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1
Wallace, Rachel. "Gay Life and Liberation, a Photographic Record of 1970s Belfast". Public Historian 41, n.º 2 (1 de maio de 2019): 144–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2019.41.2.144.
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In March 2017, the first LGBTQ+ history exhibition to be displayed at a national museum in Northern Ireland debuted at the Ulster Museum. The exhibition, entitled “Gay Life and Liberation: A Photographic Exhibition of 1970s Belfast,” included private photographs captured by Doug Sobey, a founding member of gay liberation organizations in Belfast during the 1970s, and featured excerpts from oral histories with gay and lesbian activists. It portrayed the emergence of the gay liberation movement during the Troubles and how the unique social, political, and religious situation in Northern Ireland fundamentally shaped the establishment of a gay identity and community in the 1970s. By displaying private photographs and personal histories, it revealed the hidden history of the LGBTQ+ community to the museum-going public. The exhibition also enhanced and extended the histories of the Troubles, challenging traditional assumptions and perceptions of the conflict.
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Soto, Michael, e Joachim Savelsberg. "Collective Memories and Community Interventions: Peace Building in Northern Ireland". Studies in Social Justice 17, n.º 3 (3 de outubro de 2023): 360–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v17i3.3442.
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This paper examines the role of community interventions in post-conflict settings. The focus is on peacebuilding through the shaping of collective memories, achieved through the transformation of social ties. By addressing community interventions, this paper opens the black box between interventions by formal institutions (such as peace treaties, trials, or truth commissions) and outcomes. It is based on a study of one specific cross-community initiative in Belfast, Northern Ireland, which – in 2012 – employed a Transitional Justice Grassroots Toolkit. Document analysis is complemented by interviews with participants and organizers to reveal the role of pedagogical practices, mediated by cohort effects, in facilitating cultural transformation through group interactions. This paper suggests how community interventions can change collective memories, cultural trauma, and related identities of the conflict, away from their polarized and polarizing forms, and it explores implications for future peace and social justice.
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Taylor, Laura K., Dean O’Driscoll, Christine E. Merrilees, Marcie Goeke-Morey, Peter Shirlow e E. Mark Cummings. "Trust, forgiveness, and peace: The influence of adolescent social identity in a setting of intergroup conflict". International Journal of Behavioral Development 46, n.º 2 (16 de janeiro de 2022): 101–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/01650254211066768.
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Following the signing of peace agreements, post-accord societies often remain deeply divided across group lines. There is a need to identify antecedents of youth’s support for peace and establish more constructive intergroup relations. This article explored the effect of out-group trust, intergroup forgiveness, and social identity on support for the peace process among youth from the historic majority and minority communities in Belfast, Northern Ireland. The sample comprised 667 adolescents (49% male; M = 15.74, SD = 1.99 years old) across two time points. The results from the structural equation model suggested that out-group trust was related to intergroup forgiveness over time, while forgiveness related to later support for the peace process. Strength of in-group social identity differentially moderated how out-group trust and intergroup forgiveness related to later support for peace among youth from the conflict-related groups (i.e., Protestants and Catholics). Implications for consolidating peace in Northern Ireland are discussed, which may be relevant to other settings affected by intergroup conflict.
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Devine, Paula, e Gillian Robinson. "A Society Coming out of Conflict: Reflecting on 20 Years of Recording Public Attitudes with the Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey". Research Data Journal for the Humanities and Social Sciences 4, n.º 1 (22 de março de 2019): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24523666-00401001.
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Annual public attitudes surveys are important tools for researchers, policy makers, academics, the media and the general public, as they allow us to track how – or if – public attitudes change over time. This is particularly pertinent in a society coming out of conflict. This article highlights the background to the creation of the Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey in 1998, including its links to previous survey research. Given the political changes after the Good Friday/Belfast Agreement in 1998, the challenge was to create a new annual survey that recorded public attitudes over time to key social issues pertinent to Northern Ireland’s social policy context. 2018 marks the 20th anniversary of the survey’s foundation, as well as the 20th anniversary of the Agreement. Thus, it is timely to reflect on the survey’s history and impact.
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Antick, Paul. "Smith in Belfast: A Radiophonic Ethnodrama". Journal of Extreme Anthropology 2, n.º 2 (30 de junho de 2018): 164–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/jea.6292.
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A new 25 minute radiophonic ethnodrama by Paul Antick and Jo Langton, Smith in Belfast is the account of one man's journey through a series of situations and conversations, the contents of which refer in sometimes roundabout ways to the linguistic, legal, architectural, social and sartorial aftermath(s) of 'the Troubles' in Northern Ireland. Composed of a series of relatively unsettling, often absurdly oblique vignettes - staged in pubs, ‘chippers’, parks and on street corners - Smith in Belfast culminates in the troubling impersonation - by its English protagonist Smith - of an ex-paramilitary tour guide careering though memories of old photographs and film footage of ‘the Troubles’ in front of a concerned group of visitors somewhere on the Falls Road. As Brexit negotiations stumble on, Smith in Belfast – an expurgated version of which originally aired on Resonance FM in 2017 - is a strange and timely reminder that although the war in Northern Ireland may be over, many of the contradictions that fuelled the conflict there, contradictions that ostensibly turned on the relationship between issues of national sovereignty and social identity, have never been entirely resolved. Smith in Belfast is a radiophonic alert to the possibility that the pain Brexit could conceivably inflict on the province (and beyond) might, in the face of political solipsism and creeping English nationalism, potentially involve more than a hike in the price of wine. Note that although this production explicitly references some ‘real life’ historical figures and events, and also (apparently) draws on conversations and situations its author enjoyed on the ‘Troubles tours’ of Belfast he attended during the summer of 2014, it, like all of the characters in it, is almost emphatically fictional.
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Knox, Colin. "Peace Building in Northern Ireland: A Role for Civil Society". Social Policy and Society 10, n.º 1 (8 de dezembro de 2010): 13–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746410000357.
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Northern Ireland has witnessed significant political progress with devolution and a power sharing Executive in place since May 2007. These political achievements, however, conceal a highly polarised society characterised by sectarianism and community divisions, the legacy of a protracted conflict. This paper is located in the theoretical discourse between consociationalists who argue that antithetical identities cannot be integrated and advocates of social transformation who support greater cross-community peace-building initiatives through the involvement of civil society. This theoretical debate is taking place in a policy vacuum. The Northern Ireland Executive has abandoned its commitment to the previous (direct rule) administration's A Shared Future policy and is now considering alternatives broadly described as community cohesion, sharing and integration. Using a case study of a Protestant/Catholic interface community, this paper offers empirical evidence of the effectiveness of one social transformation initiative involving community groups in a highly segregated area of West Belfast.
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O'Connell, Sean. "THE TROUBLES WITH A LOWER CASE t: UNDERGRADUATES AND BELFAST'S DIFFICULT HISTORY". Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 28 (2 de novembro de 2018): 219–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440118000117.
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ABSTRACTThis paper explores the risks and rewards involved in directing undergraduate students engaged on an oral history project in Belfast. It advocates the role of oral history as a tool through which to encourage students’ engagement with research-led teaching to produce reflective assignments on the nature of historical evidence, particularly autobiographical memory. The particular challenges of conducting oral history in a city beset by ethno-sectarian divisions are discussed. This factor has ensured that the historiography of Belfast has focused extensively on conflict and violence. The city's social history is poorly understood, but employing oral history enables the exploration of issues that take undergraduate historians beyond the Troubles as a starting point. This project probed what is called the troubles with a lower case t, via an analysis of deindustrialisation and urban redevelopment in Sailortown (Belfast's dockland district). It provided evidence with which to offer a new assessment on existing historiographical discussions about working-class nostalgic memory and urban social change, one that supports those scholars that problematize attempts to categorise such memory. The testimony also differed in significant ways from previous oral history research on post-war Northern Ireland.
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McKeown, Shelley, e Laura K. Taylor. "Intergroup contact and peacebuilding: Promoting youth civic engagement in Northern Ireland". Journal of Social and Political Psychology 5, n.º 2 (20 de outubro de 2017): 415–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v5i2.769.
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Focusing on the post-accord generation in Northern Ireland, this study aimed to examine the role of intergroup contact in promoting support for peacebuilding and youth civic engagement. The sample comprised 466 youth (aged 14-15; 51% Catholic, 49% Protestant) who were born after the 1998 Good Friday/Belfast Agreement and therefore represent a ‘post-accord’ generation. Recruited through their schools, youth completed scales on intergroup contact (quality and quantity), support for peacebuilding, and civic engagement. Hypotheses were tested using structural equation modelling and bootstrapped mediation in MPlus. Results found that support for peacebuilding partially mediated the association between higher quality and higher quantity contact and greater civic engagement (volunteering and political participation). Findings demonstrate that youth who are living with the legacy of protracted intergroup conflict can support peacebuilding and engage in constructive behaviours such as civic engagement. By recognising the peacebuilding potential of youth, especially in a post-accord generation, the findings may inform how to promote youth civic engagement and social reconstruction after conflict.
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McAreavey, Naomi. "Building bridges? Remembering the 1641 rebellion in Northern Ireland". Memory Studies 11, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2018): 100–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698017736841.
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This essay explores the changing place of the 1641 rebellion in the memory cultures of Ulster loyalist communities before and after the Good Friday Agreement of 1998. Focusing on the loyalist centres of Portadown and West Belfast, I show that commemorative activities particularly flourished during periods of crisis in these communities as they moved (or were moved) towards compromise. The 1641 Depositions Project has argued that the ‘memory’ of 1641 must be replaced by ‘history’. The potential for the transformation or dissolution of loyalist memories depends on the willingness of these communities to forget a long-established element of the expression of a ‘besieged’ Ulster Protestant identity, which in turn depends on their investment in the peace process. Nascent attempts to accommodate the history and memory of 1641 in post-conflict Northern Ireland suggest that perhaps the fledgling peace is not yet secure enough for such divisive memories to disappear.
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Stainer, Jonathan. "The Possibility of Nonsectarian Futures: Emerging Disruptive Identities of Place in the Belfast of Ciaran Carson's The Star Factory". Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 23, n.º 3 (junho de 2005): 373–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d53j.
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In this paper I aim to excavate and interpret a series of ‘disruptive’ narratives of place in the novel The Star Factory by Ciaran Carson, a series of prose essays which construct an intimate, remembered, and defining vision of the city of Belfast (1997, Granta, London). I argue throughout that conflict in Northern Ireland is underwritten and informed by the imaginative geographies of rival, antagonistic, and sterile forms of sectarian nationalism, and that it is therefore necessary to seek alternative means of conceptualising social space and ‘the city’ which do not rely on narrow cultural categories and arbiters of difference. The text articulates an imaginative reinvention of the city of Belfast which goes beyond the traditional (and problematic) narratives of sectarianism, suggesting that place identity and the urban geographical experience are characterised by fluidity, hybridity, and changing perspectives.
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Bleakney, Judith, e Paul Darby. "The pride of east Belfast: Glentoran Football Club and the (re)production of Ulster unionist identities in Northern Ireland". International Review for the Sociology of Sport 53, n.º 8 (1 de fevereiro de 2017): 975–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1012690217690346.
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It has become a truism that football provides a revealing window into how various forms of identity are (re)produced. There is a not insubstantial body of academic work which illustrates that football in Northern Ireland has long served as a vehicle for individuals to come together, develop a sense of belonging, share in common bonds of loyalty and articulate both semantic and syntactical forms of identity. This certainly holds true for the country’s Ulster unionist population. Indeed, in many ways, the game has been inextricably bound up with the development of unionist politics and identities. As such, football and football clubs in Northern Ireland represent a particularly useful, yet currently under-utilised, lens through which to analyse the development and nature of the identities of the majority population and how these have manifested themselves in civil society at various points in time. Better understanding how these identities are generated and articulated is important in the context of a society emerging from almost four decades of internecine, ethno-sectarian conflict and particularly at a time when sections of the unionist community have grown disaffected at what they consider to be deliberate attempts to dilute and diminish their identity and cultural traditions. This article contributes to and expands on what is barely a fledgling scholarship on sport and Ulster unionism by examining the ways in which unionist and loyalist identities have developed through and coalesced around Glentoran Football Club, one of Northern Ireland’s leading domestic teams.
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Cummings, E. Mark, Christine E. Merrilees, Alice C. Schermerhorn, Marcie C. Goeke-Morey, Peter Shirlow e Ed Cairns. "Testing a social ecological model for relations between political violence and child adjustment in Northern Ireland". Development and Psychopathology 22, n.º 2 (28 de abril de 2010): 405–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954579410000143.
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AbstractRelations between political violence and child adjustment are matters of international concern. Past research demonstrates the significance of community, family, and child psychological processes in child adjustment, supporting study of interrelations between multiple social ecological factors and child adjustment in contexts of political violence. Testing a social ecological model, 300 mothers and their children (M = 12.28 years, SD = 1.77) from Catholic and Protestant working class neighborhoods in Belfast, Northern Ireland, completed measures of community discord, family relations, and children's regulatory processes (i.e., emotional security) and outcomes. Historical political violence in neighborhoods based on objective records (i.e., politically motivated deaths) were related to family members' reports of current sectarian antisocial behavior and nonsectarian antisocial behavior. Interparental conflict and parental monitoring and children's emotional security about both the community and family contributed to explanatory pathways for relations between sectarian antisocial behavior in communities and children's adjustment problems. The discussion evaluates support for social ecological models for relations between political violence and child adjustment and its implications for understanding relations in other parts of the world.
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Rooney, Eilish. "Engendering transitional justice: questions of absence and silence". International Journal of Law in Context 3, n.º 2 (junho de 2007): 173–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744552307002066.
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The globalisation of transitional justice as a framework for the resolution of conflicts is a remarkable phenomenon of the post-Cold War era (Bell and Craig, 2000). In different contexts this framework has significant consequences for women’s equality. This article asserts that a conceptualisation of gender that intersects with other dimensions of inequality in state formation provides an important tool for understanding contemporary transitional justice processes. This complex tool of intersectional analysis is used to explore the issue of women’s equality in Northern Ireland’s transition. This is applied to the problems of women’s absence from negotiations and the silence in these negotiations on matters to do with women’s day-to-day lives. The Good Friday/Belfast Agreement and the enactment of the equality legislation enacted in the Northern Ireland Act 1998 are the textual sites of analysis. These documents comprise the formal transitional framework for Northern Ireland. The article examines the theoretical tensions and practical implications inherent in universal claims for women’s equality in a situation where recognition of ‘difference’ is enshrined in both the equality legislation and the mechanisms for future democratic representation. The article concludes by suggesting that transitional justice discourse can benefit from the theoretical challenges posed by intersectionality and that social stability in NI and in other conflicted societies may be strengthened through addressing the corrosive impacts of inequality.
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Piga, Antonio. "Troubled Images: Analysing the Republican Use of Visual Metaphors in Wall Paintings and Pictures in Northern Ireland". International Journal of English Linguistics 12, n.º 6 (29 de novembro de 2022): 112. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v12n6p112.
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The republican movement in Northern Ireland was visually manifested in images drawn on walls and on the gable ends of houses in the towns of Belfast and (London) Derry. As well as being an iconographic expression of the social injustice they suffered (Rapp & Rhomberg, 2013; Goalwin, 2013), these wall paintings were employed by the republicans to convey political and ideological messages in order to heighten awareness and to mobilize people. Blank spaces on walls were increasingly exploited by republican groups and were converted into a visual medium sui generis for their political and ideological claims and demands. Over the years republicans developed this novel communication strategy geared to expressing highly emotional content that served to reflect and influence the sentiments of the communities involved in the conflict. It also served to channel collective memory, recording key events and contributing to the formation of an identity. Intense political disagreements and armed conflict between the Catholic and Protestant communities from 1968 to 1998 led to violent clashes during the period known as “the Troubles”. This complicated time frame has been metaphorically represented in various ways in wall paintings and posters in Northern Ireland. The aim of this paper is to analyze the political and ideological use of visual metaphors in the images of the republican movement during the “Troubles”. More specifically, by applying the most recent methodological tool derived from a socio-cognitive model of discourse analysis, namely Conceptual Metaphor Theory (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980), the purpose is to analyse, both from a qualitative and quantitative point of view, the three different types of Conceptual Metaphorical Schemas: Propositional, Image and Event Schema (Soares da Silva, 2016).
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Howell, Gillian, Lesley Pruitt e Laura Hassler. "Making music in divided cities: Transforming the ethnoscape". International Journal of Community Music 12, n.º 3 (1 de dezembro de 2019): 331–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijcm_00004_1.
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In the phenomenon of the divided city – urban environments partitioned along ethno-religious lines as a result of war or conflict – projects seeking to bring segregated people together through community music activities face many operational and psychological obstacles. Divided cities are politically sustained, institutionally consolidated, and relentlessly territorialized by competing ethno-nationalist actors. They are highly resistant to peacebuilding efforts at the state level. This article uses an urban peacebuilding lens (peacebuilding reconceptualized at the urban scale that encompasses the spatial and social dimensions of ethno-nationalist division) to examine the work of community music projects in three divided cities. Through the examples of the Pavarotti Music Centre in Mostar, Bosnia-Herzegovina, the Mitrovica Rock School in Mitrovica, Kosovo, and Breaking Barriers (a pseudonym) in Belfast, Northern Ireland, we consider the context-specific practices and discourses that are deployed to navigate the local constraints on inter-communal cooperation, but that also contribute to the broader goal of building peace. We find that music-making is a promising strategy of peacebuilding at the urban scale, with both functional and symbolic contributions to make to the task of transforming an ethnoscape into a peacescape.
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Brunsdon, Charlotte. "The New Northern Ireland as a Crime Scene". Journal of British Cinema and Television 20, n.º 3 (julho de 2023): 305–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jbctv.2023.0678.
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This article explores the increased attractiveness of a ‘post-conflict’ Belfast as a television setting for British television police series. The Fall (2013, 2016), Bloodlands (2021) and Marcella (2021) are all set in Belfast, while most of the hit series Line of Duty (2012–) has been filmed in Northern Ireland. How do these new Belfast-set crime dramas negotiate the tropes and iconography of twentieth-century Troubles Belfast, while also participating in the transformation of the city associated with the arrival of transnational audiovisual industries? While recognising that much recent scholarship focuses on the creation of the Titanic Quarter through the redevelopment of the Harland & Wolff shipyard and the production of the HBO-Warner series, Game of Thrones, this article pursues the recent appearances of contemporary Belfast on screen in Bloodlands, Marcella (2021) and Line of Duty. Building on scholarship, such as the work of John Hill, Martin McLoone and Ruth Barton which has established the contours of the Troubles film, the history of Belfast on film and genre in the Northern Ireland context, the existence of an identifiable chronotope ‘Troubles Belfast’ is proposed. Is Belfast recognisable as a specific place outside a Troubles chronotope? What are the stories that can be told of Northern Ireland outside a Troubles chronotope? In particular, which is pertinent to an industry desperate to maintain its attractiveness to transnational productions, the tension between the identification of Belfast as a specific place and the generation of new and different stories is explored in the case studies. To what extent is the televisual use of the new screen Belfast caught in the paradox that it is the old Belfast which makes it an attractive setting for crime drama?
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Drissel, William David. "Rainbows of Resistance: LGBTQ Pride Parades Contesting Space in Post-Conflict Belfast". Culture Unbound 8, n.º 3 (28 de fevereiro de 2017): 240–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/cu.2000.1525.1683240.
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The article seeks to demonstrate how marchers in the annual LGBTQ Pride Parade strategically contest and reclaim heteronormative public spaces in Belfast, Northern Ireland. There is an exploration of participants adapting transnational symbolic representations and discourses to the distinct national-local cultural milieu in which they are scripted and performed. The discursive frames, symbols, and performances of Belfast Pride are compared to those of sectarian parades in the city. The subaltern spatial performances and symbolic representations of Belfast Pride are depicted as confronting a universalized set of heteronormative discourses involving sexuality and gender identity, while at the same time contesting a particularized set of dominant local-national discourses related to both ethnonational sectarianism and religious fundamentalism in Northern Ireland.
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Donohue, Conor. "The Northern Ireland Question: All-Ireland Self-Determination Post-Belfast Agreement". Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 47, n.º 1 (1 de junho de 2016): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v47i1.4878.
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By the Belfast Agreement of 1998, the major parties involved in the Northern Ireland conflict agreed that the territorial status of Northern Ireland would be determined by the Northern Irish people and the people of the island of Ireland collectively. Although this Agreement is significant in shaping the right to self-determination in the all-Irish context, it contains within it many ambiguities. Many questions as to the nature, extent and effects of the right to self-determination in the all-Irish context still remain. These questions and issues which arise within the Agreement are resolvable with recourse to the customary international law of self-determination, particularly the law and practice relating to referenda. The Belfast Agreement is not simply of relevance in the Irish context. Rather, it offers an understanding of the limitations which may be imposed on the right to self-determination, and serves as a model for the resolution of self-determination disputes.
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Mesev, Victor, Peter Shirlow e Joni Downs. "The Geography of Conflict and Death in Belfast, Northern Ireland". Annals of the Association of American Geographers 99, n.º 5 (30 de outubro de 2009): 893–903. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00045600903260556.
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Dobrianska, Nadia. "The Weaver Street bombing in Belfast 1922: violence, politics and memory". Irish Historical Studies 47, n.º 172 (novembro de 2023): 259–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2023.45.
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AbstractOn 13 February 1922, an unidentified person threw a bomb into Weaver Street, which was full of Catholic children at play, killing four children and two women. The bombing became a locus of political controversy between the British government, the Provisional Government of the Irish Free State and the government of Northern Ireland, and became the archetypal story of innocent Catholic lives taken by the intercommunal conflict in the six counties which became Northern Ireland in 1920‒22. This article seeks to contribute to the understanding of the role of this intercommunal conflict in Irish and British politics, using the Weaver Street bombing as a case study. This article analyses nationalist representation of the conflict as an orchestrated campaign against Catholics, ‘a pogrom’; unionist representation of the conflict as loyalist self-defence against the I.R.A.; and the British government's effort to publicly maintain neutrality in the conflict.
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Osborne, R. D. "Policy Dilemmas in Belfast". Journal of Social Policy 25, n.º 2 (abril de 1996): 181–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279400000301.
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ABSTRACTMajor policy developments in Northern Ireland concerned with socioeconomic differences between Protestants and Catholics have involved a concern with structural issues and the nature of the policy making process. These initiatives have raised considerable debate concerning the extent to which religion-specific policies are appropriate. In this article each of these initiatives is considered in detail. It is suggested that the debates in Northern Ireland could have significance in the light of proposals to develop race-specific policies in Britain.
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Lehner, Stefanie. "‘Parallel Games’ and Queer Memories: Performing LGBT Testimonies in Northern Ireland". Irish University Review 47, n.º 1 (maio de 2017): 103–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/iur.2017.0259.
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This essay explores how the notion of ‘parallel games’ works to queer memory in two productions of Northern Ireland's first publicly funded gay theatre company, TheatreofplucK, led by artistic director Niall Rea: the testimonial monologue D.R.A.G. (Divided, Radical and Gorgeous) (2012), written by Rea, and the performed archive installation, Tr<uble (2015), written by Shannon Yee. As post-conflict memory works, both productions trouble a progressivist understanding of ‘moving on’ from the conflict: instead of memories being harnessed to the ethno-nationalist template established by the Belfast Agreement, the plays ‘move’ memory work in different directions at the same time, giving rise to a diverse set of emotions.
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Okhoshin, Oleg. "Legacy of the Troubles: crisis of power in Northern Ireland". Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 35, n.º 5 (31 de outubro de 2023): 51–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran520235161.
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The political crisis in Northern Ireland, which has been continuing since 2022, threatens its stable development. It undermines the Belfast Agreement, which ended the bloody conflict between Catholics and Protestants and allowed devolution in the region. The catalyst for inter-party disagreements was the Northern Ireland Protocol – it introduced a special customs regulation regime that did not suit the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP). The actions of London (the approval of the Windsor Framework and The Northern Ireland Troubles (Legacy and Reconciliation) Act), as well as the Sinn Féin’s winning Northern Ireland Assembly and local elections, only intensified the contradictions that had previously arisen. DUP has promised to restore devolved government in Northern Ireland if key provisions of the Windsor Framework are changed. London has no plans to renegotiate the new deal with the EU, but it will be impossible to overcome the political crisis without the cooperation of the unionists. In this article, the author examined the reasons for the ineffectiveness of the consociational democracy in Northern Ireland, the features of different mechanisms of customs regulation in the region, and the key differences between the DUP and Sinn Féin on issues of its further development. According to the author, the new crisis of power-sharing executive in Northern Ireland is associated with the prevalence of narrow interests of unionists over the collective task of the political establishment to achieve inter-party consensus and compliance with the Belfast Agreement, which remains the legal basis for maintaining civil peace in the region.
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Lambkin, Brian. "The pre-1969 historiography of the Northern Ireland conflict: a reappraisal". Irish Historical Studies 39, n.º 156 (novembro de 2015): 659–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2015.26.
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AbstractThis article contributes to the the mapping of the ‘pathways of transmission’ of the Northern Ireland ‘problem’ by drawing attention to three problematic aspects of John Whyte’s appraisal of the pre-1969 historiography, inInterpreting Northern Ireland(1990): that the work of T. W. Moody and J. C. Beckett and their fellow historians before 1969 was ‘lightweight’ and ‘bland’; that they effectively ignored Ulster’s history of sectarian rioting until Andrew Boyd’s bookHoly war in Belfast(1969) brought it ‘back into the consciousness of historians’; and that the ‘external conflict paradigm’ was ‘dominant’ in their discourse. These are examined in sections II–V. The content of the pre-1969 historiography is examined in section I and a preliminary reappraisal is offered in section VI.
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Breathnach, Proinnsias, e Joe Brady. "Reviews of books". Irish Geography 32, n.º 2 (6 de janeiro de 2015): 151–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.55650/igj.1999.358.
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PLACE-NAMES OF NORTHERN IRELAND. General editors: Gerard Stockman (Vols.1-6) and Nollaig Ó Muraíle (Vol.7). Belfast: Institute of Irish Studies, Queen's University of Belfast. £8.50stg. (paperback). £20stg. (hardback), per volume. Obtainable from the Project Secretary, Dept. of Celtic, Queen's University, Belfast. and LANGUAGE POLICY AND SOCIAL REPRODUCTION: IRELAND 1893–1993, by Pádraig Ó Riagáin. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997. 297pp. ISBN 0-19-823518-6. Reviewed by PROINNSIAS BREATHNACHPOOR PEOPLE, POOR PLACES - A GEOGRAPHY OF POVERTY AND DEPRIVATION IN IRELAND, edited by Dennis G. Pringle, Jim Walsh and Mark Hennessy. Dublin: Oak Tree Press. 1999. xxi+350pp . IR£16.95pb. ISBN 1-86076-108-9. Reviewed by JOE BRADY
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Brennan, Seán, e Branka Marijan. "Contested Spaces and Everyday Peace Politics in Northern Ireland". Treatises and Documents, Journal of Ethnic Studies / Razprave in Gradivo, Revija za narodnostna vprašanja 90, n.º 90 (1 de junho de 2023): 97–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/tdjes-2023-0007.
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Abstract In 2022, the United Kingdom downgraded the security threat in Northern Ireland from “severe” to “substantial”, first set in 2010. The latter means that an attack is likely but not highly likely. For many analysts and political observers, the twenty-five years of peace that followed the signing of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement (B/GFA) though interspersed with periods of political stalemate, have led to an overall external sense the conflict has ended. This downgrading of the security threat in Northern Ireland appears to confirm this sense of a settled peace. Still, the type of peace that has been achieved, and particularly the political dynamics regarding contentious spatial issues, continue to shape the quality of peace experienced by the local population. In turn, it is precisely this everyday quality of peace that reflects the real success, or failure, of various peacebuilding efforts as such practices produce the empirical evidence of sustainable reconciliation or continue sectarian divisions in a post-conflict space.
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FitzGerald, Lisa, Eva Urban, Rosemary Jenkinson, David Grant e Tom Maguire. "Human Rights and Theatre Practice in Northern Ireland: A Round-Table Discussion". New Theatre Quarterly 36, n.º 4 (novembro de 2020): 279–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x20000664.
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This round-table discussion, edited by Eva Urban and Lisa FitzGerald, took place on 5 July 2019 as part of the conference ‘New Romantics: Performing Ireland and Cosmopolitanism on the Anniversary of Human Rights’ organized by the editors at the Brian Friel Theatre, Queen’s University Belfast. Lisa FitzGerald is a theatre historian and ecocritic who completed postdoctoral fellowships at the Centre de Recherche Bretonne et Celtique (CRBC), Université Rennes 2 and the Rachel Carson Centre for Environment and Society, Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich. She is the author of Re-Place: Irish Theatre Environments (Peter Lang, 2017) and Digital Vision and the Ecological Aesthetic (forthcoming, Bloomsbury, 2020). Eva Urban is a Senior Research Fellow at the Senator George J. Mitchell Institute for Global Peace, Security, and Justice, Queen’s University Belfast, and an Associate Fellow of the Institute of Irish Studies, QUB. She is the author of Community Politics and the Peace Process in Contemporary Northern Irish Drama (Peter Lang, 2011) and La Philosophie des Lumières dans le Théâtre Breton: Tradition et Influences (Université de Rennes, 2019). Rosemary Jenkinson is a Belfast playwright and writer of five short story collections. Her plays include The Bonefire (Rough Magic), Planet Belfast (Tinderbox), White Star of the North, Here Comes the Night (Lyric), Lives in Translation (Kabosh Theatre Company), and Michelle and Arlene (Accidental Theatre). Her writing for radio includes Castlereagh to Kandahar (BBC Radio 3) and The Blackthorn Tree (BBC Radio 4). She has received a Major Individual Artist Award from the Arts Council of Northern Ireland to write a memoir. Tom Maguire is Head of the School of Arts and Humanities at Ulster University and has published widely on Irish and Scottish theatre and in the areas of Theatre for Young Audiences and Storytelling Performance. His heritage research projects include the collection Heritage after Conflict: Northern Ireland (Routledge, 2018, co-edited with Elizabeth Crooke). David Grant is a former Programme Director of the Dublin Theatre Festival and was Artistic Director of the Lyric Theatre in Belfast. He has worked extensively as a theatre director throughout Ireland and is co-investigator of an AHRC-funded research project into Arts for Reconciliation. He lectures in drama at Queen’s University Belfast.
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Daultrey, Stu, P. J. Duffy, T. Jones Hughes, J. P. Haughton, D. G. Pringle, P. Breathnach, Desmond A. Gillmor et al. "Reviews of Books and Maps". Irish Geography 15, n.º 1 (21 de dezembro de 2016): 130–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.55650/igj.1982.773.
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AREAS OF SCIENTIFIC INTEREST IN IRELAND. Dublin: An Foras Forbartha, 1981. 166pp. IR£3-00. Reviewed by: Stu DaultreyTHE PERSONALITY OF IRELAND. HABITAT, HERITAGE AND HISTORY, by E. Estyn Evans. Belfast: Blackstaff Press, 1981. 2nd edition, 130pp. £3–95 stg. Reviewed by: P.J. DuffyTHE EMERGENCE OF MODERN IRELAND 1600–1900, by L.M. Cullen. London: Batsford, 1981. 292 pp. £17–50stg. Reviewed by: T. Jones HughesLA POPULATION DE LTRLANDE, by Jacques Verricrc. Paris: Mouton Editeur, 1979. 580 pp. Reviewed by: J.P. HaughtonTHE CONTEMPORARY POPULATION OF NORTHERN IRELAND AND POPULATION RELATED ISSUES, edited by Paul A. Compton. Belfast: Institute of Irish Studies, The Queen's University, Belfast, 1981. £4–50stg. Reviewed by: D.G. PringleTHE SOCIO-ECONOMIC POSITION OF IRELAND WITHIN THE EUROPEAN ECONOMIC COMMUNITY, National Economic and Social Council Report No. 58 (by Anthony Foley and Ms. P. Walbridge). Dublin: Stationery Office, (1981). 88 pp. IRC1-35. Reviewed by: P. BreathnachGEOGRAPHICAL ASPECTS OF TOURISM IN THE REPUBLIC OF IRELAND, By HJ. Plettner. Research Paper Number 9. Galway: Social Sciences Research Centre, University College, Galway, 1979. 50 pp. Reviewed by: Desmond A. GillmorTHE TOWN IN IRELAND: HISTORICAL STUDIES XIII, edited by David Harkness and Mary O'Dowd. Belfast: Appletree Press, 1981. 252 pp. IR£10'90; £8–95 stg. Reviewed by: Stephen A. RoyleURBANISATION: PROBLEMS OF GROWTH AND DECAY IN DUBLIN, National Economic and Social Council Report No. 55 (by M.J. Bannon, J.G. Eustace and M. O'Neill). Dublin: Stationery Office, 1981. 376pp. IR£3–15. Reviewed by: A.J. ParkerLAND TRANSACTIONS AND PRICES IN THE DUBLIN AREA 1974–1978, by R. Jennings. Dublin: An Foras Forbartha, 1980. 29 pp. IR£l–50. Reviewed by: Andrew MacLaranRESOURCE SURVEY OF THE KILLALA AREA, by M.S. 6 Cinneide and M.J. Keane. Galway: Social Science Research Centre, University College, Galway, 1980. 152 pp. IR£10-00. Reviewed by: P. O'FlanaganSIDE BY SIDE: TOWARDS A BALANCED DEVELOPMENT, by a Dutch Study Team. Sligo: (County development office), 1980. 166 pp. Reviewed by: Mary E. CawleyTHE BLASKET ISLANDS: NEXT PARISH AMERICA, by Joan and Ray Stagles. Dublin: The O'Brien Press, 1980, 144 pp. IRC8-00. Reviewed by: R.H. BuchananTHE SASH CANADA WORE: A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF THE ORANGE ORDER IN CANADA, by C.J. Houston and W.J. Smyth. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1980. 215 pp. $(Can.)15-00. Reviewed by: F.H.A. AalenRICHARD GRIFFITH 1784–1878, edited by G.L.H. Davies and R.C. Mollan, Dublin: Royal Dublin Society, 1980. 221 pp. Reviewed by: Colin A. LewisMAP REVIEWSMOURNE COUNTRY OUTDOOR PURSUITS MAP. 1:25,000. Belfast: Ordnance Survey of Northern Ireland, 1981. £1–75 stg; THE WICKLOW WAY. 1:50,000. Dublin: Ordnance Survey of Ireland, 1981. IR£l-80. Reviewed by: E. BuckmasterORDNANCE SURVEY HOLIDAY MAP. 1:250,000. Sheet 1, Ireland North. Belfast: Ordnance Survey of Northern ireland, 1980. £1–20stg. Sheet 3, Ireland East. Dublin: Ordnance Survey of Ireland, 1981. IR£l-80. Reviewed by: E. Buckmaster
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Gallagher, A. M. "Social Identity and the Northern Ireland Conflict". Human Relations 42, n.º 10 (outubro de 1989): 917–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001872678904201004.
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Ellison, Graham, e Aogán Mulcahy. "Policing and social conflict in Northern Ireland". Policing and Society 11, n.º 3-4 (setembro de 2001): 243–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10439463.2001.9964865.
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OSBORNE, R. D. "Progressing the Equality Agenda in Northern Ireland". Journal of Social Policy 32, n.º 3 (julho de 2003): 339–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279403007025.
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Developing the equality agenda has been a major preoccupation of policy intervention in Northern Ireland since Direct Rule from London was instituted in 1972. This paper examines how policy has developed and its effectiveness. The paper highlights new developments since the Belfast Agreement of 1998 and examines in particular new attempts to mainstream equality in the policy process. The paper concludes by suggesting that the Northern Ireland experience has much to offer students of social policy elsewhere.
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Privilege, John. "The Northern Ireland government and the welfare state, 1942–8: the case of health provision". Irish Historical Studies 39, n.º 155 (maio de 2015): 439–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2014.2.
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Abstract Northern Ireland, the United Kingdom’s only self-governing region, recorded year-on- year the worst statistics on health and poverty. However, it was far from certain that the Unionist government in Belfast would enact the kind of sweeping post-war reform that occurred in England and Wales. The raft of legislation governing health and social care introduced in 1948 was, therefore, the product of conditions and circumstances peculiar to Northern Ireland. The government in Belfast needed to overcome the conservative instincts of Ulster Unionism as well as suspicions regarding Clement Attlee’s Labour administration. Although the process was somewhat blighted by sectarianism, the government of Sir Basil Brooke enacted what amounted to a revolution in health and social care provision.
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Granshaw, Michelle. "Performing the Northern Athens: Dr. Corry's Diorama of Ireland and the Belfast Riot of 1864". Theatre Survey 61, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2020): 102–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557419000450.
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Although sectarian violence characterized life in Belfast for hundreds of years, 1864 marked a shift in how violence played out in the city. Unlike previous conflicts that occurred in open spaces and reflected long-held rural rituals, the riots of August 1864 took place in the city's rapidly developing urban streets. The violence broke out in response to celebrations around the foundation laying for a new statue of Daniel O'Connell, the late Catholic politician, in Dublin. Thousands of Belfast Catholics traveled to Dublin for the celebration. Upon their return to Belfast, ten thousand Protestant loyalists greeted them by burning an effigy of O'Connell on Boyne Bridge and staging a mock funeral and procession that attempted to enter a Catholic burial ground. The resulting violence and rioting continued for ten days on the city streets, where homes and businesses faced destruction on a scale previously unseen. Expelling residents of opposing views, rioters reinforced older ideas of “communal conflict” expressed through “disagreements over each group's place—literally and imaginatively—in the city” and strengthened notions of neighborhood geography based on religious beliefs. As historian Mark Doyle argues, the shifting patterns of violence resulted from “[t]he steady advance of working-class alienation from the state, the growing hegemony of violent extremists in working-class neighbourhoods, the sectarian alliance between Protestant workers and elites, the insecurity of the Catholics and, above all, the polarising effects of earlier outbreaks of violence.” Lasting reminders of conflict lingered as the city recovered, reminding anyone walking the streets of the city's violent past and the likely potential of future clashes.
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Fitzpatrick, Lisa. "Breaking Silences: Women, Citizenship and Theatre In Northern Ireland". ABEI Journal 25, n.º 2 (29 de dezembro de 2023): 87–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2595-8127.v25i2p87-100.
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This essay seeks to weave together an analysis of women’s citizenship and its dependency on certain silences, and the exploration of this tension in two recent productions by Belfast- based Kabosh Theatre Company. Kabosh, and company Artistic Director Paula McFetridge, stage work that examines the realities of the region in the post-conflict era. In constructing the theoretical frame for the analysis, the concept of “silence” and “silencing” draws from Kristie Dotson (2015), and from work on violence such as Gayatri Spivak’s concept of “epistemic violence” and a wide range of sources on the performance of violence in theatre. Chantal Mouffe’s concept of agonistic democracy shapes the discussion of the Northern Irish state, and Wendy Brown and Joane Butler are the key scholars for the consideration of citizenship and nation.
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Loane, Geoff. "A new challenge or a new role? The ICRC in Northern Ireland". International Review of the Red Cross 94, n.º 888 (dezembro de 2012): 1481–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383113000520.
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AbstractDespite the narrative of success surrounding the Northern Ireland peace process, which culminated in the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, there remain significant humanitarian consequences as a result of the violence. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has opened an office in Belfast after its assessments demonstrated a need for intervention. While a two-year ‘dirty protest’ in Northern Ireland's main prison has been recently resolved, paramilitary structures execute punishments, from beatings to forced exile and even death, outside of the legal process and in violation of the criminal code. This article examines the face of modern humanitarianism outside of armed conflict, its dilemmas, and provides analysis as to why the ICRC has a role in the Northern Ireland context.
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Hughes, T. J., R. H. Buchanan, K. A. Mawhinney, J. P. Haughton, F. W. Boal, Robert D. Osborne, Anngret Simms et al. "Reviews of Books and Maps". Irish Geography 10, n.º 1 (26 de dezembro de 2016): 116–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.55650/igj.1977.861.
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REVIEWS OF BOOKSIRELAND IN PREHISTORY, by Michael Herity and George Eogan. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1977. 302 pp. £8.95. Reviewed by: T. J. HughesTHE LIVING LANDSCAPE: KILGALLIGAN, ERRIS, CO. MAYO, by S. Ó Catháin and Patrick O'Flanagan. Dublin: Comhairle Bhéaloideas Éireann, 1975. 312 pp. Reviewed by: R. H. BuchananTHE IRISH TOWN: AN APPROACH TO SURVIVAL, by Patrick Shaffrey. Dublin: The O'Brien Press, 1975. 192 pp. £5.00. Reviewed by: K. A. MawhinneyLOST DEMESNES: IRISH LANDSCAPE GARDENING 1660–1845, by Edward Malins and the Knight of Glin. London: Barrie and Jenkins, 1976. 208 pp. ,£15.00. Reviewed by: K. A. MawhinneyNORTH BULL ISLAND, DUBLIN BAY — A MODERN COASTAL NATURAL HISTORY, edited by D. W. Jeffrey and others. Dublin: Royal Dublin Society, 1977. 158 pp. Hardback .£6.50, paperback £3.60. Reviewed by: J. P. HaughtonCONFLICT IN NORTHERN IRELAND: THE DEVELOPMENT OF A POLARISED COMMUNITY, by John Darby. Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1976. 268 pp. £7.95. Reviewed by: F. W. BoalBELFAST: AREAS OF SPECIAL SOCIAL NEED. REPORT BY PROJECT TEAM. Belfast: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1976. 85 pp. £3.25. Reviewed by: Robert D. OsborncDUBLIN: A CITY IN CRISIS, edited by P. M. Delany. Dublin: Royal Institute of the Architects of Ireland, 1975. 108 pp. £3.25. Reviewed by: Anngret SimmsIRELAND'S VERNACULAR ARCHITECTURE, by Kevin Danaher. Cork: Mercier Press for the Cultural Relations Committee of Ireland, 1975. 82 pp., 68 plates. £1.50. Reviewed by: F. H. A. Aalen18TH CENTURY ULSTER EMIGRATION TO NORTH AMERICA, Public Record Office of Northern Ireland Education Facsimiles 121–140. Belfast: H.M.S.O., 1972. £0.45.; PLANTATIONS IN ULSTER, c. 1600–41, by R. J. Hunter. Public Record Office of Northern Ireland Education Facsimilies 161–180. Belfast: H.M.S.O., 1975. £1.00.; RURAL HOUSING IN ULSTER IN THE MID-NINETEENTH CENTURY, prepared by Alan Gailey, Victor Kelly and James Paul with an introduction by E. Estyn Evans, for the Teachers' Centre of the Queen's University, Belfast in association with the Ulster Folk Museum and the Public Record Office Northern Ireland. Belfast: H.M.S.O., 1974. £0.70.; LETTERS OF A GREAT IRISH LANDLORD: A SELECTION FROM THE ESTATE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE THIRD MARQUESS OF DOWNSHIRE, 1809–45, edited with an introduction by W. A. Maguire, for the Public Record Office of Northern Ireland. Belfast: H.M.S.O., 1974. 189 pp. £1–65.; ORDNANCE SURVEY MEMOIR FOR THE PARISH OF DONEGORE, Belfast: Department of Extra-Mural Studies, Queen's University, and the Public Record Office of Northern Ireland, 1974. v + 64 pp. 1 map and 31 plates. £0.75. Reviewed by: A. A. HornerTHE LANDED GENTRY. Facsimile documents with commentaries. Dublin: The National Library of Ireland, 1977. 20 sheets and introduction. £1.00. Reviewed by: J. A. K. GrahameSANITATION, CONSERVATION AND RECREATION SERVICES IN IRELAND, by Michael Flannery. Dublin: Institute of Public Administration, 1976. 178 pp. £5.75. Reviewed by: Michael J. BannonGEOGRAPHY, CULTURE AND HABITAT, SELECTED ESSAYS (1925–1975) OF E. G. BOWEN, selected and introduced by Harold Carter and Wayne K. D. Davies. Llandysul: Gomer Press, 1976. 275 pp. £6. Reviewed by: J. H. AndrewsDICTIONARY OF LAND SURVEYORS AND LOCAL CARTOGRAPHERS OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND 1550–1850 edited by Peter Eden. Folkestone: William Dawson & Sons. Part I, 1975; Parts II and III, 1976. 377 pp. £6.00 per part. Reviewed by: A. A. HornerFIELDS, FARMS AND SETTLEMENT IN EUROPE, edited by R. H. Buchanan, R. A. Butlin and D. McCourt. Belfast: Ulster Folk and Transport Museum, 1976. 161 pp. £5. Reviewed by: J. H. AndrewsREVIEWS OF MAPSNORTHERN IRELAND — A MAP FOR TOURISTS. 1:250,000(1970); CASTLEWELLAN FOREST PARK. 1:10,000(1975); ADMINISTRATIVE MAPS; MAP CATALOGUE (1975 edition). 26 pp. Reviewed by: J. A. K. Grahame
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Boal, F. W., e J. A. E. Orr. "Ethnic and temporal dimensions of regional residential preferences : A northern ireland example". Irish Geography 11, n.º 1 (26 de dezembro de 2016): 35–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.55650/igj.1978.825.
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This paper examines the preferences, over a nine year period 1969–77, of first‐year geography students at Queen's University, Belfast, for twenty‐three regions within the British Isles. When the students were allocated to one of two ethnic categories (Protestant or Catholic), important differences emerged between the categories, in particular a marked Catholic preference for certain areas in the Irish Republic, and a Protestant orientation towards Northern Ireland and parts of Scotland. When the regional preferences of Catholics and Protestants are compared as they emerged over the nine year period of the study it becomes evident that preferences for the areas composing Northern Ireland and the Irish Republic show marked change over time. In addition, up to 1973 Protestant and Catholic preferences diverge, with a convergence observable from 1974 to 1977. This pattern can be related to the evolving level and nature of ethnic conflict in Northern Ireland.
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Cuskelly, Kerry. "Social Work in Northern Ireland, Conflict and Change". Social Work Education 32, n.º 3 (abril de 2013): 417–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02615479.2012.708606.
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Baum, N. "Social Work in Northern Ireland: Conflict and Change". British Journal of Social Work 41, n.º 5 (1 de julho de 2011): 998–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/bjsw/bcr100.
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Lepp, Eric. "Division on Ice: Shared Space and Civility in Belfast". Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 13, n.º 1 (abril de 2018): 32–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2018.1427135.
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In Northern Ireland the Good Friday Agreement brought with it top-down political and social approaches to construct and increase intergroup contact and shared spaces in an effort to reconcile divided Nationalist and Unionist communities. In the period following the peace agreement, the Belfast Giants ice hockey team was established, and its games have become one of the most attended spectator activities in Belfast, trending away from the tribalism, single-space, single-class, and single-gender dynamics of modern sport in Northern Ireland. This article utilises the setting of the Scottish and Southern Energy (SSE) Arena, home of the Giants, to demonstrate normalisation of interactions occurring between supporters who are willing to purchase a ticket beside someone to whom they are politically opposed. This sport and its supporters choose to enjoy the experience of the hockey game, rather than be caught in the politicised attachment of meaning expected of shared space, offering a challenge to the reconciliation-centric assumptions in post-peace agreement Belfast.
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Abdulhasan Ali, Basma, e Sabah Atallah Diyaiy. "Violence in Martin McDonagh's The Pillowman". Al-Adab Journal 2, n.º 136 (15 de março de 2021): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.31973/aj.v2i136.1279.
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The 1990s have been of utmost importance for Ireland and the Irish as this decade is characterised by a great diversity of problems: economic problems, unemployment and migration which came as a result of these problems, racial harassment experienced abroad, psychological problems, the Troubles whose serious impact was felt not only in Northern Ireland but also in the Republic of Ireland, which emerged as a consequence of the conflict between the Catholics and the Protestants because of the political status of Northern Ireland and which began at the end of the 1960s and ended in 1998 with Belfast Agreement; self-centeredness emerging as a repercussion of the Celtic Tiger period which was witnessed between 1995 and 2000 and which means economic development in Ireland, and, lastly, the problem of violence. Martin McDonagh, an
Anglo-Irish playwright represents these problems emphasising the problem of violence encountered in this decade in a satirical but grotesque way particularly in The Pillowman.
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Brereton, Pat. "Troubles and Northern Ireland: Representations in Film of Belfast as a Site of Conflict". Irish Studies in International Affairs 33, n.º 2 (2022): 291–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/isia.2022.0014.
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McLintock, Maria. "Peace-walls, Flags, and Dark Passages". Materia Arquitectura, n.º 20 (25 de dezembro de 2020): 118. http://dx.doi.org/10.56255/ma.v0i20.490.
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The cites of Belfast and Londonderry in Northern Ireland are fractured with a network of walls, fences, and barricades, that divide traditionally Loyalist- Unionist-Protestants from Republican- Nationalist-Catholics communities. They were mostly constructed between the late 1960s and early 1990s, during a period of conflict known as ‘The Troubles.’ Since 1995, the walls have been rebranded with the official euphemism ‘peace walls,’ and the groups they divide renamed as ‘interface communities.’ They are due to be removed by 2023, as part of commitments drawn out in the Good Friday Agreement; the 1998 accord that largely brought an end to the conflict. However, due to Northern Ireland’s devolved government, and a lack of funding towards the advocacy groups needed to bring these opposing communities together, among other opaque issues, this goal is increasingly unattainable. Woven throughout this network of fortification infrastructures is a nascent tourist typology and muralscape that is complex and murky, bound up in underexplored emergent identity politics. This article leans on spatial post-conflict theory, and first- hand accounts of encounters with this architectural typology, to explore the nebulous context in Northern Ireland.
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Doran, Peter. "Navigating complexity and uncertainty after the Belfast–Good Friday Agreement: the role of societal trauma?" Northern Ireland Legal Quarterly 71, n.º 4 (16 de dezembro de 2020): OA83—OA98. http://dx.doi.org/10.53386/nilq.v71i4.896.
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A central challenge of the Belfast–Good Friday Agreement is the radical contingency or uncertainty that underpins the current democratic legal order in Northern Ireland. It is a dimension of the Agreement that will come to the fore with growing demands for preparations and planning ahead of any referendum on the constitutional future of the region. Using a combination of perspectives from the literature on societal trauma and agonism, this article asks if we need to pay more attention to this affective dimension of the Belfast–Good Friday Agreement and the journey from outright antagonism to an agonism that envisages a society capable of addressing conflict while respecting the ‘other’s’ entitlement to hold a radically different position.
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Doran, Peter. "Navigating complexity and uncertainty after the Belfast–Good Friday Agreement : the role of societal trauma?" Northern Ireland Legal Quarterly 71, n.º 4 (18 de janeiro de 2021): 619–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.53386/nilq.v71i4.919.
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A central challenge of the Belfast–Good Friday Agreement is the radical contingency or uncertainty that underpins the current democratic legal order in Northern Ireland. It is a dimension of the Agreement that will come to the fore with growing demands for preparations and planning ahead of any referendum on the constitutional future of the region. Using a combination of perspectives from the literature on societal trauma and agonism, this article asks if we need to pay more attention to this affective dimension of the Belfast–Good Friday Agreement and the journey from outright antagonism to an agonism that envisages a society capable of addressing conflict while respecting the ‘other’s’ entitlement to hold a radically different position.
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Donnelly, Caitlin, e Robert D. Osborne. "Devolution, Social Policy and Education: Some Observations from Northern Ireland". Social Policy and Society 4, n.º 2 (abril de 2005): 147–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746404002283.
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Many commentaries on social policy in the UK assume that policy as developed in England applies to the constituent countries of Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland. However, the advent of political devolution in the last five years is slowly being reflected in the literature. This paper takes education policy in Northern Ireland and discusses recent policy developments in the light of the 1998 Belfast Agreement. The Agreement, it is suggested, is providing a framework which promotes equality, human rights and inclusion in policy making. Some early indications of this are discussed and some of the resultant policy dilemmas are assessed. The paper concludes that accounts of policy development in the UK, which ignore the multi-level policy-making contexts created by devolution, do a disservice to the subject.
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Vieten, Ulrike M., e Fiona Murphy. "The Imagination of the Other in a (Post-)Sectarian Society: Asylum Seekers and Refugees in the Divided City of Belfast". Social Inclusion 7, n.º 2 (27 de junho de 2019): 176–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v7i2.1980.
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This article explores the ways a salient sectarian community division in Northern Ireland frames the imagination of newcomers and the experiences of asylum seekers and refugees. We examine the dominant ethno-national Christian communities and how their actions define the social-spatial landscape and challenges of manoeuvring everyday life in Northern Ireland as an ‘Other’. We argue all newcomers are impacted to some degree by sectarianism in Northern Ireland, adding a further complexified layer to the everyday and institutional racism so prevalent in different parts of the UK and elsewhere. First, we discuss the triangle of nation, gender and ethnicity in the context of Northern Ireland. We do so in order to problematise that in a society where two adversarial communities exist the ‘Other’ is positioned differently to other more cohesive national societies. This complication impacts how the Other is imagined as the persistence of binary communities shapes the way local civil society engages vulnerable newcomers, e.g. in the instance of our research, asylum seekers and refugees. This is followed by an examination of the situation of asylum seekers and refugees in Northern Ireland. We do so by contextualising the historical situation of newcomers and the socio-spatial landscape of the city of Belfast. In tandem with this, we discuss the role of NGO’s and civil support organisations in Belfast and contrast these views with the experiences of asylum seekers and refugees. This article is based on original empirical material from a study conducted in 2016 on the experiences of asylum seekers and refugees with living in Northern Ireland.
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Hocking, Bree T. "Gazed and subdued? Spectacle, spatial order and identity in the contested city". Tourist Studies 16, n.º 4 (31 de julho de 2016): 367–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468797615618124.
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From 2012–2013, Northern Ireland was rocked by loyalist protests over limits placed on flying the British flag at Belfast City Hall. The sometimes-violent manifestations were roundly condemned by officials and business leaders as an assault on ‘Brand Northern Ireland’, a threat to the province’s reputation as a successful model of post-conflict reconciliation and reconstruction. Accordingly, this article revises and updates Goffman’s concept of ‘a veneer of consensus’ to show how new regimes of political repression are inaugurated in the name of ‘tourism’. With the tourist gaze invoked by local officials as both neutral arbiter and economic imperative, the protests are subsequently assessed as a form of power negotiation, whereby symbolic contestation over the right to define the image of place in both physical and virtual spaces assumed an intensely political role.
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Mell, Ian, John Sturzaker, Alice Correia, Mary Gearey, Neale Blair, Luciana Lang e Fearghus O’Sullivan. "When Is a Park More Than a Park? Rethinking the Role of Parks as “Shared Space” in Post-Conflict Belfast". Land 11, n.º 10 (20 de setembro de 2022): 1611. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land11101611.
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With the signing of the Belfast Agreement, Belfast (Northern Ireland, UK) entered a new phase of urban development. Moving away from notions of division, Belfast City Council envisaged an inclusive and accessible city. Over a 20-year period, there have been significant changes in Belfast’s physical, socio-cultural, and political structure, reframing the city as a post-conflict space. However, there has been limited analysis of the role of parks in this process. This paper examines perceptions of parks, asking whether the promotion of a “shared spaces” policy aligns with local use. Through a mixed-methods approach, park users were surveyed to reflect on the meanings of parks in the city. We argue that although residual interpretations associated with historical socio-cultural divisions remain, parks are predominately multi-community amenities. The analysis illustrates that although destination parks attract greater patronage, there is visible clustering around ‘anchor’ sites at the local scale, especially in neighbourhoods with significant Catholic or Protestant identities.
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Toner, Ignatius J. "Children of "the Troubles" in Northern Ireland: Perspectives and Intervention". International Journal of Behavioral Development 17, n.º 4 (dezembro de 1994): 629–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016502549401700404.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The chronology of investigations focusing on the effects of "the Troubles" on the children of Northern Ireland is presented. Studies by Belfast psychiatrists, visitors from the United States, and Scottish and English psychologists dominated the first decade of the 25-year-old conflict and were marked by a distinctly pessimistic appraisal of the impact of the troubled situation on the children. Developmental psychologists from within Northern Ireland have been very active studying the children of their own country for the second decade of the crisis. The view from the "inside" is more complicated and, in some ways, more optimistic than the view from the "outside". In addition, results are reported from preliminary investigations involving children participating in a widely practised intervention scheme developed to ameliorate the detrimental effects of the troubled situation. The intervention programme may foster improvement in an individual child's self-perception but not necessarily in that child's perception of other and multiple stressors interact to determine the influence of such intervention schemes.