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1
Hladíková, Lucie. "Postkonfliktní rekonstrukce: případová studie Severního Irska". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-85153.
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Although Northern Ireland is a part of United Kingdom and so Europe, it belongs to regions which are characterized as unstable. Lately, there has been a significant improvement in implementing desired measures, however, one can still encounter street rioting stemming from the history of Northern Irish conflict. The Master thesis conducts a survey of the situation after the crucial signing of Belfast Peace Accord. It aims to evaluate the rate of success of introduced post-conflict reconstruction and holds the opinion that the progress in social sphere is especially significant, meaning cross-community relations and mutual respect. Gradually, in three chapters, the thesis unveils the theoretical concept of post-conflict reconstruction with a special attention to social sphere and culture. Moreover, it refers to the milestones of history and comes to the conclusion where it evaluates the current situation in society in disputed areas. Main idea of the thesis is to assess the hypothesis if the adopted measures do have an effect on current development and if a change in society could influence the perception of the roots of the conflict mainly in the question of interpersonal relations.
2
Moran, Jade. "Informal justice in West Belfast : the local governance of anti-social behaviour in Republican communities". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609000.
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3
Albert, Cornelia. "The peacebuilding elements of the Belfast agreement and the transformation of the Northern Ireland conflict". Frankfurt, M. Berlin Bern Bruxelles New York, NY Oxford Wien Lang, 2008. http://d-nb.info/994941781/04.
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4
Sturgeon, Brendan Joseph James. "Anti-social behaviour in post-conflict Northern Ireland". Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.534590.
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5
Lane, Karen. "Not-the-Troubles : an anthropological analysis of stories of quotidian life in Belfast". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/15591.
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To understand the complexity of life in a city one needs to consider a spectrum of experience. Belfast has a history of conflict and division, particularly in relation to the Troubles, reflected in comprehensive academic studies of how this has affected, and continues to affect, the citizens. But this is a particular mode of representation, a vision of life echoed in fictional literature. People's quotidian lives can and do transcend the grand narratives of the Troubles that have come to dominate these discourses. Anthropology has traditionally accorded less epistemological weight to fleeting and superficial encounters with strangers, but this mode of sociality is a central feature of life in the city. The modern stranger navigates these relationships with relative ease. Communicating with others through narrative – personal stories about our lives – is fundamental to what it is to be human, putting storytelling at the heart of anthropological study. Engagements with strangers may be brief encounters or build into acquaintanceship, but these superficial relationships are not trivial. How we interact with strangers – our public presentation of the self to others through the personal stories we share – can give glimpses into the private lives of individuals. Listening to stories of quotidian life in Belfast demonstrates a range of people's existential dilemmas and joys that challenges Troubled representations of life in the city. The complexity, size and anonymity of the city means the anthropologist needs different ways of reaching people; this thesis is as much about exploring certain anthropological methodologies as it is about people and a place. Through methods of walking, performance, human-animal interactions, my body as a research subject, and using fictional literature as ethnographic data, I interrogate the close relationship between method, data and analysis, and of knowledge-production and knowledge-dissemination. I present quotidian narratives of Belfast's citizens that are Not-the-Troubles.
6
Sepe, Czar Alexei. "From Beirut to Belfast: How Power-Sharing Arrangements Affect Ethnic Tensions in Post-Conflict Societies". Thesis, Boston College, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:109162.
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Thesis advisor: Peter KrauseTo what extent do power-sharing arrangements increase or decrease ethnic tensions? This thesis sets to explore this question using Lebanon and Northern Ireland as comparative case studies. I use Pierre Nora’s lieux de mémoire scheme of historical memory to craft a theory of sites of social interaction (SSI). In addition, I outline three main strategies of social cohesion in power-sharing institutions. SSIs and cohesion strategies that increase tensions will cause power-sharing failure in the long run, and vice versa. I conclude that there is a causal link between power-sharing arrangements and ethnic tensions in divided societies, through the mechanisms of SSIs and cohesion strategies. Lebanon and Northern Ireland encode power-sharing with different sites of social interaction, as a reflection of a society’s composition, and different cohesion strategies, as a reflection of power-sharing design. Power-sharing implementation provides us with the missing link in our knowledge of power-sharing and ethnic tensions
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2021
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Departmental Honors
Discipline: Political Science
7
Keating, Alexander M. (Alexander Matthew). "Redeveloping division : the legacy of conflict and contested space in post-peace treaty Belfast, Northern Ireland". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/59752.
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Thesis (M.C.P.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning, 2010.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 100-104).
This thesis examines the ways in which the phenomena of walling, ethnic segregation, sectarian violence, and imbalanced urban development have continued to reproduce themselves and reinforce one another in the present day, post-Good Friday city of Belfast. Situated within an understanding of the historic patterns of urban development and sectarian conflict in Belfast, as well as the city's emerging socio-spatial divergence, three case studies of present-day management and development at key 'interface' areas in North, West, and East Belfast are presented. These case studies highlight the continued legacy of violent conflict on present-day development outcomes, as well as help to frame the impact that these outcomes have on the emergence of divergent visions of desired post-conflict urban development. Ultimately, this thesis underlines why interface management, urban development, and the mitigation or escalation of violent conflict must not be addressed as separate functions within the context of chronic violence by examining how the Belfast's legacy of urban violence has conditioned the restructuring of physical space at various scales, and has itself subsequently been conditioned by those outcomes.
by Alexander M. Keating.
M.C.P.
8
Cavanaugh, Kathleen Anne. "Protracted social conflict in Northern Ireland : a basic needs approach". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.267845.
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9
Williams, Jennifer L. "ADVICE, INFLUENCE, AND INDEPENDENCE: ADOLESCENT NUTRITIONAL PRACTICES AND OUTCOMES IN BELFAST, NORTHERN IRELAND". UKnowledge, 2013. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/anthro_etds/9.
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The goal of this dissertation is to discuss relationships between the sociocultural environment and nutritional status outcomes in an urban industrialized city with high rates of poverty. The purpose is to highlight the complex web of factors shaping nutritional status outcomes and move beyond cause and effect approaches to nutrition in an environment where obesity is a central nutritional concern. To accomplish this goal, I examine a range of factors that relate to adolescent nutritional practices and nutritional status outcomes in a sample population of adolescents living in Belfast, Northern Ireland. I discuss connections between social locations such as age, gender, geographic area, and socioeconomic status. I also highlight the range of nutritional status outcomes observed in the sample population, while examining broader social, political, and economic aspects of the lives of adolescents that differentially shape nutrition-related experiences in the city. Finally, I demonstrate that adolescents occupy a complex social location in which autonomy, advice, and influence from sociocultural and political-economic factors shape their diet and exercise practices and nutritional status outcomes in multi-faceted, and at times unexpected, ways. In doing so, I emphasize the benefits of a localized, rather than a globalized approach to nutritional concerns such as obesity.
10
Darby, J. "Intimidation and the control of inter-group conflict in Northern Ireland". Thesis, University of Ulster, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.378752.
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11
Gallagher, A. M. "Social identity and ideology in intergroup conflict : the case of Northern Ireland". Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.232801.
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12
Willis, Michael Anthony. "Relative deprivation and political conflict : a Northern Irish case study". Thesis, University of Ulster, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302764.
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13
Englberger, Florian. "Dealing with nationalism in view of a human need to belong : the feasibility of narrative transformation in Northern Ireland". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/16401.
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This thesis seeks to delineate what change in divided societies such as Northern Ireland is possible. Two steps are necessary to answer this question: first, to explain the potency of nationalism. I contend that taking the evolutionary history of humans and a human need to belong into account is essential for an understanding of A.D. Smith's ethno-symbolist approach to nationalism. We need to acknowledge that human beings emerged from small-scale settings and are therefore conservative beings who seek those patterns of familiarity that make up the ordinary ‘everyday'. They are also prejudiced beings, as prejudice helps to break down a complex world into digestible pieces. The ethnic state excluding an ethnic ‘other' is an answer to these calls for simplicity. By establishing an apparent terra firma, a habitus, symbols of an ethnic past and national present speak of nationalist narratives that provide a sense of ontological security. In (Northern) Ireland, ethno-national communities based on prejudiced understandings of history have long been established. In this second step I maintain that change that violates the core potent national narratives cannot be achieved. The Provisional IRA's change from insurrection to parliament became feasible because a radical break with republican dogmas was avoided. Sinn Féin, despite a rhetorical move towards ‘reconciliation', still seek to outmanoeuvre the unionist ‘other'. The history of Irish socialism, on the other hand, has been a failure, as it embodied a radical attempt to banish the ‘other' from the national narrative. Regarding ‘post-conflict' Northern Ireland, I argue for a peacebuilding approach that leaves the confinements of hostile identity politics, as these mass guarantors of ontological security possess only limited potential for relationship transformation. We need to appreciate those almost invisible acts of empathy and peace that could be found even in Northern Ireland's darkest hours.
14
Reilly, Paul. "Framing online communications of civil and uncivil groups in post-conflict Northern Ireland". Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2008. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/131/.
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This thesis explores the ways in which civil and uncivil groups in Northern Ireland use the Internet to generate soft power. This research assesses whether the Internet creates a critical multiplier effect for marginal groups, such as terrorists and interface communities. A coding scheme, adapted from previous studies of political part websites, is used to determine whether these groups have realised the potential of the Internet as a tool for political mobilisation. The dissertation considers whether there are any qualitative differences between the online framing of terrorist-linked parties and the constitutional parties in the region. The phenomenon of amateur terrorism is also analysed through the lens of Loyalist and Republican solidarity actors. The analysis determines whether solidarity actors were more likely to justify political violence on their websites than their respective political fronts. In addition, the websites of rival residents’ groups are examined to determine whether the Internet can help generate social capital across sectarian interfaces. The analysis determines whether residents’ groups use the Web to strengthen in-group identities, or to engage in dialogue with rival interface communities. In doing so, the research tests the cyberoptimist assertion that the Internet will facilitate forms of communication that undermine unequal power relations within nation-states. The online audience for Northern Irish terrorists is modelled using Internet usage patterns and the ranking systems used by Internet search engines. Internet usage patterns are examined to define the potential audience available to Northern Irish terrorists via their websites. The study suggests that there is little to differentiate between the websites of terrorist-linked groups, such as Sinn Fein, and the websites of constitutional parties, such as the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP). In contrast, Loyalist and Republican amateurs often use paramilitary insignias on their websites to demonstrate their opposition to the peace process. However, these websites do not constitute a new dimension of terrorist threat to the peace process. Analysis of residents’ group websites suggests that they further the competition of ‘victimhoods’ between Loyalist and Republican interface communities. Both sides use their web presence to claim that they were constantly under threat of attack from the community situated at the other side of the ‘peaceline.’ Moreover, the thesis suggests that there will be a limited online audience for both civil and uncivil actors in Northern Ireland. The online audience for these actors is likely to consist of Internet users who use the Web for political research and Loyalist and Republican supporters in the ‘offline’ world.
15
Dettori, M. "The literature of the Northern Ireland conflict : spatial, social, moral and psychological representations". Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.527914.
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16
Senholzi, Keith B. Searing Donald. "Conflict in Northern Ireland through the lens of social identity theory and social dominance theory /". Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,2012.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008.Title from electronic title page (viewed Feb. 17, 2009). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Political Science, Concentration TransAtlantic Studies." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science. UNC-Chapel Hill copy lacks abstract.
17
McClean, E. "Voices from the margins : a study of social exclusion and urban regeneration in Belfast, Northern Ireland and Halifax, Nova Scotia". Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.273094.
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18
Devine-Wright, Patrick. "Tracing the hand of history : the role of social memories in the Northern Ireland Conflict". Thesis, University of Surrey, 1999. http://epubs.surrey.ac.uk/699/.
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19
Yazan, Bedrettin. "Sectarian Conflict And Inability To Construct A National Identity In Northern Ireland In Christina Reid". Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12609772/index.pdf.
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Based on Christina Reid&rsquos five Plays &ldquo
Tea in a China Cup,&rdquo
&ldquo
Did You Hear the One About the Irishman &hellip
?,&rdquo
&ldquo
Joyriders,&rdquo
&ldquo
The Belle of the Belfast City,&rdquo
and &ldquo
My Name, Shall I Tell You My Name?&rdquo
the aim of this study is to put under discussion the idea that the sectarian conflict between the two ethno-religious communities in Northern Ireland is maintained deliberately and a national identity unique to the people in this country cannot be constructed at least in the near future. The Protestants in Northern Ireland cannot choose Irishness as a national identity because the Irishness has been monopolized by the Catholics, and cannot adopt the Britishness as a national identity because of the varieties in the social factors they have. Likewise, the Catholics in Northern Ireland do not call themselves British because their Catholicism involves an Irish identity with the rejection of the British rule, and they cannot truly entitle themselves Irish due to the differences in social conditions. However, both factions try to adhere themselves to a national identity through their communal ideology. The Protestants claim that they are part of Britain, while the Catholics claim that they are members of Irish Nation. This situation has led to reluctance in both communities to stop the conflictual circumstances which encourage both groups to tether to their traditions more intensely, to contribute to the otherization process reinforcing their social identity and lead them to impose their working ideology on their new members whose divergence from traditions will definitely pose a threat to their identity. Also, in this country the forgetting / remembering process, which is actually exploited to forge a national identity, is orchestrated by the two communities to enlarge the intercommunal chasm through the narration of the old stories and memories, creation of stories, commemoration activities and museumizing certain objects. Throughout the study the key points which will be highlighted are as follows: nation, national identity and nation building process, the sectarian conflict between the two communities in Northern Ireland, maintenance of conflictual situation and the employment of the forgetting / remembering process in Northern Ireland.
20
Nadeau, Selina. "In Defense of Propaganda: The Republican Response to State-created Narratives Which Silenced Political speech During the Northern Irish Conflict, 1968-1998". Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1493395475794123.
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21
Myers, Elissa. "Social-psychological aspects of intergroup conflict and reconciliation in Northern Ireland : The role of trust and forgiveness". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.491539.
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This thesis aimed to investigate the concepts oftrust and forgiveness, in the context of post-conflict reconciliation in Northern Ireland. Chapter 1 gives an overview of the historical background ofthe conflict in Northern Ireland, the current situation in terms of the divided relationship between the Catholic and Protestant communities and argues that reconciliation initiatives need to encompass social, psychological and emotional aspects of the conflict. Chapter 2 outlines the theoretical framework for the empirical research in the following chapters. Social-psychological theories of conflict are discussed, with particular emphasis on the social identity perspective. These theories are then applied to the conflict, intergroup relations and reconciliation in Northern Ireland. The concepts oftrust and forgiveness are defined and conceptualised from this theoretical background. Chapters 3, 4 and 5 present empirical research which investigates aspects of trust and forgiveness in the context ofNorthern Ireland. Studies 1 and 2 examined the evaluation of the extension oftrust and distrust to the outgroup, in relation to level ofthreat to one's community and strength of group identification. The findings from Studies 1 and 2 demonstrate that group identification is a predictor of evaluations of the extension of trust or distrust toward the outgroup under high! low threat; the extension of distrust toward the outgroup elicited a greater negative evaluation in terms of damage to intergroup relations than the extension of trust. Study 3 investigated the mediating role of group-level forgiveness and guilt in the relationship between victirnhood, exposure to violence and group identity, on the one hand, and mild psychiatric morbidity on the other. Results from Study 3 suggest that forgiveness and guilt can act as mediators in the relationship between impact of ethno-political conflict and mental health, at the group-level. Studies 4, 5 and 6 investigated the mediators o(the relationship between cross-community contact (in the form of cross-group friendship) and ingroup identification on the one hand, and intergroup forgiveness and outgroup trust on the other. Together results from these studies showed that collective guilt, perspective-taking and empathic affect mediate the relationship between cross-group friendship and group identification on the one hand, and intergroup forgiveness and outgroup trust, on the other. Together, the findings from this thesis further our knowledge of the concepts of trust and forgiveness in the context ofconflict and reconciliation in Northern Ireland. Extensions of distrust to the outgroup were evaluated as damaging to intergroup relations between the two communities. Forgiveness was found to mediate the relationship between exposure to the conflict and well-being. Crossgroup friendship, group identification, collective guilt, perspective-taking and empathic affect were found to be important predictors and mediators of outgroup trust and intergroup forgiveness. The theoretical and practical implications of these findings for intergroup relations are discussed, along with directions for future research in this area.
22
Armour, Brian. "An Estimation of Human Capital Loss Resulting from Subversive Deaths Due to the Northern Ireland Conflict". TopSCHOLAR®, 1990. https://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/2121.
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Conflict entails numerous sacrifices in human resources in addition to loss of life, while it is difficult to appraise the real cost of conflict, one can determine the number of fatalities. It is the primary goal of this thesis to develop an accounting technique by which the human capital cost of fatalities due to the Northern Ireland Conflict may be measured in an accepted unit of account. While the development of a model for measuring human capital loss is in itself an important part of the study, the ultimate objective is to arrive at an estimate of the human capital cost of subversive deaths in Northern Ireland.
In this analysis a representative individual is used to estimate human capital loss. The expected earnings stream over the relevant number of earnings period, discounted at the appropriate rate of interest and accounting for the probability of death and unemployment within these periods is the definition given to the value of the human capital stock of an individual. The primary data used in this study is that which recorded fatalities due to the conflict.
Considering that human capital is an important input in the production function and that conflict tends to destroy the more productive portion of the human capital stock, the long-run effect of losses due to continuing strife and conflict are as yet unknown. In the short-run, however, the conflict is known to exert a heavy toll on the Northern Ireland economy. As of April 1990, the total human capital loss estimate of subversive deaths resulting from the Northern Ireland conflict were £186,993,266 for security forces and £400,493,890 for civilians, resulting in a total estimated loss of £587,487,156.
23
Buchanan, Sandra. "Cost of conflict, price of peace - assessing conflict transformation through social and economic development; Northern Ireland and the Border Counties as a case study". Thesis, University of Ulster, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.490747.
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Conflict transformation, as distinct from conflict resolution or conflict settlement, is a largely misunderstood concept within the broadly defined field of conflict management. Conflict transformation through social and economic development is even less understood, reflected in the theoretical and practitioner discourse; the term is often used interchangeably with the terms conflict resolution and peacebuilding, oftentimes referring to the same approach, mistakenly located within a post-conflict frame of reference. While conflict transformation is primarily concerned with overcoming direct. cultural and structural violence over the long-term, most practical and theoretical efforts have concentrated on the removal of direct violence only over the short-term.
24
Carlisle, Patricia A. "Meaning in distress : exploring religion, spirituality and mental health social work practice in Northern Ireland". Thesis, University of Stirling, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/21736.
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This empirical study explores if, and how, religion and spirituality are relevant subjects for those experiencing mental distress in Northern Ireland (NI) and how, if at all, the subject is engaged with in mental health social work practice. Although there is some controversy in United Kingdom based research regarding the apparent benefit of religion and spirituality within mental health, service user research and literature suggests its importance within recovery. Literature on religion, spirituality and social work practice suggests the need to examine the social and political processes which persist around this subject in social work practice (Henery, 2003; Wong and Vinsky, 2009). This examination is appropriate given the role of religion within the political conflict in NI, the impact of the conflict upon social work practice (Campbell et al, 2013), the high incidence of mental ill health in NI and the apparent role of religion and spirituality within mental distress. This study considers how mental health social workers may engage with this subject within their practice not only as an aspect of service users’ identity but also within post conflict Northern Ireland. The study methodology and design drew upon narrative theory and grounded theory. I interviewed twelve mental health service users and twelve mental health social workers, and half of the participants from each group also took part in a follow-up telephone interview. All of the participants were invited to bring an object which expressed what religion and spirituality meant to them. Analysis explored the views and experiences of mental health service users and social workers about religion and spirituality, within specific aspects of the wider social field. Service user and social worker participants’ accounts suggested that whilst the role of religion and spirituality within mental distress was recognised, its inclusion in mental health social work practice was marked with questions of legitimacy. Some of these questions were explicitly framed within the conflict, whilst others were less so. The study found that although religion was associated with politics, sectarianism and violence, its role, and that of spirituality, as an aspect of identity and meaning-making, appeared to be underdeveloped. Two key findings are of particular note. 10 Firstly that service user participants had their own ‘hierarchy’ of religious and spiritual expression, which on occasion appeared to result in their being critical of other service users’ expressions. Secondly, some service users preferred to keep their spirituality to themselves as a strategy of empowerment. In addition the study also found that service users viewed the mental health professional relationship as focusing upon medical aspects of their care, for example physical health and medication management, with no scope to explore religion, spirituality and mental distress. Thus questions of legitimacy focused around the notion of privacy and whether talking about religion and spirituality within the mental health service user and social worker relationship was too sensitive, given its association with sectarianism. Furthermore, mental health service users were concerned about how a disclosure of religion and / or spirituality within mental distress would be viewed by the mental health professional: would it be viewed as indicative of deteriorating mental health? Overall the study identified a significant gap between how service users draw upon spirituality and / or religion within mental distress, and the space given to this within mental health social work practice. This gap is due to a myriad of factors ranging from the social worker’s biography, to wider issues around how religion and spirituality are conceptualised in contemporary society. This study also highlights the continuing impact of the Northern Ireland conflict on frontline social work provision. There is a need for policymaking to acknowledge the ambivalence that exists around spirituality and religion in mental health social work practice due to the conflict and other relevant factors. Finally, support is needed for practitioners and service users to acknowledge this aspect of mental well-being in a manner that gives service users choice about its inclusion in their mental health care.
25
Lewis, Matthew. "Social identitet i religiösa ritualer : En observationsstudie om ritualer och dess symbolers betydelse för socialidentitet". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Religionspsykologi, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-352910.
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Syftet med denna studie är att studera symboler som används i ritualer som är religiöst präglade, i detta fall en nordirländsk parad, för att bygga vidare på forskning kring ritualer och symbolers betydelse för social identitet. För att besvara detta syfte formulerades följande två frågeställningar: Hur kan symboler i tolfte juli paraden tolkas utifrån social identitetsteori? På vilka sätt ger denna ritual uttryck för de fyra komponenter som är del av David J. Knottnerus (1997) strukturella ritualiseringsteori? Genom en kombination av en sekundärobservation och tematisk innehållsanalys analyseras symbolerna som används i denna ritual. Det material som använts var en form av visuellt material, ett längre videoklipp från YouTube. Symbolerna i ritualen tolkas utifrån social identitetsteori, och ritualen i dess helhet betraktas med den teoretiska referensram som är angiven av strukturell ritualiseringsteori. Genom den analytiska processen har det framkommit att det går att identifiera vissa framträdande aspekter av social identitet i ritualer. Resultatet av denna studie visade på att ritualen i fråga bidrar till stärkandet av den sociala identiteten hos nordirländska protestanter, och bidrar till stereotypisering inom gruppen. Det finns även indikationer på att denna ritual fyller funktionen av att säkerställa en form av positiv social identitet som är distinkt. Grunden för denna sociala identitet har en religiös prägel. Det går även att identifiera två av de fyra komponenter som utgör grunden för strukturell ritualiseringsteori. Det går däremot inte att göra några påståenden om vad detta har för betydelse för ritualen i dess helhet eller dess betydelse för den enskilde individen.Northern Ireland was, for many years, the main subject in various forms of social studies. But in recent years Northern Ireland has been overlooked by many, and is a topic that is dated. In light of recent political events in the United Kingdom and Northern Ireland it is of the utmost importance that we revisit Northern Irish society and its social landscape. The purpose of this study is to delve deeper into the importance of symbols in rituals that are, in one way or another, religious to a certain extent. In order for this study to fulfil its purpose it will seek to answer two questions. The first question concerns how symbols in the Twelfth (or Orangemen’s Day) parade can be interpreted with help of social identity theory, and the second question posed concerns itself with how the ritual, in its entirety, can be seen with help of structural ritualization theory. Through a form of secondary observation and a thematic content analysis, it was concluded that there is a clear indication of social identity that takes shape in the usage of symbols in rituals. Participants in this ritual used symbols to strengthen their social identity, and this in turn contributed to stereotyping within the social group. There was also an indication that the ritual has a function, which is to secure a form of distinct, positive social identity. There was also an indication that religion played a pivotal role in the participants social identity. Lastly, the study managed to identify two out of four components in structural ritualization theory. However, it was difficult to assert the implications that the components of structural ritualization theory had for the ritual in its entirety.
26
Scheller, Hannah. "Intergroup Contact - A Chance for long-lasting Peace?" Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-387321.
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The study explores the effect of intergroup contact on the likelihood of spoiler group activity on a micro-regional level in post-conflict societies. It argues that higher levels of intergroup contact make areas more resilient to spoiler groups. This can be especially relevant during exogenous shocks and therefore contributes to the sustainability of peace processes. The resistance to spoiler activity is explained as a result of developing intergroup networks of solidarity, which reduce recruitment capabilities of organized violent groups. The theoretical propositions will be tested by a large-N study (N = 1,203) using the Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey of 2017, distributed about one year after the Brexit referendum. The general findings support the hypothesis that positive intergroup contact decreases the likelihood of spoiler group activity in an area. This study thus contributes to finding applicable solutions to foster stability in peace processes on the local level.
27
Benedetti, Alexa Leigh. "Civil Religion Iconography : A New Theoretical Perspective Regarding Public Art". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-445889.
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Based on the idea that public art reflects cultural values and is meant, not as many have argued as a means of teaching history, but rather as a means of promoting cultural ideals, public art serves a role in lauding people and behaviors and reflects an important facet in the creation of a national identity and ethos. Further, that in this function of promoting societal norms, public art serves as an iconography of a “civil religion” which tells a story to the citizenry about what a given country admires, reveres and aspires to and promotes a specific moral narrative regarding a country and its people. Thus, public art forms an iconography reflecting the norms of the “civil religion” and its related mores, morals and ethical values.
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Solleder, Stefan. "Die Visualisierung symbolischer Ordnungen im Kontext gewalttätiger Konflikte". Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/18620.
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Diese Dissertation vereint Theorien ethnischer Gruppen und Grenzen (M. Weber, F. Barth, A.D. Smith, A. Wimmer, R. Brubaker, M. Lamont, V. Molnár, C. Tilly) mit den Macht- und Konflikttheorien von H. Popitz und R.V. Gould sowie der cultural sociology J.C. Alexanders in einer Performanztheorie gewalttätiger ethnischer Gruppenkonflikte.
Mit Hilfe dieser theoretischen Konzeption gelingt es, anhand einer empirischen Verlaufsanalyse des Nordirlandkonflikts (1966–2013) eine Erklärung für dessen lange Dauer und spätere Transformation in einen gewaltfreien Konflikt zu geben.
Der Verlauf der Gewalthandlungen (soziale Grenzen) wird in Beziehung gesetzt zu den zeitlichen Wandlungen der zentralen visuellen Propagandamedien der Akteure (symbolische Grenzen), den Murals in den Hochburgen der Republikaner und Loyalisten.
Die Bilder (als nachträgliche Bühnenbilder) entzogen ab den frühen 1980ern auf Seiten der Republikaner (PIRA) die Anwendung von Gewalt der Logik eines Kampfes um "bindende Aktionsmacht" (Popitz). Die Gewalttätigkeiten konnten daher trotz der sich damals abzeichnenden Pattsituation fortgesetzt werden. Paradoxer Weise legten diese frühen Murals zugleich den Grundstein für die spätere Transformation des Konflikts gerade dadurch, dass sie Gewalt nicht mehr als Mittel zum Zweck legitimierten, sondern zu etwas relativ 'Beliebigem' stilisierten.
Auf loyalistischer Seite (UDA, UVF) kam es zeitgleich zu vergleichsweise größeren Brüchen auf visuell-symbolischer Ebene. In Vergleich zu den republikanischen Murals zeichneten sich die der Loyalisten nicht durch eine relativ geradlinige und einheitliche Entwicklung aus, sondern durch eine Diversifikation der Motive und die Suche nach (neuen) Symbolen, die die eigene Gruppe neu begründen und einen konnten. Die Möglichkeit zur Konfliktfortsetzung und -transformation wurzelte hier nicht in einem systematischen symbolischen Wandel, sondern in einem patchwork divergierender (alter und neuer) Selbstverständnisse.This doctoral thesis develops a performance theory of violent ethnic group conflicts by combining theories of ethnicity and boundaries (M. Weber, F. Barth, A.D. Smith, A. Wimmer, R. Brubaker, M. Lamont, V. Molnár, C. Tilly) with theories of power and violent conflicts (H. Popitz, R.V. Gould) and the cultural sociology of J.C. Alexander. This theoretical framework is applied on the Northern Ireland conflict (1966–2013). The result is an explanation for its long duration and later transformation into a non-violent one (peace process). The empirical analysis traces the relations between social and symbolic boundaries throughout the conflict. The development of social boundaries is reconstructed through an analysis of violent events during the conflict, the development of symbolic boundaries is reconstructed based on the central visual means of political communication used by the protagonists of the conflict, i.e. the murals painted in republican and loyalist strongholds. The development of murals (understood as belated stage settings) is interpreted in the context of the course of the violent conflict. In the early 1980s – a stalemate had developed on the level of social boundaries – the murals on the republican side (PIRA) transformed the meaning of violence: It was disconnected from an instrumental logic. Paradoxically, this transformation enabled at the same time the continuation of the violent conflict as well as its later transformation into a non-violent one. The loyalist murals (UDA, UVF) – compared to the republican ones – were characterized by ruptures and a lack of a coherent development. They exhibited a diversification of themes and a search for new (re-)uniting collective symbols. They did not enable the continuation and transformation of the conflict through systematic symbolic changes, but through the emergence of a patchwork of diverse (old and new) collective symbols and 'identities'.
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Incorvia, Niki. "Role Theory as an informative lens for understanding the familial and political power struggles of Henry VIII and Mary I of England". NSUWorks, 2014. http://nsuworks.nova.edu/shss_dcar_etd/18.
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This study aims to analyze the application of twentieth century sociologist George Mead's role theory to Henry VIII and Mary I, of Britain's Tudor Dynasty, regarding their treatment of their families during the early to mid-sixteenth century. Contemporary role theory can offer a useful lens to study sixteenth century royal family functionality through an analysis of Henry VIII and Mary I's lives as monarchs of England. Role theory can illuminate the role conflict that led to a separation between Henry and Mary as people and as sovereigns. Their roles, derived from traditional authority, set them apart as people and led them to behave in a way that would not have been true to their characters if they were not monarchs. The roles will therefore be given particular attention pertaining to family issues within a sixteenth century social, religious and political context. The findings of this study include an explanation of conflict with identity as well as a conflict with roles using transformation as the catalyst in the case of both of these monarchs. This study includes a qualitative content analysis, while also employing methods from the humanities to create a unique blend of methodology from both the social sciences and the field of history. This blend of methodology aids in creating a model to ensure further understanding of conflict analysis from a historical perspective.
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Sarrouy, Marion. "Apprentissages et pratiques de la cornemuse en Irlande du Nord : jeu musical, (en)jeux des appartenances et mémoire du conflit". Thesis, Rennes 2, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019REN20051.
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Ce travail de thèse se propose d’étudier une pratique culturelle, celle des groupes de cornemuses ou pipe bands, telle qu’on la trouve dans la société nord-irlandaise contemporaine dite « post-conflit ». En abordant la pratique musicale comme pratique du quotidien et occasion répétée d’échanges et d’interactions, ce travail cherche à évaluer comment celle-ci contribue à la formation et au renouvellement de normes et de valeurs collectives. L’Irlande du Nord émergeant d’un conflit qui continue de modeler les relations sociales et la vie politique, il s’agit également d’approcher, par le biais des pratiques culturelles, les dynamiques de transformations du conflit. De par cette approche, ce travail se propose d’envisager les produits de la socialisation musicale en tant qu’ils constituent une réponse à l’héritage du conflit. La musique comme pratique est par ailleurs envisagée en tant qu’elle permet une action sur le monde et une réinvention de la conflictualitéThis thesis endeavours to study pipe bands as a cultural practice in contemporary "post-conflict" Northern Irish society. By approaching music as an everyday practice and a repeated opportunity for exchange and interaction, this work seeks to evaluate how it contributes to the formation and renewal of collective norms and values. As Northern Ireland emerges from a conflict that continues to shape social relations and political life, this work also aims at approaching, through cultural practices, the dynamics of conflict transformation. Through this standpoint, this thesis whishes to consider the products of musical socialization in response to the legacy of conflict. Music as a practice is also thought of as allowing an action on the world and a reinvention of conflict
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Smithey, Lee Alan. "Strategic collective action and collective identity reconstruction parading disputes and two Northern Ireland towns /". Thesis, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3106594.
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McClean, Anna Jean Catherine. "Identity, conflict and radical coalition building a study of grassroots organizing in Northern Ireland /". 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10048/1114.
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Thesis (M. Ed.) -- University of Alberta, 2010."A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Education in Theoretical, Cultural and International Studies in Education, Educational Policy Studies, University of Alberta." Title from pdf file main screen (viewed on May 14, 2010) Includes bibliographical references.
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McClean, Anna. "Identity, conflict and radical coalition building: a study of grassroots organizing in Northern Ireland". Master's thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10048/1114.
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Coalitions in Northern Ireland have been organizing across the ethno-nationalist divide for decades. Yet, while empirical research has addressed challenges of, and potential for, organizing across ethnonationalism, the ways in which coalition members attend to their complex subjectivites have been overlooked. Using a critical, constructivist approach to qualitative research, this study of Alliance for Choice Belfast sheds light upon the impacts of attending to / overlooking difference and power dynamics. Data was collected through field research, semi-structured interviews and document analysis, and analysed through the lens of radical coalition building, along with theories that address the complexity of identities. The findings suggest that members of the coalition have created a depoliticized coalitional space in order to avoid conflict and unite around their campaign goal. This has had implications in terms of homogenizing womens experiences, overlooking elements of class privilege, and falling back into traditional practices of avoidance around controversial issues.Theoretical, Cultural and International Studies in Education
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Arnold, Jobb. "Inside and Outside Peace and Prosperity: Post-Conflict Cultural Spaces in Rwanda and Northern Ireland". Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1974/12223.
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In post-conflict settings real and imagined boundaries do a great deal to determine who is inside and who is outside of state-based narratives of peace and prosperity. Based on case studies in Rwanda and Northern Ireland, I provide an analysis of the post-conflict periods and the impact of neoliberal-styled governance on the dynamics of power. I argue that as power shifted, ‘peace’ also entailed a general social pacification, and prosperity equated to greater private profit. However, top-down social engineering has not contained the entire field of social struggle. I examine micro-level interventions taking place on the margins of mainstream discourse that trouble the moralizing state-narratives that seek to legitimate structural violence. Such spaces facilitate alternative values and practices that contribute to sustained social and cultural resilience, as well as forms of resistance.
Post-conflict Rwanda and Northern Ireland have been impacted by both coercive and consensual forms of social engineering. In Rwanda, state-based framework laws and forceful regimes of local implementation rely on stark contingencies of reward and punishment to shape and control behaviour in the public sphere. In Northern Ireland, the power-sharing structure of the Belfast Agreement has reinforced ethnic politics, while depoliticizing and instrumentalizing civil society in support of its neoliberal policies.
I present ethnographic research and interviews conducted with community organizations in Northern Ireland (Ikon) and Rwanda (Student Association of Genocide Survivors - AERG) that demonstrates how alternative discourses and practices are emerging in the cracks of these top-down systems. I explore Ikon’s use of creative performances and radical theology to create socially resonant cultural spaces that function as temporary autonomous zones. These TAZs unsettle aspects of individual identity while intentionally seeking to destabilize mainstream power dynamics. Unlike Ikon, AERG faces greater public scrutiny and higher political stakes. They demonstrate an adherence to the dominant social script in the public sphere, while exhibiting micro- level agency through trauma healing, and material support in private day-to-day practices. AERG’s performance in the public sphere creates temporary spaces of encounter that exceed the boundaries of official discourse, making their alternative presence felt while remaining illegible to the dominant surveillance frameworks.Thesis (Ph.D, Cultural Studies) -- Queen's University, 2014-06-02 11:02:09.033
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Denicourt-Fauvel, Camille. "L’État de droit en transition : une amnistie pour le Bloody Sunday?" Thèse, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/19144.
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Depuis la signature de l’Accord de paix du Vendredi Saint, l’Irlande du Nord a entamé son processus de transition après trente ans d’un conflit communément appelé les Troubles. Parmi les questions relatives à son cheminement se pose celle du Bloody Sunday. Lors de cet évènement tristement célèbre des Troubles, quatorze civils furent tués par des soldats britanniques, alors qu’ils prenaient part à une manifestation pour les droits civiques. Les soldats n’ont pas eu à faire face au processus judiciaire, malgré la volonté des familles des victimes d’obtenir justice. Une amnistie visant les soldats responsables fut proposée en mars 2014, à titre de mécanisme de justice transitionnelle pour accompagner la société nord- irlandaise dans sa démarche vers un état de paix. Entre droit et politique, plusieurs questions se posent relativement à un tel projet. La présente étude vise à examiner la validité de cette proposition d’amnistie eu égard aux valeurs de l’État de droit.Since the Good Friday Agreement was signed in 1998, the Northern Irish society has embarked on its transitional process towards peace, attempting to leave behind thirty years of a conflict commonly known as the Troubles. This outcome brings to light many different issues, amongst which is that of the Bloody Sunday. This infamous event of the Troubles saw fourteen civilians killed by British soldiers as they were taking part in a civil rights demonstration. The soldiers were spared the judicial process despite the efforts deployed by the victims’ families to bring them to justice. In 2014, an amnesty was suggested as a transitional justice mechanism to further the society’s transition to the post-conflict era. This study examines the validity of such an amnesty in light of the underlying values of the Rule of Law.