on irrigation, the SHP posed a serious threat on the livelihood and this has fiercely mobilized previously closed and docile population. However, the discourse, framing and extent and techniques of mobilization is completely different from the peri-urban contexts of coastal Black Sea. The extent of mobilization is directly related to the extent of threat on the livelihood in Bagbasi and Pehlivanli. When the threat is high, as in Bagbasi, the mobilization is strong. However, when the threat is low, as in Pehlivanli, and there are opportunities provided by the company that would ease the livelihood pressures, non-mobilization is more likely.Hence, I argue that spatio-economic transformation of the localities that unevenly transform rural settings in terms of production and consumption activities have impact on the patterns, discourses and agency in the contemporary ‘rural’ mobilizations. Therefore, the dissertation advocates for a need for theorisation of contemporary agrarian mobilization from this perspective by putting the emphasis on the livelihood transformations, transformation and viability of space, commercialization of production and differentiation within the peasantry and the agency
Linder, Olle. "Social Inclusion Causing Conflict : A Comparative Case Study on the role of Military Integration and Nationalism". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-373496.
Texto completo da fonteFranks, Carl. "From the Destruction of Memory to the Destruction of People : Social Movements and their Impact on Memory, Legitimacy and Mass Violence - A Comparative Study of the West German Student Movement and the Serbian "Anti-Bureaucratic Revolution"". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Hugo Valentin-centrum, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-324321.
Texto completo da fonteTunkis, Peter Jan. "Strength in Numbers: Social Identity, Political Ambition, and Group-based Legislative Party Switching". The Ohio State University, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1524563343963192.
Texto completo da fonteMenendez, Gonzalez Irene. "The politics of compensation under trade : openness, economic geography and spending". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7974d14a-b88d-46a3-99aa-553dc85a9192.
Texto completo da fonteBonander, Fredrik. "Party membership and state subsidies a comparative study /". Doctoral thesis, Örebro : Örebro universitet, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-8260.
Texto completo da fonteMahajan, Roli. "Exploring Maritime Border Disputes using the Issues Approach : Comparative analysis of Ghana-Ivory Coast and Kenya-Somalia". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-445376.
Texto completo da fonteDurante, Andrés. "Decentralization: a double-edged sword? : A comparative case study on decentralization and its influence on ethnic conflict and secessionism". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-341395.
Texto completo da fonteForsudd, Carl-Magnus. "The Motives of Aid Donors : A comparative study of the aid allocation of Denmark, Norway and Sweden". Thesis, Växjö University, Växjö University, Växjö University, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-5774.
Texto completo da fonteThis essay seeks to discern the motives of the aid allocation of western governments. The aim of the essay is to find differences between three highly similar aid donors: namely Denmark, Norway and Sweden, by doing a comparative case study according to the most similar case method. The research has been conducted by analyzing material from two ministers of each government, the Foreign Ministers and Ministers for International Development, by using a motive-analysis method. Social constructivism and structural realism have been used as a theoretical explanation. These two theories have been helpful in understanding how International Relations work.The results showed that although the three countries were highly similar, they showed some crucial differences in their motivation for aid allocation, especially in the case of Denmark. Theoretically, this could be explained by social constructivism, i.e. that the states have different priorities and experiences.
Mehrabi, Wais. "Politics of International Recognition: The Case of Aspirant States". Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1546318678351285.
Texto completo da fonteJabbari, Fatma. "The Discursive Production of Citizenship, Social Identity, and Religious Discrimination:The Case of Tunisia". Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1524332005234282.
Texto completo da fonteCunningham, Gideon C. "The State and Cannabis: What is Success? A Comparative Analysis of Cannabis Policy in The United States of America, Uruguay, and Canada". Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1630448479473519.
Texto completo da fonteGivens, John Wagner. "Suing dragons? : taking the Chinese state to court". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a016f84a-3df8-4df7-88bb-4475372022f0.
Texto completo da fonteLambert, Laurent A. "Drivers and barriers to change in desalinated water governance in the GCC : a comparative approach to water privatisations in Abu Dhabi, Doha and Kuwait City". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d98027bc-e479-46da-9f6f-1572e57f630c.
Texto completo da fonteTortola, Pier Domenico. "Federalism, the state and the city : explaining urban policy institutions in the United States and in the European Union". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c7fc59b8-474d-45db-b5ae-e1c95f2e44fc.
Texto completo da fonteDetwiler, Dominic. "Bridging The Queer-Green Gap: LGBTQ & Environmental Movements inCanada, Ireland, the United Kingdom, and the United States". Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1587131806748671.
Texto completo da fonteRandall, Jason. "Cyber-Sovereignty: The Power of Social Media on the Arab Spring in Tunisia and Egypt". DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2017. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/cauetds/108.
Texto completo da fonteCorkin, Lucy Jane. "A decade of democracy : comparing trends in support for democracy in South Africa and Brazil since democratic transition". Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/16271.
Texto completo da fonteENGLISH ABSTRACT: Brazil and South Africa were both part of the global “third-wave” of democracy, the beginnings of their democratic transitions occurring in 1985 and 1994 respectively. Despite having been formerly subjected to decades of authoritarian rule, both countries experienced a modicum of democratic practice, however limited in franchise, under the previous regimes. The purpose of this study is to investigate the levels of support for democracy in Brazil and South Africa since democratic transition. Two types of political support are identified as crucial for democratic sustainability: diffuse support, or support for democracy’s intrinsic principles, and specific support, support which is conditional on the positive evaluation of the regime institutions and incumbents. These two types of political support are conceptualized as encompassing five levels or objects of political support, according to the Norris model: the political community, regime principles, regime performance (diffuse support), regime institutions and political actors (specific support). This study proposes that because vestiges of democratic norms and practices have been present within these countries’ political systems for some time, it is possible that they will manifest trends in support similar to much older, more established democracies. These global trends indicate that diffuse support for democracy is being maintained while specific support for democracy is waning. A longitudinal quantitative study was conducted, using consecutive waves of World Values Survey to operationalize support for democracy in terms of the five abovementioned political objects and the results of South Africa and Brazil compared. These results show that both case studies could be interpreted as having fairly high levels of diffuse support and decreasing levels of specific support for democracy. It is however acknowledged that results are not conclusive and further research is required, especially with respect to how respondents conceptualize the term ‘democracy’.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Brasilië en Suid-Afrika was albei deel van die globale “derde golf” van demokrasie, met die aanvang van hulle oorgang na demokrasie onderskeidelik in 1985 en 1994. Ten spyte daarvan dat hierdie twee lande voormalig aan dekades van outoritêre gesag onderwerp is, het albei, hoewel beperk in stemreg, ’n mate van demokratiese praktyk onder ’n vorige bestel ervaar. Die doel van hierdie studie is om die steunvlakke vir demokrasie in Brasilië en Suid- Afrika sedert hulle oorgang na demokrasie te ondersoek. Twee soorte politieke steun word geïdentifiseer as deurslaggewend vir demokratiese volhoubaarheid: verspreide steun – of steun vir die intrinsieke beginsels van demokrasie – en spesifieke steun – steun wat van die positiewe evaluering van die regime se instellings en ampsbekleders afhang. Hierdie twee soorte politieke steun word deur vyf konsepte voorgestel wat die vyf vlakke of voorwerpe van politieke steun volgens die Norris-model dek: die politieke gemeenskap, regimebeginsels, regimeprestasie (verspreide steun), regime-instellings en politieke akteurs (spesifieke steun). Hierdie studie stel voor dat, aangesien spore van demokratiese norme en praktyke vir ’n geruime tyd binne hierdie lande se politieke stelsels teenwoordig was, dit moontlik is dat hulle steuntendense sal toon wat aan baie ouer, meer gevestigde demokrasieë soortgelyk is. Hierdie globale tendense toon dat verspreide steun vir demokrasie gehandhaaf word terwyl spesifieke steun vir demokrasie aan die kwyn is. ’n Longitudinale kwantitatiewe studie is onderneem wat van opeenvolgende siklusse van die “World Values Survey” gebruik maak om steun vir demokrasie in terme van die vyf bogenoemde politieke voorwerpe uit te beeld. Die resultate van Suid-Afrika en Brasilië is daarna vergelyk. Uit hierdie resultate sou afgelei kon word dat redelik hoë vlakke van verspreide steun en dalende vlakke van spesifieke steun vir demokrasie in beide gevalle voorkom. Daar word egter erken dat resultate nie beslissend is nie en dat verdere navorsing nodig is, in besonder met betrekking tot respondente se begrip van die term ‘demokrasie’.
Alghunaim, Ghadah. "Conflict between Saudi Arabia and Iran: An Examination of Critical Factors Inhibiting their Positive Roles in the Middle East". NSUWorks, 2014. http://nsuworks.nova.edu/shss_dcar_etd/19.
Texto completo da fonteBouhamdan, Tyra Murielle. "Religion, the Law and the Human Rights of Women in the Middle East: A Quantitative Analysis". Atlanta, Ga. : Georgia State University, 2009. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_theses/31/.
Texto completo da fonteTitle from title page (Digital Archive@GSU, viewed July 20, 2010) Michael Herb, committee chair; Jelena Subotic, Scott Graves, committee members. Includes bibliographical references.
Incorvia, Niki. "Role Theory as an informative lens for understanding the familial and political power struggles of Henry VIII and Mary I of England". NSUWorks, 2014. http://nsuworks.nova.edu/shss_dcar_etd/18.
Texto completo da fonteThomson, Grant. "Community small scale wind farms for New Zealand: a comparative study of Austrian development, with consideration for New Zealand’s future wind energy development". Lincoln University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10182/961.
Texto completo da fonteRybaczuk, Rachel. "The Search for Self-Fulfillment: How Individualism Undermines Community Organizing". Amherst, Mass. : University of Massachusetts Amherst, 2009. http://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/278/.
Texto completo da fonteDay, Stephen Robert. "The process of social-democratization : from Leninist to Social-Democratic parties in Central and Eastern Europe (a comparative based approach focusing specifically upon the Social Democracy of the Republic of Poland - SdRP)". Thesis, University of Warwick, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.300210.
Texto completo da fonteEdwards, Ransford F. Jr. "Disaster Capitalism: Empirical Evidence from Latin America and the Caribbean". FIU Digital Commons, 2016. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2972.
Texto completo da fonteZhukova, Olga. "Agenda politique et régime de genre : comparaison sociohistorique des évolutions en Russie et en France". Phd thesis, Université Montesquieu - Bordeaux IV, 2013. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00869392.
Texto completo da fonteBovin, Axel. "Free market or food stockpiles : A comparative case study of food supply in a crisis perspective in Sweden and Finland". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-354986.
Texto completo da fonteReadshaw, P. "Evaluating the role of media in fostering political engagement among young people in the UK : a comparative analysis of social and legacy media coverage of political events and contribution to feelings of political empowerment". Thesis, Canterbury Christ Church University, 2017. http://create.canterbury.ac.uk/17700/.
Texto completo da fonteIgbogbo, Iyere. "Western paternalism in Africa - A Comparative Case Study of Nigeria and The Republic of Niger on Gay Rights". Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21170.
Texto completo da fonteLawson-Last, Valerie. "Understanding the performance of the Left Party (die Linke) in Western Germany : a comparative evaluation of cartel and social cleavage theories as explanatory frameworks". Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 2015. http://repository.londonmet.ac.uk/1289/.
Texto completo da fonteMitchell, Annie. "The character of an independent Whig : a study of the work of John Trenchard and Thomas Gordon, including a comparative analysis of the social and political thought of Bernard Mandeville". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2002. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1317678/.
Texto completo da fonteMiettunen, Juuso V. M. "Prefigurative politics : perils and promise". Thesis, University of Kent, 2015. https://kar.kent.ac.uk/50228/.
Texto completo da fonteFleischer, Julia. "Policy advice and institutional politics : a comparative analysis of Germany and Britain". Phd thesis, Universität Potsdam, 2012. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2012/6187/.
Texto completo da fonteThis study follows the debate in comparative public administration research on the role of advisory arrangements in central governments. The aim of this study is to explain the mechanisms by which these actors gain their alleged role in government decision-making. Hence, it analyses advisory arrangements that are proactively involved in executive decision-making and may compete with the permanent bureaucracy by offering policy advice to political executives. The study argues that these advisory arrangements influence government policy-making by "institutional politics", i.e. by shaping the institutional underpinnings to govern or rather the "rules of the executive game" in order to strengthen their own position or that of their clients. The theoretical argument of this study follows the neo-institutionalist turn in organization theory and defines institutional politics as gradual institutionalization processes between institutions and organizational actors. It applies a broader definition of institutions as sets of regulative, normative and cognitive pillars. Following the "power-distributional approach" such gradual institutionalization processes are influenced by structure-oriented characteristics, i.e. the nature of the objects of institutional politics, in particular the freedom of interpretation in their application, as well as the distinct constraints of the institutional context. In addition, institutional politics are influenced by agency-oriented characteristics, i.e. the ambitions of actors to act as "would-be change agents". These two explanatory dimensions result in four ideal-typical mechanisms of institutional politics: layering, displacement, drift, and conversion, which correspond to four ideal-types of would-be change agents. The study examines the ambitions of advisory arrangements in institutional politics in an exploratory manner, the relevance of the institutional context is analyzed via expectation hypotheses on the effects of four institutional context features that are regarded as relevant in the scholarly debate: (1) the party composition of governments, (2) the structuring principles in cabinet, (3) the administrative tradition, and (4) the formal politicization of the ministerial bureaucracy. The study follows a "most similar systems design" and conducts qualitative case studies on the role of advisory arrangements at the center of German and British governments, i.e. the Prime Minister’s Office and the Ministry of Finance, for a longer period (1969/1970-2005). Three time periods are scrutinized per country; the British case studies examine the role of advisory arrangements at the Cabinet Office, the Prime Minister's Office, and the Ministry of Finance under Prime Ministers Heath (1970-74), Thatcher (1979-87) and Blair (1997-2005). The German case studies study the role of advisory arrangements at the Federal Chancellery and the Federal Ministry of Finance during the Brandt government (1969-74), the Kohl government (1982-1987) and the Schröder government (1998-2005). For the empirical analysis, the results of a document analysis and the findings of 75 semi-structured expert interviews have been triangulated. The comparative analysis reveals different patterns of institutional politics. The German advisory arrangements engaged initially in displacement but turned soon towards layering and drift, i.e. after an initial displacement of the pre-existing institutional underpinnings to govern they laid increasingly new elements onto existing ones and took the non-deliberative decision to neglect the adaption of existing rules of the executive game towards changing environmental demands. The British advisory arrangements were mostly involved in displacement and conversion, despite occasional layering, i.e. they displaced the pre-existing institutional underpinnings to govern with new rules of the executive game and transformed and realigned them, sometimes also layering new elements onto pre-existing ones. The structure- and agency-oriented characteristics explain these patterns of institutional politics. First, the study shows that the institutional context limits the institutional politics in Germany and facilitates the institutional politics in the UK. Second, the freedom of interpreting the application of institutional targets is relevant and could be observed via the different ambitions of advisory arrangements across countries and over time, confirming, third, that the interests of such would-be change agents are likewise important to understand the patterns of institutional politics. The study concludes that the role of advisory arrangements in government policy-making rests not only upon their policy-related, party-political or media-advisory role for political executives, but especially upon their activities in institutional politics, resulting in distinct institutional constraints on all actors in government policy-making – including their own role in these processes.
Foreman, Sean Daniel. "The politics of professional sports facility subsidies in Florida". FIU Digital Commons, 2003. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3338.
Texto completo da fonteLacouture, Matthew Thomas. "Liberalization, Contention, and Threat: Institutional Determinates of Societal Preferences and the Arab Spring in Tunisia and Morocco". PDXScholar, 2015. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2130.
Texto completo da fonteHotchkiss, Nikole. "Taking aim a comparative study of target groups and the formation of contemporary counterterrorism policy in France and the United States /". [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2009. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3378354.
Texto completo da fonteTitle from PDF t.p. (viewed on Jul 6, 2010). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 70-10, Section: A, page: 4073. Adviser: Clem Brooks.
Cassanos, Sam. "Political Environment and Transnational Agency: a Comparative Analysis of the Solidarity Movement For Palestine". Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1273954268.
Texto completo da fonteTekin, Bilbil Ebru. "The Politics of Uncertainty in a Global Market| The Hazelnut Exchange and its Production". Thesis, Bogazici Universitesi (Turkey), 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10630511.
Texto completo da fonteThe purpose of this dissertation is to examine how the market works on the ground. It analyzes the hazelnut market in Turkey and explores the interaction between the market agents. It reveals how this interaction relates to the presence, production and circulation of forms of uncertainty. It also ascertains what uncertainty means in market settings and what role production, representation, dissemination and limiting of uncertainty play in market relations.
In market relations, intentionally or unintentionally, individuals try to forecast, value, prevent and qualify (as risk or loss) uncertainties. They assume that they can perceive, measure and avoid uncertainties on the basis of probabilities, level of knowledge about unknowns or ability to overcome. As such, uncertainty is assumed to be given yet with inadequate attention into its constitutive dynamics, actors of its making and its role in the market creation. The dissertation examines how uncertainties are constructed and what role this construction plays in constituting the market exchange and relations. The conclusions reached are that economizing uncertainty becomes a market device in production, exchange, circulation, pricing and policy making.
The dissertation starts with an analysis of the market reform policies and agricultural transformation in Turkey. Next, it traces the processes of the production and calculation of hazelnuts, examining how hazelnuts are produced and measured under uncertainty, and how uncertainty is created in the calculation of hazelnuts. It then explains exchange relations and price politics created at different spheres and with different expectations. After that, it explores the struggles and controversies among market groups over the production, calculation, exchange and pricing of hazelnuts and policy making. Subsequently, it analyzes what the politics of uncertainty means and how it is produced in the market setting.
Following uncertainties and observing their making in markets require a research program that draws on literatures concerning economics, political science and sociology. The research program includes the discussion of material things, individuals, formal and informal institutions and prices as well as their interactions. The research was based primarily on qualitative interviews, participant observations, case studies and document analysis conducted between 2006 and 2009.
Sandri, Giulia. "Intra-party democracy and political activism: a comparative analysis of attitudes and behaviours of grass-roots party members". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209800.
Texto completo da fonteIn this study, we explore two specific dimensions of party politics: membership and internal activisms, on the one hand, and on the other hand the internal democratization processes and in particular those dealing with broadening the inclusiveness of leadership selection procedures. Therefore, this study integrates in particular the debate on the nature and consequences of party organizational democratization. The debate finds its origins both in the influential work of Michels on the “iron law of oligarchy” thesis but has been more recently boosted by the theories of May (1973), Mair (1994) and also the studies on intra-party democracy in the British Labour (Shaw, 1994; Russell, 2005).
However, we are interested in the point of view of members themselves on the consequences of internal democratization. We are interested on how members perceive these organizational changes, in whether they are frustrated form the actual consequences on their role and powers and whether they perceive them as a potential threat that could undermine their organizational position within the party. In order to respond to the debate on the consequences of intra-party democracy at individual level, we rely mainly on three questions. The main research questions of this study are thus the following: to what extent party organizational changes in the sense of greater democratization affect the membership role at individual level? How are these organizational changes perceived by members? To what extent members’ perceptions of their own role affect their behaviors and in particular their internal activism?
The aim of this study, thus, is to empirically assess the impact on members’ activism of party internal democratization and in particular of the perception of membership role. We are interested in whether party members’ attitudes are changing as a result of parties’ organizational changes, particularly if these changes are giving members more say over outcomes. This is a study of how (and whether) perceived roles affect behaviour. The independent variable is constituted by the members’ perception of their own role within party organizational structures and in particular with regard to the leadership selection methods, whilst the dependent variable is represented by the level of activism of party members, in terms of participation to party activities in general. In fact, the impact of party rules at individual level will be addressed, as well as how the perception of organizational rules affects individual attitudes and behaviors. In particular, the focus is on leadership selection methods that integrate party members at some point in the overall process (Lisi, 2009), such as direct elections (Hazan and Rahat, 2006). The case selection is thus implemented on the basis of the research question: the comparison is developed across parties (and not across time) using different instruments for enhancing intra-party democracy.
Therefore, we analyze the role perception, attitudes and behaviors of grass-roots members of three contemporary Western European parties: the Belgian French-speaking socialist party (Parti Socialiste, PS), the British Labour and the Italian Democratic Party (Partito Democratico, PD). Among the selected parties, one (PD) holds primaries open to all voters for selecting their leader and one (Belgian PS), on the contrary, has chosen the closed primary (OMOV) system. The British Labour Party uses an electoral college for electing its leader since 1981. The Electoral College method refers to a system in which specific groups are allocated a specific share of the leadership vote. In the case of the UK Labour, the votes are equally divided among its constituency members, the parliamentary caucus and the trade union members.
Concerning the first research question of our study, our empirical results underline that in the three selected cases organizational changes affect indeed the membership role at individual level and that grass-root members perceive very clearly this impact on their status and organizational rights, obligations and privileges. When grass-roots members evaluate their role within the party, in particular with regard to the procedure for selecting the leader and the involvement of non-members and passive members within party organization, their perceptions take into account their organizational power as defined, among other factors, also by their share of votes in leadership selection. Thus, we expect that PD members perceive their role as more blurred than Labour members and particularly than PS members. In the case of parties, such as the PS, adopting direct elections of the party leader only by the affiliates, the majority of the members are expected to perceive clearly the distinction of the position, privileges and functions between members and non-members and the extensive role reserved for the affiliates.
Our data show that the perception of own role vary among members, but also that many members perceive their own role as being rather blurred. They display in fact nuanced but generally negative attitudes towards the integration of voters and supporters within the selection of party leader. On the basis of our survey data, the observed variation in the perception of membership role within and between the three parties seems to correspond to what we expected. A higher proportion of PD surveyed members declare to perceive their role as blurred, while smaller proportions of PS and particularly labour respondents share this evaluation. In general, our data confirm that party members do not evaluate positively the fact that these formal privileges are extended not only to all individual members, not only to activists but even to passive ones, but also to party voters and supporters. Mair’s “activists’ disempowerment” thesis (Mair, 1994) seems to be supported by our data, at least in terms of individual perceptions.
Moreover, our data show that the degree of satisfaction with intra-party democracy significantly vary among parties and is generally not nearly as high as could be expected on the basis of party politics literature. If in the British Labour survey the responses of grass-roots members seem to form a more positive picture, with a great majority of member declaring that the party leader is not too powerful, the level of dissatisfaction with party functioning is rather higher in the other two parties. Nevertheless, PS members are fairly more convinced than PS members that the party internal decision-making is democratic. This is what we expected to find on the basis of our first hypothesis. In fact, our first hypothesis postulated that the perception of the role of party membership by affiliates in terms of (lack of) distinction between members and non-members affects inversely their level of satisfaction with the internal functioning of the party and their degree of perceived political efficacy. The stronger the perception of the blurred role of membership, the lower will be the level of political efficacy and specific support for the party. According to our data, among PD members the perception of the blurred, undefined role of members is rather high and so is the degree of dissatisfaction with intra-party functioning. On the contrary, within the other two parties and especially within the Labour, the role perception by grass-roots members is rather positive and well-defined and the level of specific support for the party is also higher.
The expectations formulated on the basis of our first hypothesis appear to be supported by the empirical data also with regard to the variations in the sense of external political efficacy of members. Our data seem consistent with the hypothesis, developed by several scholars (Katz and Mair, 1995; Carty, 2004; Bolleyer, 2009), that expanding the leadership selectorate and granting formal powers to party members and supporters may hide, on the other hand, the perception by enrolled members to be actually loosing power. On the basis of our data, it is possible to assert that grass-roots members seem to be aware of the possibility of a trade-off between extreme inclusiveness of decision-making procedures and actual centralization of organizational power in the hands of party elites.
With regard to the third research question of this study, our results confirm that indeed members’ perceptions of their own role, in relation to internal democratization, affect their behaviors and in particular their internal participation. The three parties appear to have different features in terms of internal activism, at aggregate but in particular at individual level. Secondly, not only the overall level of intra-party activism of grass-roots members vary between and within the three selected parties, but appears to be influenced by members’ attitudes towards the party. In fact, our second hypothesis postulated that the levels of specific support for the party and political efficacy of party members impact directly on their level of activism. The lower the level of political efficacy and specific support for the party, the lower will be the degree of activism of all members (as well as the quality of the activities they perform) and vice-versa. In a party holding open and direct elections to choose its leader, party membership is thought to be divided between a highly active avant-garde and a larger mass of inactive affiliates, feeling inefficacy, frustrated with intra-party democracy and perceiving their own role as blurred and undefined. Consequently, dissatisfied or low efficacy members are argued to participate less.
Our data only partially support the expectations. In fact, the impact of the sense of external efficacy is clear and strong in all the three cases, while on the contrary the relationship between specific support and intra-party activism is less clear-cut than expected. The results are therefore nuanced with regard to the expectations formulated in the second hypothesis of this study. The explanatory power of external efficacy and specific support in terms of internal mobilization is only partially supported by our data. Therefore, the evaluation of the consequences of the implementation of party organizational changes such as the adoption of open primaries depends on what party elites are interested in: if the goal is to assure membership loyalty, adopting open primaries is not a good way to strengthen membership involvment in the party.
We believe that real intra-party democracy is normatively impossible with regard to the position of members. Organizational power cannot be too dispersed among different units without jeopardizing not only effective functioning of the party, as the old debated on the trade-off between democracy and efficacy asserted (Duverger, 1951; Panebianco, 1988), but also the incentives for internal participation of the party base. Party members are well aware that internal power cannot be too dispersed. From the point of view of members, a party should have a clear chain of command and should be composed by elites, activists and members. Each one of them should also be endowed with clearly defined tasks and responsibilities. In conclusion, we believe that intra-party democracy is a symbolic element of party organization but not as actually implementable.
In sum, intra-party democracy does not mean the same for different party units. For party elites, it represents a process for either legitimizing the party, changing party image, mobilizing electoral support, managing internal faction or even indirectly increasing their own organizational room for manoeuvre. For party members, intra-party democracy represents an incentive for mobilizing and a political identification tool until a certain point. After that, it becomes a threat to their rights and their status. For grass-roots affiliates, intra-party democracy is not a value per se, but it depends on its real intensity and actual implementation. In conclusion, at theoretical level, we can conclude that party organization theories should increasingly take into account membership’s point of view. On the contrary, at practical level, we can conclude that parties should adapt their strategies with regard to intra-party democracy according to their goal. If party elites are interested in tightening their grip on internal decision-making while increasing their room for manoeuvre and legitimizing party image at the same time, increasing intra-party democracy could be the best organizational strategy. On the contrary, if the leadership’s aim is to mobilize members and guarantee a stable and loyal membership, then it should be noted that increasing intra-party democracy is not always the best choice. To this regard, it might be useful for party elites to find other and more effective ways to loyalize member.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
Connolly, Katrina D. "The Importance of Place for Refugee Employment in the U.S.| A Comparative Case Study". Thesis, The George Washington University, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3557453.
Texto completo da fonteThis dissertation studies refugee resettlement in the U.S. and develops a framework for understanding a city's capacity for employing refugees who resettle in the U.S. The study exposes the tension between the humanitarian mission of the U.S. Refugee Program and the objective of immediate employment after arrival.
The research questions include: 1) How do contextual factors in the destination city relate to refugee employment outcomes? 2) How might deeper consideration of the relationship between city factors and refugee economic outcomes inform policy making in refugee resettlement program?
A framework derived from the literatures on urban policy and refugees explores how place-based factors influence initial refugee employment with an embedded comparative case study research design (3 cases, 6 units each). Interview data and 2010 employment outcomes stratified by country of origin and English ability collected on-site in 2011, in addition to public data sets from the Census Bureau and Bureau of Labor Statistics were analyzed. By comparing outcomes of refugees with similar demographic profiles across 3 cities, the research design explores how local policies, attitudes of the receiving community, economic opportunities, ethnic networks, and refugee resettlement organizations influence refugee employment outcomes.
The study finds that when comparing pairs of cases, higher refugee employment rates 8 months after arrival are associated with higher relevant job availability and accessibility in the metropolitan area. Job availability is characterized by lower unemployment, a larger low skill job market, a smaller ratio of refugees to metropolitan area population, resettlement agency outreach to employers, larger co-national communities, linguistic clusters in places of employment, a higher percentage of English speakers in the linguistic group, and Right-to-Work policies. The focus on place-based factors fills a gap in previous refugee literature with a general theory about how the local context of U.S. cities interact with refugee employment. The findings have implications for the U.S. Refugee Program's allocations strategy, terms of cash assistance, outcome measurement, and funding structure. Recognizing the employment capacity of a city for refugees enables program administrators to anticipate the cost implications of resettling refugees in that city.
Kang, Won-Geun Barkun Michael. "Structure, ideology, institution, and social movement vitality: a comparative study of evangelical Christian political activities in South Korea and the United States". Related Electronic Resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.
Texto completo da fonteJuffras, Jason Nicholas. "A Comparative Case Study of Tax Policy Decisions in the District of Columbia, Maryland, and Virginia". Thesis, The George Washington University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3687795.
Texto completo da fonteThis dissertation examines how state policymakers develop, evaluate, and select tax policy options, based on case studies of tax policy decisions in the District of Columbia, Maryland, and Virginia from 2007 to 2010.
States have been the main locus of tax policy change in the U.S. in recent years, varying widely in their choices of which taxes to raise or cut, and whether to adjust tax rates or the tax base. Because public finance and budgeting research has focused largely on appropriations, as well as tax decisions at the federal level, the dissertation seeks to expand the knowledge base about state tax policy formulation. This is a critically important policy area because state tax systems are threatened by the growth of services, the advent of electronic commerce, capital flows that cross state and national borders, and the aging of the population.
Based on a mixed-methods research strategy involving documentary evidence as well as interviews with 10 to 15 key policy participants in each state, the dissertation found that the three states vary widely in their capacity to generate and refine tax policy options, reflecting ideological and institutional differences. Nevertheless, the states were very similar in one respect: each state made only tangential efforts to expand its tax base and curtail tax expenditures during the worst fiscal crisis in decades. This pattern suggests that it will be difficult for states to carry out the reformers' mantra to broaden tax bases and lower tax rates, a conclusion that is supported by national data.
The case study states also relied heavily on "selective parity" – aligning their tax rates and tax bases with at least some neighboring jurisdictions or comparable states – in making tax policy choices. This practice suggests that states will avoid the gridlock that has marked federal tax policy, because the widespread use of benchmarking provides a rationale for tax increases as well as cuts, while still serving as a moderating factor that pulls states toward regional or national means. States are picking spots on a spectrum of service levels and tax burdens that reflect voter preferences but are also constrained by national and regional norms.
A general hierarchy of taxes constructed from the case studies and also reflected in national data shows that narrowly-targeted levies (such as health facility taxes) and "sin" taxes (such as cigarette taxes) were the most likely to be increased, while broad-based taxes with the strongest revenue performance (such as the personal income tax) were the least likely to be increased. This pattern reinforces the conclusion that states are neglecting the long-term revenue capacity of their tax systems, a finding that is reinforced by a continuous stream of small tax cuts granted in each state, interrupted periodically by larger tax increases – a pattern of "punctuated incrementalism".
Gaylord, Christopher A. "Emerging trends in mass notification| A comparative study of public and higher education emergency notification systems". Thesis, California State University, Long Beach, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1527374.
Texto completo da fonteMass notification systems exist to provide rapid notification to members of the public during emergency situations. Since the middle of the 20 th century, these systems have evolved to incorporate a variety of different communications methods as technology has advanced. While local governments have used mass notification systems for many years, institutions of higher education generally only began using such systems following the Virginia Tech shootings in 2007. This study attempted to examine trends relating to mass notification systems and to identify differences in how they have been implemented both in local government and in higher education. While the study was not able to identify statistically valid results due to low response rates, it appears that such differences do exist and further research in this area is needed.