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Vyšný, Peter. "Pre-Hispanic Nahua Slavery". Ethnologia Actualis 20, n.º 2 (1 de dezembro de 2020): 85–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/eas-2021-0012.
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Abstract The article deals with pre-Hispanic Nahua slavery. Based upon an examination of Nahua perception of slavery/slaves, Nahua forms of slavery (apart from the slaves destined for sacrifice there were slaves destined for work) and the social and legal position of Nahua slaves (destined for work) the author concludes that the Nahua institution traditionally called “slavery“ is different from its counterparts known from the history of Occident. Except for slaves destined for sacrifice to the gods which are discussed only briefly in the article, the Nahua slaves (i.e. the slaves destined for work) had a certain degree of personal freedom and certain rights. Becoming a slave at birth was possible only exceptionally and the enslavement of persons was in many cases (even if not in all cases) only temporary. The treatment of Nahua slaves – compared to the living conditions of their counterparts in many other world cultures – was significantly better, more humane. This can be seen from the fact that the master was entitled only to his/her slave’s labor and not to slave’s life, health, family members or property, as well as from the fact that the slave could obtain freedom in many ways, not only by the manumission made by his/her master. Although slaves were considered a kind of both physically and mentally “less perfect“ individuals who were “dirtied“, that is, morally tainted and dishonored by their enslavement and its reasons (mainly a delinquent behavior, i.e. non-payment of debts or perpetration of certain crimes), they were not systematically excluded from the wider society formed by free persons and they lived with their families in their houses and neighborhoods.
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Brixius, Dorit. "From ethnobotany to emancipation: Slaves, plant knowledge, and gardens on eighteenth-century Isle de France". History of Science 58, n.º 1 (10 de abril de 2019): 51–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0073275319835431.
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This essay examines the relationship between slavery and plant knowledge for cultivational activities and medicinal purposes on Isle de France (Mauritius) in the second half of the eighteenth century. It builds on recent scholarship to argue for the significance of slaves in the acquisition of plant material and related knowledge in pharmaceutical, acclimatization, and private gardens on the French colonial island. I highlight the degree to which French colonial officials relied on slaves’ ethnobotanical knowledge but neglected to include such information in their published works. Rather than seeking to explore the status of such knowledge within European frameworks of natural history as an endpoint of knowledge production, this essay calls upon us to think about the plant knowledge that slaves possessed for its practical implementations in the local island context. Both female and male slaves’ plant-based knowledge enriched – even initiated – practices of cultivation and preparation techniques of plants for nourishment and medicinal uses. Here, cultivational knowledge and skills determined a slave’s hierarchical rank. As the case of the slave gardener Rama and his family reveals, plant knowledge sometimes offered slaves opportunities for social mobility and, even though on extremely rare occasions, enabled them to become legally free.
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Borucki, Alex. "Trans-imperial History in the Making of the Slave Trade to Venezuela, 1526-1811". Itinerario 36, n.º 2 (agosto de 2012): 29–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115312000563.
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The last two decades have witnessed an unprecedented expansion of knowledge about the transatlantic slave trade, both through research on specific sections of this traffic and through the consolidation of datasets into a single online resource: Voyages: The Transatlantic Slave Trade Database (hereafter Voyages Database). This collective project has elucidated in great detail the slave trading routes across the Atlantic and the broad African origins of captives, at least from their ports of embarkation. However, this multi-source database tells us little about the slave trading routes within the Americas, as slaves were shipped through various ports of disembarkation, sometimes by crossing imperial borders in the New World. This gap complicates our understanding of the slave trade to Spanish America, which depended on foreign slavers to acquire captives through a rigid system of contracts (asientos and licencias) overseen by the Crown up to 1789. These foreign merchants often shipped captives from their own American territories such as Jamaica, Curaçao, and Brazil. Thus, the slave trade connected the Spanish colonies with interlopers from England, France, the Netherlands, Portugal (within the Spanish domain from 1580 to 1640), and eventually the United States. The importance of the intra-American slave trade is particularly evident in Venezuela: while the Voyages Database shows only 11,500 enslaved Africans arriving in Venezuela directly from Africa, I estimate that 101,000 captives were disembarked there, mostly from other colonies. This article illuminates the volume of this traffic, the slave trading routes, and the origins of slaves arriving in Venezuela by exploring the connections of this Spanish colony with the Portuguese, Dutch, British, and French Atlantics. Imperial conflicts and commercial networks shaped the number and sources of slaves arriving in Venezuela. As supplies of captives passed from Portuguese to Dutch, and then to English hands, the colony absorbed captives from different African regions of embarkation.
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González-Ripoll, Loles. "Slave and convict: José Rufino Parra’s double sentence in the Antilles and mainland Spain". Culture & History Digital Journal 11, n.º 2 (16 de novembro de 2022): e023. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2022.023.
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This paper addresses the adversities of a slave in 19th century Cuba who was considered dangerous because of his education; the suspicious claim of the owner; the slave’s arrest between Cuba, Spain, and Puerto Rico, and the defence of the rights to which he was entitled. The scant but interesting documentation on the misfortune of José Rufino Parra raises many issues regarding the daily relationships between masters and slaves; the unheard-of relationship between a black man and a white woman; the conservation of family honour, and the importance of education and family for slaves within an unjust colonial system, which, despite injustices, did offer opportunities to defend themselves.
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Brown, Carolyn A. "Testing the Boundaries of Marginality: Twentieth-Century Slavery and Emancipation Struggles in Nkanu, Northern Igboland, 1920–29". Journal of African History 37, n.º 1 (março de 1996): 51–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700034794.
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In 1914 the Enugu Government Colliery and the construction of its railway link to the Biafran coast used slave-owning chiefs as labor recruiters. Although aware of slavery in the Nkanu clan area the state simply outlawed the slave trade and excessive treatment but left it to slaves to secure their ‘freedom’. Nkanu slavery was unusually pervasive, incorporating over half of some villages, with few opportunities for manumission or marriage to the freeborn. Severe ritualistic proscriptions excluded slave men from village politics. But forced labor destabilized slavery, causing unrest which reached crisis proportions in the fall of 1922. The revolt presents a unique opportunity for historical study of the goals, ideology and strategies of indigenous slave populations creating ‘freedom’ within the emergent colonial order.When owners demanded slaves' wages, the slaves resisted and demanded full social and political equality with the freeborn. Slaves who remained in the village struggled to provision Enugu's urban working class. For both slavery hindered opportunities in the colonial economy. In retaliation owners evicted slave families, increased their labor requirements and unleashed a reign of terror, abduction and sacrifice of slave women and children. By the fall of 1922 local government collapsed forcing the state to develop a policy on emancipation. It is significant that this struggle converted the slaves from a scattered subordinate group of patrilineages to an aggressive and cohesive community.
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Stilwell, Sean, Ibrahim Hamza e Paul E. Lovejoy. "The Oral History of Royal Slavery in the Sokoto Caliphate: An Interview with Sallama Dako". History in Africa 28 (2001): 273–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172218.
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A powerful community of royal slaves emerged in Kano Emirate in the wake of Usman dan Fodio's jihad (1804-08), which established the Sokoto Caliphate. These elite slaves held administrative and military positions of great power, and over the course of the nineteenth century played an increasing prominent role in the political, economic, and social life of Kano. However, the individuals who occupied slave offices have largely been rendered silent by the extant historical record. They seldom appear in written sources from the period, and then usually only in passing. Likewise, certain officials and offices are mentioned in official sources from the colonial period, but only in the context of broader colonial concerns and policies, usually related to issues about taxation and the proper structure of indirect rule.As the following interview demonstrates, the collection and interpretation of oral sources can help to fill these silences. By listening to the words and histories of the descendents of royal slaves, as well as current royal slave titleholders, we can begin to reconstruct the social history of nineteenth-century royal slave society, including the nature of slave labor and work, the organization the vast plantation system that surrounded Kano, and the ideology and culture of royal slaves themselves.The interview is but one example of a series of interviews conducted with current and past members of this royal slave hierarchy by Yusufu Yunusa. As discussed below, Sallama Dako belonged to the royal slave palace community in Kano. By royal slave, we mean highly privileged and powerful slaves who were owned by the emir, known in Hausa as bayin sarki (slaves of the emir or king).
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Alabi, Afetame. "Can a Slave Serve Two Masters? Jointly Owned Slaves in Documentary Papyri and the Synoptic Gospels". New Testament Studies 70, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2024): 38–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688523000322.
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AbstractThis article examines the synoptic saying on serving two masters (Matt 6.24; Luke 16.13) in light of the evidence for jointly owned slaves in documentary papyri. The saying implies that the slave of two masters will inevitably be more loyal or exclusively loyal to one master. Scholars usually accept this as an accurate depiction of jointly owned slaves. However, the papyrological evidence shows that the relationship between jointly owned slaves and their owners varied in everyday life and that slaves had little control over their loyalty to each master. The saying is, therefore, not a fully realistic portrait of how jointly owned slaves served their masters in antiquity but is possibly a slave stereotype that contributes to the (un)faithful slave imageries in the Gospels.
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Drescher, Seymour. "British Slavers: A Comment". Journal of Economic History 45, n.º 3 (setembro de 1985): 705. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700034628.
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In his essay J. E. Inikori argues that the British slavers “had freedom to carry as many slaves per ship as possible” to foreign colonies after 1788.1 He takes issue with my argument in Econocide that the British regulatory acts applied equally to those in the British direct trade to foreign colonies.2 In support of this he cites instances of British slave ships that undoubtedly loaded far more than the allowed slaves per ton in 1803.
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Mason, John Edwin. "Hendrik Albertus and his Ex-slave Mey: A Drama in Three Acts". Journal of African History 31, n.º 3 (novembro de 1990): 423–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700031169.
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This essay draws on documents relating to a single extraordinary episode, and on supporting materials, to illustrate aspects of the mentalités of slaves, slave-owners, and Protectors of Slaves in the British South African colony of the Cape of Good Hope. The narrative follows the story of a slave, Mey, who was harshly beaten twice within six days in 1832. Mey, and several other slaves who had been whipped for the same offence, accepted the first punishment; Mey complained about the second, which he alone suffered, to a colonial official called the Protector of Slaves. The Protector vigorously investigated the complaint. Mey's master, Hendrik Albertus van Niekerk, co-operated only reluctantly with the investigation. As the Protector pursued the case, van Niekerk suddenly brought it to an end by manumitting Mey, giving cash compensation to the other slaves he had whipped, and paying legal fines.The behaviour of each of the men fails to conform to the roles conventional wisdom has prepared for masters, slaves, and colonial officials. The essay demonstrates that the men were not eccentric, but that they were both rational and representative of their class. Mey acted as he did because the slaves had developed a ‘moral economy of the lash’ and because the second beating fell outside the boundaries of acceptable punishment by those standards. The Protector prosecuted van Niekerk with determination because he believed the punishment had been brutal and capricious and because Mey was a good slave who had been wronged. Hendrik Albertus freed Mey and compensated the other slaves because he refused to accept the legitimacy of the Protector. He settled the case before he was forced to visit the Protector's office or face Mey in court. To have honored the law and to have answered Mey's charge directly would have been to dishonor himself. He would have compromised the power and authority on which his honor as a slave-owner rested. Hendrik Albertus valued his honor more highly than one slave and a few pounds Sterling.
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Webb, James L. A. "The Horse and Slave Trade Between the Western Sahara and Senegambia". Journal of African History 34, n.º 2 (julho de 1993): 221–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700033338.
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Following the late fifteenth- and sixteenth-century cavalry revolution in Senegambia, the horse and slave trade became a major sector of the desert-edge political economy. Black African states imported horses from North Africa and the western Sahara in exchange for slaves. Over time, under conditions of increasing aridity, the zone of desert horse-breeding was pushed south, and through crossbreeding with the small disease-resistant indigenous horses of the savanna, new breeds were created. Although the savanna remained an epidemiologically hostile environment for the larger and more desirable horses bred in North Africa, in the high desert and along the desert fringe, Black African states continued to import horses in exchange for slaves into the period of French colonial rule.The evidence assembled on the horse trade into northern Senegambia raises the difficult issue of the relative quantitative importance of the Atlantic and Saharan/North African slave trades and calls into question the assumption that the Atlantic slave trade was the larger of the two. Most available evidence concerns the Wolof kingdoms of Waalo and Kajoor. It suggests that the volume of slaves exported north into the desert from Waalo in the late seventeenth century was probably at least ten times as great as the volume of slaves exported into the Atlantic slave trade. For both Waalo and Kajoor, this ratio declined during the first half of the eighteenth century as slave exports into the Atlantic markets increased. The second half of the eighteenth century saw an increase in predatory raiding from the desert which produced an additional flow of north-bound slaves. For Waalo and Kajoor – and probably for the other Black African states of northern Senegambia – the flow of slaves north to Saharan and North African markets probably remained the larger of the two export volumes over the eighteenth century. This northward flow of slaves continued strong after the abolition of the Atlantic slave trade and was only shut down with the imposition of French colonial authority.
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Rustemov, Oleg D. "The rights of slaves in the Crimean Khanate and the conditions for their emancipation". Golden Horde Review 10, n.º 3 (29 de setembro de 2022): 715–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.22378/2313-6197.2022-10-3.715-727.
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Research objectives: The aim of this research is to study issues related to the legal status of slaves, as well as the terms and conditions of their release in the Crimean Khanate. Research materials: Individual research works on the topic of slavery in Ottoman Turkey and the texts of the Crimean Kadiasker books (sijils) in which slaves appear in connection with various legal proceedings related to them. Results and novelty of the research: Novelty lies in the fact that certain terms from the history of slavery in the Turkic Muslim states have been introduced into scientific circulation. For the first time in Russian historiography, the so-called guarantees (tedbir) of the liberation of slaves in the Crimean Khanate are described. The practice of announcing such “guarantees” to slaves finds its confirmation in court documents of the 17th century. The question of the existence of a limiting service life of slaves in the Crimean Khanate is considered. Also, for the first time, using historical evidence, the legal status of slaves has been studied, the relationship between slaves and masters has been examined, and other reasons for the release of slaves, not related to the end of their service, have been identified. As a result of this study, it is established that in the Crimea of the 16th-18th centuries, according to Muslim law, only prisoners of war captured in a war or on a campaign could become slaves. According to Sharia, Muslims could not be enslaved. This rule was strictly adhered to in the Crimea. We find confirmation of this fact in individual Crimean sijils where the fate of the Lipka Tatars who, being Muslims, were captured, brought to Crimea, and subsequently released. Such documents are examined here. The study has found that slaves were deprived of legal rights and had the status of mütekavvım mal – property permitted for use. They were part of the common property that could be sold, exchanged, donated, or used at the discretion of the owner. In yafts or lists of inherited property, slaves were listed, as a rule, among animals or other things. Sometimes slaves, at the request of their masters, received additional powers and became semi-free traders. A special category of slaves that stood out among others should be noted among the soldiers of the khan’s guard – kapy-kulu (literally – slave of the door/slave at the gate). This article determines that the normal life of a slave corresponded to a full six years. In addition to release on the grounds of seniority, other conditions for the release of a slave were also possible. Four types of tedbir and the conditions of kitabet, or an agreement on the independent redemption of oneself by a slave, are considered. Cases of the release of slaves on religious grounds are described, and the possibilities for them to go to court for legal assistance are described. All the facts of legal precedents given in the article are supported by information from the Crimean Cadi sijils. In conclusion, concepts are given regarding the system of slavery adopted in the khanate.
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Twomey, Christina. "Protecting Slaves and Aborigines". Pacific Historical Review 87, n.º 1 (2018): 10–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2018.87.1.10.
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The historiography on protection in the nineteenth-century British Empire often assumes that British humanitarians were the progenitors of protection schemes. In contrast, this article argues that the position of Protector or Guardian for slaves and Indigenous peoples in the British Empire drew on Spanish, Dutch, and French legal precedents. The legal protections and slave codes operative in these European colonies are compared to British colonial territories, where there was no imperial slave code and no clear status of slaves at common law. Drawing on debates in the House of Commons, Parliamentary Commissions of Inquiry, and the published work of abolitionists and anti-slavery societies, the article examines how the pressure for amelioration in the British Empire coincided with the acquisition of new colonies that offered ready-made models for slave protection. British reformers combined their calls for greater protection for slaves with their extant knowledge of European protective regimes.
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EL HAMEL, CHOUKI. "THE REGISTER OF THE SLAVES OF SULTAN MAWLAY ISMA‘IL OF MOROCCO AT THE TURN OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY". Journal of African History 51, n.º 1 (março de 2010): 89–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853710000186.
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ABSTRACTIn late-seventeenth-century Morocco, Mawlay Isma‘il commanded his officials to enslave all blacks: that is, to buy coercively or freely those already slaves and to enslave those who were free, including the Haratin (meaning free blacks or freed ex-slaves). This command violated the most salient Islamic legal code regarding the institution of slavery, which states that it is illegal to enslave fellow Muslims. This controversy caused a heated debate and overt hostility between the ‘ulama’ (Muslim scholars) and Mawlay Isma‘il. Official slave registers were created to justify the legality of the enforced buying of slaves from their owners and the enslavement of the Haratin. An equation of blackness and slavery was being developed to justify the subjection of the free Muslim black Moroccans. To prove the slave status of the black Moroccans, the officials in charge of the slavery project established a fictional hierarchy of categories of slaves. This project therefore constructed a slave status for all black people, even those who were free.
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KLEIN, MARTIN A. "THE SLAVE TRADE AND DECENTRALIZED SOCIETIES". Journal of African History 42, n.º 1 (março de 2001): 49–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700007854.
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This article, based on a review of the relevant literature, argues that the analyses of Andrew Hubbell and Walter Hawthorne can be extended to a general interpretation of the impact of the slave trade on decentralized societies. First, decentralized societies usually defended themselves effectively, forcing slavers both to extend their networks further into the interior and to devise new ways of obtaining slaves. Second, agents of the slave trade were often successful in developing linkages within targeted societies that exploited tensions and hostilities within them. In the process, the prey often became predators, but predators that captured people like themselves.
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Hezser, Catherine. "The Impact of Household Slaves on the Jewish Family in Roman Palestine". Journal for the Study of Judaism 34, n.º 4 (2003): 375–424. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006303772777026.
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AbstractIn late antiquity most of the slaves owned by Jewish slave owners in Roman Palestine seem to have been domestic slaves. These slaves formed an integral part of the Jewish household and played an important role within the family economy. In a number of respects the master-slave relationship resembled the wife-husband, child-father, and student-teacher relationships, and affectionate bonds between the slave and his master (or nursling) would have an impact on relationships between other members of the family. Master and slave were linked to each other through mutual ties of dependency which counteracted the basic powerlessness of slaves. On the other hand, slaves had to suffer sexual exploitation and were considered honorless. Rabbinic sources reveal both similarities and differences between Jewish and Graeco-Roman attitudes toward slaves. The Jewish view of the master-slave relationship also served as the basis for its metaphorical use.
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Peretyatko, Artyom Yu. "The Experience of Employing the Slave Narrative Genre in Describing the History of the Caucasus". Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 66, n.º 1 (2021): 302–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2021.119.
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The genre of the slave narrative is unique, and is essential to African-American culture. Yet, up to now, personally written stories describing the journey to freedom traveled by “heroic slaves”, writings that could well qualify as nonfiction, have received little attention outside of the US and UK. This makes all the more interesting the attempt by prominent Russian historian A. A. Cherkasov to employ the slave narrative genre in describing the history of the Caucasus, undertaken in his collection of documents “Circassian Slave Narratives”. This review of the collection attempts to analyze the phenomenon of the slave narrative and determine the degree to which it could be transposed to Russia. It is shown that while a portion of the documents published by A. A. Cherkasov, specifically interviews with slaves who escaped from Russia to Circassia, do seem to fit in with the slave narrative genre in theme, most of the Russian-Circassian slave narratives are completely different from classic slave narratives in content and style. These are not publicistic memoirs written for abolitionist purposes but documentation maintained to keep records of fugitives. In the end, the author of the article draws the conclusion that it is impossible to have an exact analogue of the slave narrative for Russian history as the figure of the heroic slave is not something that is typical for Russian history. Accordingly, despite the fact that fugitive slaves’ testimonies were widely written down at the time, as was the case in Circassia, the outcome was a completely different type of writing typologically. However, if the slave narrative is viewed in a broad sense, as an aggregate of first-hand slave accounts that can help provide the reader with a comprehensive documentary picture of the life of actual slaves, “Circassian Slave Narratives” may well be considered a worthy representative of the genre. A. A. Cherkasov provides 180 interviews with slaves and over 1,000 thematically contiguous record-keeping documents, which offer a unique insight into Circassian slavery specifically. Consequently, while it is hardly possible to use the classic slave narrative in describing Russian history, there may be considerable potential in its creative reconceptualization, as has been well substantiated by A. A. Cherkasov.
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Burnard, Trevor. "Slave Naming Patterns: Onomastics and the Taxonomy of Race in Eighteenth-Century Jamaica". Journal of Interdisciplinary History 31, n.º 3 (janeiro de 2001): 325–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002219500551550.
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An analysis ofthe naming patterns of Jamaican slaves in the mid-eighteenth century shows that whites considered blacks to be entirely different from themselves. The taxonomic differences between European naming practices and slave naming practices were both considerable and onomastically significant. Slaves could be recognized by their names as much as by their color. Slaves reacted to such naming practices by rejecting their slave names upon gaining their freedom, though they adopted methods of bricolage common to other aspects of Afro-Caribbean expressive culture.
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AHMAD, ABDUSSAMAD H. "TRADING IN SLAVES IN BELA-SHANGUL AND GUMUZ, ETHIOPIA: BORDER ENCLAVES IN HISTORY, 1897–1938". Journal of African History 40, n.º 3 (novembro de 1999): 433–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853799007458.
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Like other empires in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, expansion and slavery went hand in hand in Ethiopia, contrary to imperial justifications based on the abolition of the slave trade and slavery. Towards the end of the nineteenth century, the Ethiopian empire incorporated the northwestern border enclaves of Bela-Shangul and Gumuz into greater Ethiopia. Having obtained the subordination of the local Muslim warlords, the emperor then demanded tribute from them in slaves, ivory and gold. Slaves were used as domestics in the imperial palace at Addis Ababa and the houses of state dignitaries and as farm labor on their farms elsewhere in the country. Responding to the demands of the central government as well as their own needs, borderland chiefs raided local villages and neighbouring chiefdoms for slaves. Expanding state control thus led to intensified slave raiding and the extension of the slave trade from the borderlands into the centre of the empire in spite of Ethiopia's public commitment to end slavery and the slave trade as a member of the League of Nations. The end of slavery in Ethiopia only came with the Italian occupation in 1935.
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Pargas, Damian Alan. "“Urban Refugees: Fugitive Slaves and Spaces of Informal Freedom in the American South”". Journal of Early American History 7, n.º 3 (8 de novembro de 2017): 262–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-00703002.
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Slave flight in the antebellum South did not always coincide with the political geography of freedom. Indeed, spaces and places within the South attracted the largest number of fugitive slaves, especially southern cities, where runaway slaves attempted to pass for free blacks. Disguising themselves within the slaveholding states rather than risk long-distance flight attempts to formally free territories such as the northern us, Canada, and Mexico, fugitive slaves in southern cities attempted to escape slavery by crafting clandestine lives for themselves in what I am calling “informal” freedom—a freedom that did not exist on paper and had no legal underpinnings, but that existed in practice, in the shadows. This article briefly examines the experiences of fugitive slaves who fled to southern cities in the antebellum period (roughly 1800–1860). It touches upon themes such as the motivations for fleeing to urban areas, the networks that facilitated such flight attempts, and, most importantly, the lot of runaway slaves after arrival in urban areas.
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HUBBELL, ANDREW. "A VIEW OF THE SLAVE TRADE FROM THE MARGIN: SOUROUDOUGOU IN THE LATE NINETEENTH-CENTURY SLAVE TRADE OF THE NIGER BEND". Journal of African History 42, n.º 1 (março de 2001): 25–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700007805.
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The region of Souroudougou played a dynamic role in the regional slave trade of the western Niger Bend during the nineteenth century, supplying slaves to neighboring states. A number of mechanisms, termed here ‘indirect linkages’, connected sources of slaves in Souroudougou to the broader regional slave trade. These took the form of commercial activity by Muslim mercantile groups, banditry and alliances formed between neighboring states and local power brokers in Souroudougou. At the same time, the growing slave trade triggered important internal processes of change in the local social landscape, termed here the ‘espace de compétition’. In particular, heightened individual and group competition transformed established codes of behavior and social networks.
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Ramos, Donald. "Slavery in Brazil: A Case Study of Diamantina, Minas Gerais". Americas 45, n.º 1 (julho de 1988): 47–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007326.
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The study of slave mortality and morbidity in Brazil has been very difficult because of the extreme paucity of sources. Techniques which have been useful in studying the lives of free men and women seldom are useful for analyzing their slaves. The use of parish records such as baptism and death registers is not possible because of the custom of listing only the slave's first name and the unimaginative choice of names which resulted in large numbers of Joãos, Josés, Manuels, Antônios, Antonias, Joanas, and, of course, Marias. Equally important, the types of plantation records available to students of U.S. slavery have seldom been found for Brazil.This essay is an examination of an isolated slave register, which, for a series of idiosyncratic reasons, provides information permitting a glimpse at mortality and morbidity in a distinct and carefully controlled slave population. Because the slaves involved were used in diamond mining under horrendous conditions it is probable that the conclusions reached in this essay represent a worst case scenario. Rather than typical, this is a special case where work and living conditions were probably worse than in plantation zones and certainly worse than in urban areas. It is this situation which makes the conclusions of this essay quite startling.
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Wallace, Michele, Deborah Gray White e Sherley Anne Williams. "Slaves of History". Women's Review of Books 4, n.º 1 (outubro de 1986): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4019925.
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Yaşa, Fırat. "Desperation, Hopelessness, and Suicide: An Initial Consideration of Self-Murder by Slaves in Seventeenth-Century Crimean Society". Turkish Historical Review 9, n.º 2 (9 de outubro de 2018): 198–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18775462-00902003.
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Suicide, a new issue in Crimean social history research, has not been dealt with in terms of the status of free persons and slaves. It is difficult to find reliable and detailed primary source about slaves’ private lives and their expectations apart from some cases which focus on slaves as merchandise to be bought and sold, and examples of their release and escape. However, the Crimean Shari’a court records, which recently became available, provide researchers with such information on slaves as well as some incidental information on many topics such as their living conditions, their hopes for release, and reasons for their suicide. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the impact of society on slave suicides by examining the Shari’a court records of the Crimean Khanate from 1650 to 1675.
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Cussen, Celia, Manuel Llorca-Jaña e Federico Droller. "THE DYNAMICS AND DETERMINANTS OF SLAVE PRICES IN AN URBAN SETTING: SANTIAGO DE CHILE, c. 1773-1822". Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 34, n.º 3 (22 de janeiro de 2016): 449–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610915000361.
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ABSTRACTThis paper provides the first survey of slave prices for Santiago de Chile, c. 1773-1822. It also establishes the main determinants of slave prices during this period. We gathered and analysed over 3,800 sale operations. Our series confirm the usual inverted U-shape when prices are plotted against age, and that age was a very important determinant of slave prices. We also found that: female slaves were systematically priced over male slaves, quite contrary to what happened in most other markets; the prime age of Santiago slaves was 16-34, a younger range than for most other places; male slave prices moved in the same direction as real wages of unskilled workers; and the impact of the free womb law on market prices in 1811 was dramatic.
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Lima, Henrique Espada. "“Until the Day of His Death”". Radical History Review 2021, n.º 139 (1 de janeiro de 2021): 52–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-8822602.
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Abstract This article examines postmortem inventories and notarial records from Brazilian slaveholders in southern Brazil in the nineteenth century. By discussing selected cases in detail, it investigates the relationship between “precarious masters” (especially the poor and/or disabled, widows without family, and single elderly slaveholding women and men) and their slaves and former slaves to whom they bequeathed, in their testaments and final wills, manumission and property. The article reads these documents as intergenerational contractual arrangements that connected the masters’ expectations for care in illness and old age with the slaves’ and former slaves’ expectations for compensation for their work and dedication. Following these uneven relationships of interdependence and exploitation as they developed over time, the article suggests a reassessment of the role of paternalism in Brazil during the country’s final century of slavery. More than a tool to enforce relations of domination, paternalism articulated with the dynamics of vulnerability and interdependency as they changed over the life courses of both enslaved people and slave owners. This article shows how human aging became a terrain of negotiation and struggle as Brazilian slave society transformed throughout the nineteenth century.
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Eltis, David. "THe Volume, Age/Sex Ratios, and African Impact of the Slave Trade: Some Refinements of Paul Lovejoy's Review of the Literature". Journal of African History 31, n.º 3 (novembro de 1990): 485–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700031194.
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Continuing the discussion of issues relating to Africa that arise from research into the volume of the Atlantic slave trade, this comment pursues three points raised by Paul Lovejoy's recent update in the Journal of African History (December 1989). An independent count of the data in the Mettas-Daget catalogue of French slaving ships and a careful assessment of its possible incompleteness makes it unlikely that upward adjustment greater than 12 per cent can be justified, giving an overall total for French exports from Africa of 1,125,000 for the period 1700–1810. Analysis of other research reconfirms the conventional estimate of two males carried abroad for every female slave. Finally, formal supply-demand theory interprets lower export prices for slaves in the nineteenth century as implying that internal African demand for slave labor did not fully replace demand from the Atlantic, thus modifying Lovejoy's linkage of a ‘transformation’ toward increased use of slaves to economic changes outside Africa; the reasons for possible increased use of slaves in nineteenth-century Africa must therefore lie within the continent.
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Sachs, Honor. "“Freedom By A Judgment”: The Legal History of an Afro-Indian Family". Law and History Review 30, n.º 1 (fevereiro de 2012): 173–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248011000642.
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On May 2, 1771, John Hardaway of Dinwiddie County, Virginia posted a notice in theVirginia Gazetteabout a runaway slave. The notice was ordinary, blending in with the many advertisements for escaped slaves, servants, wives, and horses that filled the classified section of theGazettein the eighteenth century. Like countless other advertisements posted in newspapers wherever slaves were held, Hardaway's advertisement read: “Run away from the subscriber, a dark mulatto man slave named Bob Colemand, 25 years old, tall, slim, and well made, wears his own hair pretty long, his foretop combed very high, a blacksmith by trade, claimed his freedom under pretense of being of anIndianextraction.”
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Islam, Syed Manzoorul. "Sex, sugar and slavery:". Crossings: A Journal of English Studies 2, n.º 1 (1 de setembro de 2009): 63–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.59817/cjes.v2i1.396.
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Sugarcane plantation began in the Caribbean from the early 16th century, with the arrival of Portuguese colonizers led by Christopher Columbus who planted seed canes in Santo Domingo in 1493. With demand for sugar increasing in Europe throughout the century, sugar plantations and sugar mills were set up throughout the region. Work in the sugarcane fields was cruel and energy-sapping, and hardly any European opted for such backbreaking work. As a result, a huge number of indentured labourers had to be imported from Africa and East India. These labourers were treated as slaves and were routinely brutalized and controlled by deadly force. The history of their subjugation and control had the body at its core, since the colonizers found it easy to establish their mastery through control and defilement of the slave’s body. The torture and mutilation incapacitated the slaves from performing gender roles. But the ‘ungendered’ slaves also reverted to their biological and sexual selves and employed the power of the body and sex to mount resistance against the colonizers. The resultant violence added a further dimension to the history of colonial resistance. David Dabydeen, a Guyanese poet, picks up this volatile history of colonial sugarcane plantation in his Slave Songs, with particular emphasis on the “erotic-sadomasochistic nature of slavery and plantation life.” The fourteen poems written in Creole probe the interconnectedness of sexuality, sugarcane and the body, and trace the history of both colonial subjugation and resistance.
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Chira, Adriana. "Affective Debts: Manumission by Grace and the Making of Gradual Emancipation Laws in Cuba, 1817–68". Law and History Review 36, n.º 1 (12 de dezembro de 2017): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248017000529.
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Drawing on thirty freedom suits from nineteenth-century eastern Cuba, this article explores how some slaves redefined slaveholders' oral promises of manumissions by grace from philanthropic acts into contracts providing a deferred wage payout. Manumissions by grace tended to reward affective labor (loyalty, affection) and to be granted to domestic slaves. Across Cuba, as in other slave societies of Spanish America, through self-purchase, slaves made sustained efforts to monetize the labor that they did by virtue of their ascribed status. The monetization of affective work stands out amongst such efforts. Freedom litigants involved in conflicts over manumissions by grace emphasized the market logics in domestic slavery, revealing that slavery was a fundamentally economic institution even in such instances where it appeared to be intertwined with kinship and domesticity. Through this move, they challenged the assumption that slaves toiled loyally for masters out of a natural commitment to an unchanging master-slave hierarchy. By the 1880s, through court litigation and extra-judicial violence, slave litigants and insurgents would turn oral promises of manumission by grace into a blueprint for general emancipation. Through their legal actions, enslaved people, especially women, revealed the significance and transactional nature of care work, a notion familiar to us today.
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Chen, Tonghao. "The slavery under British and the VOC: The Chain of the Revolt". BCP Social Sciences & Humanities 19 (30 de agosto de 2022): 45–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpssh.v19i.1549.
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Slavery plays an important role in studying the history of Cape Town and South Africa. The beginning and the development of slavery were naturally accompanied by the slave uprisings. The history of Cape Colony has seen two major ruling governments, the Dutch East India Company (VOC) and the British Empire. There was no organized resistance that occurred in Cape Town during the VOC period. However, a series of slave improvements by the British government led to the outbreak of the revolt. In contrast to the harsh laws of the VOC period, the British kindness to the slaves freed them from their shackles and led to the outbreak of the revolt. The British policy to improve slavery seems to have changed the psychology of slaves, accelerated their desire for the abolition of slavery, and led to the occurrence of revolt. This seems “Unthinkable” to the British government. Although the slave revolts that happened in Cape town are valuable for studying the history of slavery, scholars and the public have overlooked this part of history. This essay aimed to analyze the Behavior of slaves to understand and encourage people to analyze historical events and figures through psychology.
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Oast, Jennifer. "Forgotten No Longer: Universities and Slavery in Twenty-First-Century Scholarship and Memory". Journal of the Civil War Era 13, n.º 3 (setembro de 2023): 369–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cwe.2023.a905169.
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Abstract: Just twenty years ago, little was known about the connections between universities and slavery—few understood that universities had been founded and funded by slave owners and others who made their fortunes through the transatlantic slave trade. This essay examines several excellent books and articles on slavery and universities that have created a new subfield within the historiography of American slavery. This new body of work has focused on three main themes: the economic benefits enjoyed by universities from the donations of men who profited from slavery, the role of universities in promoting proslavery ideology, and the use of slaves by universities to work on their campuses and fund their educational missions. This research has led to calls for institutional apologies for slavery, memorialization of slaves who worked on campuses, and reparations for the descendants of these slaves; it is literally reshaping the physical and ideological landscape of many American universities.
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Johnson, Marion. "The Slaves of Salaga". Journal of African History 27, n.º 2 (julho de 1986): 341–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700036707.
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Salaga was one of the leading slave-markets of West Africa in the 1880s. The story of the slaves – where they came from, who brought them to Salaga, who bought them, and what happened to them afterwards – can be pieced together from the reports of a great variety of travellers, black and white, officials, soldiers, merchants and missionaries, of various nationalities, African and European. Thus, on the eve of the European occupation which put an end to it, it is possible to lift the veil that usually conceals the internal slave trade of pre-colonial Africa, and gain some idea of its scale and workings, and of the range of attitudes towards slavery and the slave trade.
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Franses, Philip Hans, e Wilco van den Heuvel. "Aggregate statistics on trafficker-destination relations in the Atlantic slave trade". International Journal of Maritime History 31, n.º 3 (agosto de 2019): 624–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871419864226.
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The available aggregated data on the Atlantic slave trade in between 1519 and 1875 concern the numbers of slaves transported by a country and the numbers of slaves who arrived at various destinations (where one of the destinations is ‘deceased’). It is however unknown how many slaves, at an aggregate level, were transported to where and by whom; that is, we know the row and column totals, but we do not known the numbers in the cells of the matrix. In this research note, we use a simple mathematical technique to fill in the void. It allows us to estimate trends in the deaths per transporting country, and also to estimate the fraction of slaves who went to the colonies of the transporting country, or to other colonies. For example, we estimate that of all the slaves who were transported by the Dutch only about 7 per cent went to Dutch colonies, whereas for the Portuguese this number is about 37 per cent.
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Luzardo, Jesús. "Fatal Longings: Nostalgia, Slavery, and Medicine". Critical Philosophy of Race 12, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2024): 182–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/critphilrace.12.1.0182.
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ABSTRACT This article analyzes the politics of nostalgia’s history as a fatal disease between the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries, especially as it was applied to slaves in late eighteenth-century Cuba. I trace nostalgia’s medical history beginning with its inauguration in Swiss medicine in 1688, and then describe the contours of its transformation into a military disease primarily affecting white soldiers in France and the United States. Finally, I translate and analyze key elements of Francisco Barrera y Domingo’s work on nostalgia as experienced by slaves in sugar mills in Havana. I show that Barrera uses his analysis of nostalgia and its treatment to describe the slaves’ harrowing conditions and homesickness. Nevertheless, in denying slaves the ability to return home and in failing to propose the abolition of the slave system in the wake of the Haitian Revolution, I argue, Barrera in fact deploys the diagnosis of nostalgia in order to medicalize and pathologize the slaves’ reactions and resistance to their captivity. Thus, despite his sympathy to the slaves, I conclude that for Barrera, nostalgia functions as a tool to better manage the slaves as laborers and as property.
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Rossi, Benedetta. "Reflections on public slavery and social death". Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 64, n.º 2 (1 de dezembro de 2021): 92–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/bics/qbab024.
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Abstract It is tempting to see public slaves as sharing characteristics of both slave and free and, therefore, as embodying an intermediate position that proves binary approaches to slavery and freedom wrong. This article argues that this temptation should be resisted. Based on an analysis of cases from different regions and periods, it agrees broadly with Patterson's clear distinction between slave and free statuses, but not with his interpretation of elite slaves as 'the ultimate slaves'. Public slaves were unusual slaves. A close analysis of their circumstances, and of the circumstances of other categories of slaves endowed with particular influence or autonomy in their societies, reveals that the social death metaphor suits certain contexts better than other. It does not accurately capture the historical diversity of the statuses and conditions of enslaved persons through time, and hence is unhelpful for the purpose of comparative generalisation.
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KNOWLES, M. P. "Reciprocity and ‘Favour’ in the Parable of the Undeserving Servant (Luke 17.7–10)". New Testament Studies 49, n.º 2 (abril de 2003): 256–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688503000134.
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At least for Jewish audiences, the meaning of the parable of the undeserving servant (Luke 17.7–10) is clear enough: slaves can claim no credit for doing what they have been ‘commanded’ (the redoubled τα διαταχθεντα of vv. 9–10). Both the passive voice and parallels from Jewish literature indicate that ‘Master’ and ‘slave’ are ciphers for God and the pious. Mishnah 'Abot 1.3, for example, is widely cited: ‘Do not be like slaves who serve the Master for the sake of reward, but be as slaves who serve the Master other than for reward, and let the fear of Heaven be upon you.’ J. D. M. Derrett has adduced a wealth of material documenting master–slave relations in Judaism as they relate to the circumstances depicted in the text.
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Lovejoy, Paul E. "Concubinage and the Status of Women Slaves in Early Colonial Northern Nigeria". Journal of African History 29, n.º 2 (julho de 1988): 245–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700023665.
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Court records from 1905–6 offer a rare view of the status of women slaves in early colonial Northern Nigeria. It is shown that British officials found it easy to accommodate the aristocracy of the Sokoto Caliphate on the status of these women, despite British efforts to reform slavery. Those members of the aristocracy and merchant class who could afford to do so were able to acquire concubines through the courts, which allowed the transfer of women under the guise that they were being emancipated. British views of slave women attempted to blur the distinction between concubinage and marriage, thereby reaffirming patriarchal Islamic attitudes. The court records not only confirm this interpretation but also provide extensive information on the ethnic origins of slave women, the price of transfer, age at time of transfer, and other data. It is shown that the slave women of the 1905–6 sample came from over 100 different ethnic groups and the price of transfer, which ranged between 200,000 and 300,000 cowries, was roughly comparable to the price of females slaves in the years immediately preceding the conquest. Most of the slaves were in their teens or early twenties. The use of the courts to transfer women for purposes of concubinage continued until at least the early 1920s.
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Yaşa, Fırat. "Slaves Holding Slaves: Mükâtebe Contracts, Velâ and a Probate Inventory in the Seventeenth-Century Crimean Khanate". Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 67, n.º 1-2 (1 de março de 2024): 133–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341616.
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Abstract This article aims to reveal some aspects of relationships between former slaves and their ex-owners in light of seventeenth-century Crimean qadi court records. It elaborates on a number of terms that indicate the social and legal status of slaves in the Crimean Khanate and analyzes a former slave probate inventory. In addition, the paper also examines the phenomenon of the mükâtebe contract in the Crimean Khanate context which allowed slaves to hold slaves; it thus seeks to provide new perspectives on the exercising of the mükâtebe. The paper considers how social fluidity affected the lives of slaves, explores the question of whether manumitted slaves actually attained the same status as the freeborn, and, finally, traces the ways in which dependency relationships evolved between freed former slaves and the slaves held by these latter.
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Pritchett, Jonathan B., e Herman Freudenberger. "A Peculiar Sample: The Selection of Slaves for the New Orleans Market". Journal of Economic History 52, n.º 1 (março de 1992): 109–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700010287.
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Domestic slave traders selected taller slaves for shipment to the New Orleans market in order to increase their profits. Because traded slaves made up a large share of the slaves shipped coastwise, age/height profiles constructed from the shipping manifests are biased upwards. The extent of the bias appears to be small for adult slaves but not for children; those listed on the manifests were taller than the general population of a comparable age.
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Adu-Boahen, Kwabena. "A Worthwhile Possession: A Reading of Women's Valuation of Slaveholding in the 1875 Gold Coast Ladies' Anti-abolition Petition". Itinerario 33, n.º 3 (novembro de 2009): 95–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300016272.
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In late 1874, the Colonial Government of the Gold Coast passed an abolition measure which was designed to end slavery, all other forms of compulsory labour, and slave trading in the colony. The measure took the form of two laws: the Gold Coast Slave-Dealing Abolition Ordinance (1874) and the Gold Coast Emancipation Ordinance (1874). The Gold Coast Legislative Council passed the laws on 17 December 1874 and they received the assent of the Governor on 28 December. On 30 December 1874, the measure was proclaimed. The first of the ordinances absolutely and immediately outlawed the importation of slaves into the Gold Coast, and abolished slave dealing and pawning. The other ordinance provided for the emancipation of slaves by abolishing the legal status of slavery and empowering slaves to leave their owners at will.
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Bombe, Bosha. "Slavery Beyond History: Contemporary Concepts of Slavery and Slave Redemption in Ganta (Gamo) of Southern Ethiopia". Slavery Today Journal 1, n.º 1 (2014): 77–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.22150/stj/isxw8852.
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Slavery was officially abolished in Ethiopia by Emperor Haile Sellassie in 1942. Despite the abolitionary law slaves and their descendants have continually been marginalized in the country (especially in the peripheral parts of southwestern Ethiopia) from the time the law passed until today. In the Gamo community of southern Ethiopia, descendants of former slaves carry the identity of their ancestors and as the result they are often harshly excluded. Today, not only are they considered impure, but their perceived impurity is believed to be contagious; communicable to non-slave descendants during rites of passage. In order to escape the severe discrimination, slave descendants change their identity by redeeming themselves through indigenous ritual mechanism called wozzo ritual. However, the wozzo ritual builds the economy of former slave masters and ritual experts while leaving redeemed slave descendants economically damaged. This study is both diachronic and synchronic; it looks at the history of slavery, contemporary perspectives and practices of slavery and slave redemption in Ganta (Gamo) society of southern Ethiopia.
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Lovejoy, Paul E. "The Impact of the Atlantic Slave Trade on Africa: A Review of the Literature". Journal of African History 30, n.º 3 (novembro de 1989): 365–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700024439.
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Recent revisions of estimates for the volume of the trans-Atlantic slave trade suggest that approximately 11,863,000 slaves were exported from Africa during the whole period of the Atlantic slave trade, which is a small upward revision of my 1982 synthesis and still well within the range projected by Curtin in 1969. More accurate studies of the French and British sectors indicate that some revision in the temporal and regional distribution of slave exports is required, especially for the eighteenth century. First, the Bight of Biafra was more important and its involvement in the trade began several decades earlier than previously thought. Secondly, the French and British were more active on the Loango coast than earlier statistics revealed. The southward shift of the trade now appears to have been more gradual and to have begun earlier than I argued in 1982. The greater precision in the regional breakdown of slave shipments is confirmed by new data on the ethnic origins of slaves. The analysis also allows a new assessment of the gender and age profile of the exported population. There was a trend toward greater proportions of males and children. In the seventeenth century, slavers purchased relatively balanced proportions of males and females, and children were under-represented. By the eighteenth century, west-central Africa was exporting twice as many males as females, while West Africa was far from attaining such ratios. In the nineteenth century, by contrast, slavers could achieve those ratios almost anywhere slaves were available for export, and in parts of west-central and south-eastern Africa the percentage of males reached unprecedented levels of 70 per cent or more. Furthermore, increasing numbers of slaves were children, and again west-central Africa led the way in this shift while West Africa lagged behind considerably.This review of the literature on the demography of the slave trade provides a context to assess the revisionist interpretation of David Eltis, who has argued recently that the slave trade and its suppression were of minor importance in African history. It is shown that Eltis' economic arguments, based on an assessment of per capita income and the value of the export trade, are flawed. The demography of the trade involved an absolute loss of population and a large increase in the enslaved population that was retained in Africa. A rough comparison of slave populations in West Africa and the Americas indicates that the scale of slavery in Africa was extremely large.
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Fogleman, Aaron Spencer. "A Moravian Mission and the Origins of Evangelical Protestantism among Slaves in the Carolina Lowcountry". Journal of Early Modern History 21, n.º 1-2 (23 de março de 2017): 38–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-12342529.
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This article investigates the German Moravian slave mission in South Carolina (1738-1740), including its role in beginning evangelical Protestantism among Lowcountry slaves. It documents responses of planters, townspeople, and especially slaves and shows how the mission was connected to the transatlantic evangelical Protestant awakening. Following Wesley’s brief encounter in 1737 and preceding Whitefield’s visit in 1740 and the subsequent slave revival in Port Royal, the Moravians offered sustained contact with the new religious style. Several slaves responded enthusiastically, including a woman named Diana of Port Royal, who played a leadership role, while others defiantly rejected their message as the religion of barbaric masters. Disease, white resistance after the Stono Rebellion, internal problems, et al. forced the mission to close, but its brief history reveals the interests, struggles, hopes, and fears of slaves, planters, and missionaries in the mid-eighteenth century and how they were connected to other Atlantic and global missions.
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Clarence-Smith, William Gervase. "Eunuchs and Concubines in the History of Islamic Southeast Asia". MANUSYA 10, n.º 4 (2007): 8–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26659077-01004001.
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In the early 17th century, male servant eunuchs were common, notably at the Persianised Acehnese court of Iskandar Muda. By mid-century, the castration of male slaves mysteriously disappeared. Concubinage, however, lasted much longer. While there were sporadic attempts to stamp out abuses, for example sexual relations with pre-pubescent slave girls, and possibly, clitoridectomy, a reasoned rejection of the institution of concubinage on religious grounds failed to emerge. This paper discusses the sexual treatment of slaves across Islamic Southeast Asia, a subject which sheds important light on historical specificities pertaining to both Islam and sexuality in the region, yet which continues to be treated with silence, embarrassment or even scholarly condemnation.
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Wood, Betty. "Some Aspects of Female Resistance to Chattel Slavery in Low Country Georgia, 1763–1815". Historical Journal 30, n.º 3 (setembro de 1987): 603–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00020902.
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Although often differing dramatically in their methodologies and conclusions, most studies of the slave societies of the American South either draw to a close by the middle years of the eighteenth century or begin their story only in the 1820s and 1830s. Moreover, whilst some scholars have differentiated between particular patterns of black behaviour, as for example between African- and country-born slaves, field hands and domestic slaves, until quite recently comparatively little interest has been shown in delineating the ways in which black women perceived and responded to their status and condition.
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Olshanetsky, Haggai, e Yael Escojido. "Different from Others? Jews as Slave Owners and Traders in the Persian and Hellenistic Periods". Sapiens ubique civis 1, n.º 1 (1 de dezembro de 2020): 97–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/suc.2020.1.97-120.
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The subject of Jews as slave owners and traders throughout history received much greater attention in the last few decades. But there is no research that focuses on the Persian and Hellenistic periods and their relevant findings. This current article hopes to do exactly that. This article shows that Jews owned slaves and even traded them throughout the Persian period and during the Hellenistic period until the rise of the Hasmonean Kingdom. The slaves themselves were not only gentiles but also Jews, who received no special treat-ment from their co-religionists. Regarding the ownership of slaves, it was found that each Jewish owner treated his slaves differently, showing a huge gap between the biblical laws on the matter and the reality. The different texts and finds brought here are a testimony to the disregard of the Biblical laws on slaves, and the subsequent similarity between the Jews and their gentile neighbours in both ownership and trade of slaves.
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Wahl, Jenny Bourne. "The Bondsman's Burden: An Economic Analysis of the Jurisprudence of Slaves and Common Carriers". Journal of Economic History 53, n.º 3 (setembro de 1993): 495–526. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700013462.
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Antebellum judges played crucial roles in resolving conflicts between slaveowners and common-carrier owners. Because courts could easily quantify the value of a slave's life, they were quicker to compensate slaveowners for slaves injured or killed by a common carrier than to award damages to an injured free person or his estate. Yet judges also had to craft rules governing the behavior of the slave property itself. By the 1860s, Southern courts had established law that encouraged parties with legal standing to act efficiently. Strikingly, tort doctrines developed in slave cases foreshadowed the evolution of law for free accident victims.
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Thomas, Robin L. "Slavery and Construction at the Royal Palace of Caserta". Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 78, n.º 2 (1 de junho de 2019): 167–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2019.78.2.167.
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In documenting architecture's history, scholars have frequently overlooked the use of slave labor. In Slavery and Construction at the Royal Palace of Caserta, Robin L. Thomas examines the lives of the slaves who built the palace, begun in 1752 near Naples. Most of the slaves employed there were Muslim corsairs who had been captured at sea, and they were caught up in long-standing political and religious conflicts between the Two Sicilies and the Maghreb states. Converting these Muslim captives to Christianity became a key part of the Neapolitan court's efforts to battle the corsair threat, and Caserta was one of the places where conversion efforts were most successful. The costs and risks associated with slave labor were often high, making the use of slaves in some ways impractical and inefficient in an area with ample nonslave laborers available. Yet in building the royal palace these converted slaves played a role that served more than practical purposes. Their presence became a symbol of the monarchy's military and religious triumphs.
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Glassman, Jonathon. "The Bondsman's New Clothes: The Contradictory Consciousness of Slave Resistance on the Swahili Coast". Journal of African History 32, n.º 2 (julho de 1991): 277–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700025731.
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The most fruitful approaches to the study of slave resistance in the New World have involved examination of the slaves' struggles to create and control institutions of community and kinship in the face of planters' attempts to suppress local social reproduction altogether. Africanists who would attempt similar analysis of rebellious slave consciousness are hampered by the tradition of functionalist anthropology which dominates studies of African culture, especially Miers and Kopytoff's thesis of the integrative nature of African slavery. By contrast, more class-oriented approaches to studies of African slave resistance assume too stark a division between the consciousness of slaves and the consciousness of masters. It is suggested that Gramsci's concepts of hegemony and contradictory popular consciousness can be used to reconcile the cultural sensitivity of the first approach with the concern of the second for issues of domination and struggle. Thus a more nuanced view of slave consciousness might be reached.The case studied involves resistance to the rapid rise of sugar plantations on the northern Tanzania coast in the late nineteenth century. Miers and Kopytoff's model of the ‘reduction of marginality’ is modified to accommodate a process of conflict, as slaves struggled to gain access to institutions of Swahili prestige and citizenship and as their masters struggled to exclude them. Analysis of a large-scale slave rebellion in 1873 reveals that the consciousness of the rebels was couched in the local ‘traditional’ language of a moral economy of patrons and clients. Although this language was expressive of some of the hegemonic ideas of the emergent planter class, it was also openly rebellious. It expressed neither a slave class-consciousness nor simply the ideology of the dominant planter class but was instead a contradictory consciousness of the type that Gramsci discerned in other movements of agrarian rebellion.
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Maréchaux, Benoît. "Purchasing Slaves Overseas for the Business of War". Journal of Global Slavery 7, n.º 3 (6 de outubro de 2022): 282–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405836x-00703002.
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Abstract Drawing on merchant letters and account books of military entrepreneurs, whose role in slave markets is still poorly understood, this article explores the Mediterranean activities of the Genoese contractors who emerged as major slave traffickers while operating galleys for the Spanish Monarchy. By examining their operations as slave buyers rather than as slave makers, this study analyzes how and why early modern military entrepreneurs mobilized forced labor beyond national borders. The article shows that in the specific context of the early 17th century, Genoese galley managers obtained most slaves by buying them in distant Mediterranean ports, and the reasons for this are explained. The study of how slaves were located, evaluated, negotiated over, paid for, and transported from a distance reveals that buying slaves internationally involved connecting the distant ports of a fragmented market characterized by a volatile local supply, localized information, unpredictable prices, and ubiquitous brokers. It is argued that, in such an imperfect market, the asentistas de galeras had no choice but to empower their galley captains and local agents. Purchasing slaves overseas increased market opportunities but involved high risks, unpredictable legal procedures, and myriad logistical issues.