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Koivurova, Timo. "Sovereign States and Self-Determining Peoples: Carving Out a Place for Transnational Indigenous Peoples in a World of Sovereign States". International Community Law Review 12, n.º 2 (2010): 191–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187197310x498598.
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AbstractEven though self-determination of peoples has an esteemed place in international law, it seems fairly clear that peoples divided by international borders have difficulty in exercising their right to self-determination. It is thus interesting to examine whether general international law places constraints on trans-national peoples’ right to self-determination. Of particular interest in this article is to examine whether indigenous peoples divided by international borders have a right to self-determination, given the recent adoption of the 2007 United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The article will also take up cases where transnational indigenous peoples of Sami and Inuit have tried to exercise their joint self-determination and whether we can, in fact, argue that indigenous peoples divided by international borders have a right to exercise their united self-determination.
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Kiste, Robert C. "National Security and Self-Determination: United States Policy in Micronesia (1961-1972) (review)". Contemporary Pacific 13, n.º 2 (2001): 587–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cp.2001.0058.
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Romanov, Vladimir. "The United States and National Self-Determination of Minorities in the ‘Russian Space,’ 1914–1920". ANNALES UNIVERSITATIS APULENSIS. SERIES HISTORICA 23, n.º 1 (15 de junho de 2019): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.29302/auash.2019.23.1.5.
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Brady, Maggie. "Alcohol Policy Issues for Indigenous People in the United States, Canada, Australia and New Zealand". Contemporary Drug Problems 27, n.º 3 (setembro de 2000): 435–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009145090002700304.
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This paper reviews the literature on alcohol consumption, alcohol-related problems, and national and local policy issues for indigenous people in four developed countries (United States, Canada, Australia and New Zealand). The growth of domestic self-determination and self-management policies within these countries has had an impact on the relationships between these groups and their national governments, which raises a number of questions regarding the influence of national alcohol policies on indigenous citizens. National “native” policies as well as discriminatory alcohol prohibitions have had long-standing effects, influencing indigenous responses to contemporary interventions in alcohol misuse. While national alcohol policies have had mixed impact, indigenous groups have focused on their own attempts at control, which emphasize local controls over supply; these are particularly prevalent in the far north of Canada and in Australia. Local control policies have been well evaluated in Australia, providing an evidence-based grounding for further interventions.
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ZHANG, Muchu. "“Passionate Protest”:The Value Choice of Chinese Students Studying in the United States to“Resist Japanese Goods” under the“Shandong Issue”". Theory and Practice of Chinese Pedagogy 2, n.º 1 (28 de março de 2023): 62–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.48014/tpcp.20230206001.
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After the failure of China's negotiations at the Paris Peace Conference in 1919, a fierce national consciousness quickly spread to the entire intellectual community, especially among Chinese students in the United States, who remained intensely national even though they were on the other side of the ocean. Under the stimulation of domestic and foreign difficulties, the call for national salvation is increasingly rising, and the connection between“scholar” and“national salvation” has become close, and many students consciously take the mission of national salvation to themselves. Students in the United States expressed their close attention to this situation through the“passionate revolution” of“boycotting Japanese goods”. For the students studying in the United States, although they live on the other side of the ocean, the number is not large compared with the vigorous protests in China, but they inevitably participate in the tide of national salvation and become one of the important forces for national salvation. In terms of the attitude of foreign students to“boycott Japanese goods”, most of them have a deep-rooted national consciousness in China since ancient times, while a minority of them, as representatives, are more inclined to adopt a way of self-improvement that tends to“national self-determination” and has more internal awareness of the nation. Reflects the scholar to serve the country another face. It can be said that the value choices and a series of historical activities of students studying in the United States driven by patriotic spirit reflect the dual interaction between students studying in the United States and the fate of the country in modern times, and shine the light of pure patriotic ideals of overseas students on the other side.
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Rao, K. V., e Alfred Demaris. "Coital frequency among married and cohabiting couples in the United States". Journal of Biosocial Science 27, n.º 2 (abril de 1995): 135–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021932000022653.
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SummaryCoital frequency is studied among couples as a function of marital or cohabiting status, relationship duration, number of children, religious affiliation, income, education, fertility intentions, age, race, self-assessed health, time spent in work, and perceived relationship quality. Data are from the 1987–88 National Survey of Families and Households. Predictors of coital frequency that were stable across several analyses were male's and female's ages, the duration of the relationship, and the male partner's self-assessed health. When the discrepancy in partners' reports was adjusted, cohabitation status, number of children, future fertility intentions, religious affiliation, and relationship quality as assessed by the female partner were significant. The results suggest a substantial idiosyncratic component to the determination of coital frequency in relationships.
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Aiyub Kadir, M. Yakub. "Reconstructing Economic Self-Determination from the Third World Approach to International Law". Padjadjaran Journal of International Law 7, n.º 1 (16 de março de 2023): 87–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.23920/pjil.v7i1.1103.
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International Law governing the relationship between states has been considered failed in reformatting the principle of economic self-determination (ESD) as a continual link of political self-determination in the post decolonisation era. Such situation has placed the principle to be a vague concept in terms of its meaning and application in current international law. Such situation has contributed to continual economic dependency of the Third World (TW) states on the first world as considered the more developed states. TW states face difficulty to develop their argument to demonstrate people national interest in current international economic context. Having utilised doctrinal and TWAIL approach, this paper argues that there has been a potential meaning of ESD which can be developed from fragmentation of documents in international law, particularly in the United Nations General Assembly Resolutions (UNGA resolutions), the Law of State Succession and the International Human Rights law. This meaning then shapes the fragmented sources to be a principle for TW to be used in their international economic relation, particularly in settling economic dispute relations with Western states.
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Kagramanov, A. K. "The Unity and Struggle of Opposites in Concepts of the Right of Nations to Self-Determination Developed by V.I. Lenin and V. Wilson". Actual Problems of Russian Law 19, n.º 6 (30 de junho de 2024): 167–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1994-1471.2024.163.6.167-176.
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The paper deals with the conflict between the concepts of self-determination stated by V.I. Lenin and V. Wilson, which determined the formation of a new world order from the beginning of the 20th century until the end of the Second World War, which is based on the political and legal idea of self-determination.In 1914, Vladimir Lenin put forward the concept of self-determination in the article «On the right of nations to self-determination», which was dedicated to the confrontation between the «oppressive» and «oppressed» nation with the right to secede the latter and «form a national state». This concept was taken up by American President Woodrow Wilson. He used it as a basis for the «Fourteen Points» when addressing the US Congress in 1917 as a political formula and legal justification for the US entry into the First World War, the fragmentation of Europe into nation states and the increase in political influence.The author concludes that the principle of self-determination, developed by Lenin and further developed by Wilson, was based on various ideological premises and initially had a diametrically opposite meaning. Whereas in Lenin’s work the emphasis was on the creation of a sovereign state up to the point of secession and/or annexation to another state, but under the protection of international law, then for Wilson self-determination was almost identical to «government of the people» or «government by consent», with the possibility of exerting political influence on a self-determined nation and justifying military conflicts with the participation of the United States in Latin America.Exploring the conceptual component of ideas, foreign policy documents of Soviet and American diplomacy, the author, based on an analysis of the world order that emerged after the First World War and the rapid process of national liberation movements and decolonization, concludes about the stunning influence of the Leninist formula on the emergence of new states in Europe, Asia, and others regions of the world, as well as for the return of the national outskirts of the former Russian Empire lost as a result of the Brest-Litovsk Treaty.
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Gehrig, Sebastian. "Dividing the Indivisible: Cold War Sovereignty, National Division, and the German Question at the United Nations". Central European History 55, n.º 1 (março de 2022): 70–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938921001771.
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AbstractDivided Germany became one of the focal points for international disputes over sovereignty in the late 1960s and early seventies. In a period that is commonly associated with West German Ostpolitik and the diplomatic recognition of German division, the international community disputed how the sovereignty of “divided nations” should be framed under international law. The German-German battle over the terms of détente unfolded within these politics of sovereignty surrounding conflicts over “national divisions” along Cold War front lines as well as the simultaneous confrontations over postcolonial sovereignty. At the United Nations, the issues of German and Chinese division converged at the height of decolonization when East German concepts of sovereignty and self-determination challenged the UN foundational principle of “one nation, one seat” rooted in ethnic nationality. Eventually, the United Nations accepted a German exceptionalism in admitting both German states as members in 1973 based on historical rather than legal explanations for divided German sovereignty, while conflicts around “divided countries” in Asia remained unresolved. In turn, these clashes over international law transformed older German legal traditions of sovereignty and self-determination and opened up Staatsrecht frameworks to legal concepts originating from decolonization.
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Willgerodt, Mayumi A., Douglas M. Brock e Erin D. Maughan. "Public School Nursing Practice in the United States". Journal of School Nursing 34, n.º 3 (17 de janeiro de 2018): 232–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1059840517752456.
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School nursing practice has changed dramatically over the past 20 years, yet few nationally representative investigations describing the school nursing workforce have been conducted. The National School Nurse Workforce Study describes the demographic and school nursing practice patterns among self-reported public school nurses and the number and full-time equivalent (FTE) positions of all school nurses in the United States. Using a random sample stratified by public/private, region, school level, and urban/rural status from two large national data sets, we report on weighted survey responses of 1,062 public schools. Additional questions were administered to estimate the school nurse population and FTEs. Findings reported illustrate differences by strata in public school nurse demographics, practice patterns, and nursing activities and tasks. We estimate approximately 132,300 self-identified practicing public and private school nurses and 95,800 FTEs of school nurses in the United States. Research, policy, and school nursing practice implications are discussed.
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Charles, Guy-Uriel, e Luis Fuentes-Rohwer. "No Voice, No Exit, But Loyalty? Puerto Rico and Constitutional Obligation". Michigan Journal of Race & Law, n.º 26.0 (2021): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.36643/mjrl.26.sp.no.
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The Michigan Law Review is honored to have supported Professors Charles and Fuentes-Rohwer's Essay on the subjugated status of Puerto Rico as an "unincorporated territory." This Essay contextualizes Puerto Rico not as an anomalous colonial vestige but as fundamentally a part of the United States' ongoing commitment to racial economic domination. We are thrilled to highlight this work, which indicts our constitutional complacence with the second-class status of Puerto Rican citizens and demands a national commitment to self-determination for Puerto Rico.
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Burke, Adam, e Autumn Gonzalez. "Growing Interest in Meditation in the United States". Biofeedback 39, n.º 2 (1 de junho de 2011): 49–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5298/1081-5937-39.2.09.
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Meditation is a self-regulatory, mind-body process used to help engage attention and awareness, and to produce a state of inner quiescence. It has been used as a self-transformative practice for millennia, most notably in the Far East. Interest in meditation was evident in the United States in the late 19th century, and began to flourish during the early 1960s as Transcendental Meditation, Zen, and other traditions grew significantly in popularity. Over the ensuing decades a large body of scientific literature has also emerged. One factor contributing to this growth in publications is an increasingly sophisticated ability to measure brain activity using functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) and advance EEG and MEG technologies. National surveys, including the National Health Interview Survey's (NHIS), also show clear evidence of growing consumer interest in meditation. The NHIS shows use of meditation to be in the top ten most commonly used complementary and alternative medicine (CAM) therapies. The most recent 2007 NHIS compared findings of meditation use with reported use in the 2002 survey. A statistically significant increase in mediation practice among adults in the previous 12 months was noted, up from 7.6% in 2002 to 9.4% in 2007.
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Jeffries, Bayyinah S. "Prioritizing Black Self-Determination: The Last Strident Voice of Twentieth-Century Black Nationalism". Genealogy 4, n.º 4 (20 de novembro de 2020): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy4040110.
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Black self-determination, like the movement for civil rights, has long been a struggle on both the national and international stage. From the Black consciousness campaign of South Africa to the Black Power crusades of the United States and Caribbean, and the recent global affirmations of Black Lives Matter, Black nationalist ideology and desires for equity and independence seem ever more significant. While marginal characteristics of Black nationalism clearly persist in the calls for justice and equality, only one voice of twentieth-century Black nationalism remains committed to the full dimensions of the Black nationalist agenda. This essay documents the one leader and movement that has remained committed to a Black nationalist platform as a response to persistent white supremacy. The author reflects on the valuable contributions of twentieth-century Black nationalism and what form, if any, Black nationalism will take when this last Black nationalist movement leader is gone.
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Altman, Claire E., Jennifer Van Hook e Jonathan Gonzalez. "Becoming Overweight without Gaining a Pound: Weight Evaluations and the Social Integration of Mexicans in the United States". International Migration Review 51, n.º 1 (março de 2017): 3–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/imre.12220.
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Mexican women gain weight with increasing duration in the United States. In the United States, body dissatisfaction tends to be associated with depression, disordered eating, and incongruent weight evaluations, particularly among white women and women of higher socioeconomic status. However, it remains unclear how being overweight and obesity are interpreted by Mexican women. Using comparable data of women aged 20–64 from both Mexico (the 2006 Encuesta Nacional de Salud y Nutricion; N = 17,012) and the United States (the 1999–2009 National Health and Nutrition Examination Surveys; N = 8,487), we compare weight status evaluations among Mexican nationals, Mexican immigrants, US-born Mexicans, US-born non-Hispanic whites, and US-born non-Hispanic blacks. Logistic regression analyses, which control for demographic and socioeconomic variables and measured body mass index and adjust for the likelihood of migration for Mexican nationals, indicate that the tendency to self-evaluate as overweight among Mexicans converges with levels among non-Hispanic whites and diverges from blacks over time in the United States. Overall, the results suggest a US integration process in which Mexican-American women's less critical self-evaluations originate in Mexico but fade with time in the United States as they gradually adopt US white norms for thinner body sizes. These results are discussed in light of prior research about social comparison and negative health assimilation.
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Zou, Lixing, e Xinyue Zou. "Nationalism in Globalization". World Journal of Social Science Research 10, n.º 2 (20 de março de 2023): p1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/wjssr.v10n2p1.
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This paper, following the method of systematic balanced thinking, studies nationalism and nation-states amidst globalization, proposing the following main points: First, moving to the center of the world stage, we should correctly understand nationalism and nation-states, and represent the moral, theoretical and technological commanding heights. Second, nationalism is a double-edged sword, the national liberation movement in history was essentially a movement against imperialism, extreme nationalism is the root of world turmoil, and national self-determination and national independence movement is not a fundamental choice for the healthy development of human society. Third, nation-states have universality and particularity of interests, the essence of nation-states is to concentrate national strength to defend national rights and interests, and to maintain social order and the rule of public life. Fourth, the People’s Republic of China and the United States of America are two nation-states with distinctive characteristics in the world. The United States, as the largest emerging nation-state, highlights Protestant culture in its nationality, adheres to power politics and the rule of survival of the fittest, and pays more respect to modern laws and regulations in national governance. China, as the largest ancient nation-state, highlights farming culture in its nationality, adheres to the philosophy of living in harmony with nature, and is greatly influenced by natural forces or traditions in terms of national governance. The cooperation-competition development with “Bipolar Coexistence” of China and the United States results from the law of human social development. Fifth, to cope with the current complex and sensitive international situation, it is necessary to correctly judge and choose the future trend and power of nation-states in the world. The countries in our world are multi-ethnic and multi-religious. Peaceful coexistence, mutual benefit, free choice of residence and mutual respect are the only correct choices for the survival and development of peoples of all ethnic groups around the world. The action and reaction of universality and nationality promote the development process of the Community of Shared Future for Mankind. Sixth, the key to national equality lies in equality of people, and the key to building the Community of Shared Future for Mankind lies in the consciousness of equality, which requires that we adhere to the unity of universality and particularity.
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Camargo, Alexandra, Krislyn M. Boggs, Marc Auerbach, Rachel D. Freid, Ashley F. Sullivan, Janice A. Espinola e Carlos A. Camargo. "National Study of Self‐reported Pediatric Areas in United States General Emergency Departments". Academic Emergency Medicine 25, n.º 12 (8 de novembro de 2018): 1458–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/acem.13633.
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Katzenstein, Peter J. "Same War—Different Views: Germany, Japan, and Counterterrorism". International Organization 57, n.º 4 (2003): 731–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818303574033.
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AbstractGerman and Japanese counterterrorism policies differ from those adopted by the United States as well as from one another. Defeated in war, occupied, and partially remade during the Cold War, Germany and Japan became clients of the United States first, then close allies. Both countries offer easy tests to explore the extent to which the United States can hope to fight the war against terrorism, as it did the Cold War, supported by a broad coalition of like-minded states. On this central point the article's conclusion is not reassuring. In contrast to the Cold War, the relative importance of different self-conceptions and institutional practices appears to be larger and the systemic effects constraining national divergences smaller. Even among the closest allies of the United States, the very early stages of the war against terrorism point to substantial strains. Over a prolonged period such strains are likely to affect profoundly long-standing patterns of alliance.
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Nishida, Kitarō. "The Principle of the New World Order". Geopolítica(s). Revista de estudios sobre espacio y poder 10, n.º 2 (12 de novembro de 2019): 305–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/geop.66402.
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The First World War created no other principles for world formation than an abstract notion of national self-determination. Such an abstract notion could not solve the historical challenges the world faced, of which the outbreak of the Second World War provided evidence. Each state/nation must realize its world-historical mission to construct the world-historical world in which states/nations would be united to form ‘a global world (sekai-teki sekai)’ while maintaining their own historical uniqueness. For such historically unique entities to be united into the whole without losing their uniqueness, it would be necessary an intermediate process of forming ‘a particular world (tokushu-teki sekai)’. In this process, each state/nation transcends itself, connects to neighboring states/nations, and follows its own regional (supra-national) tradition at the same time, leading to the establishment of non-Western worlds. East Asian nations must realize their world-historical mission and construct a particular world based on the idea of East Asian culture. There must be a central player to tackle such challenges and no country but Japan would be in the position to play such a role.
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Landes, Scott D., e Andrew S. London. "Self-Reported ADHD and Adult Health in the United States". Journal of Attention Disorders 25, n.º 1 (22 de fevereiro de 2018): 3–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1087054718757648.
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Objective: Informed by a social determinants of health framework, we investigate the relationship between self-reported ADHD diagnosis status and adult health, and whether observed associations are attenuated by biomedical and socioeconomic factors. Method: Using 2007 National Health Interview Survey data ( N = 19,104), we present multivariate logistic regression analyses of associations between self-reported ADHD diagnosis status and five adult health outcomes. Results: ADHD diagnosis was significantly associated with higher odds of injury, physical health conditions, functional limitations, fair/poor health, and psychological distress in fully specified models (adjusted odds ratios [AORs] = 1.62-2.36). Inclusion of controls for exogenous demographic characteristics, psychiatric comorbidities and health behaviors, and adult social and economic statuses attenuated but did not eliminate observed associations between ADHD and poorer adult health. Conclusion: Research on adult health outcomes for those with ADHD should include consideration of the mechanisms by which a diagnosis of ADHD leads to cumulative social disadvantages that independently contribute to poorer health outcomes.
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Schirm, Stefan A. "Globalisation, Divided Societies and Nation-Centred Economic Policies in America and Britain". European Review of International Studies 9, n.º 2 (24 de agosto de 2022): 240–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21967415-09020008.
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Abstract A stronger emphasis on domestic politics and national sovereignty has recently shaped international economic relations, for instance, in the United Kingdom and the United States. This trend weakened the liberal international economic order (lio) with its promotion of globalisation and multilateralism. Why have the UK and the US, which formerly spearheaded the liberal order, embraced nation-centred foreign economic policies (ncp) under the Trump and Johnson governments? I argue that domestic forces predominantly drove this shift, since a political de facto alignment of value-based societal ideas and material interests increasingly favoured national self-determination and the privileging of domestic groups. The negative consequences of the lio such as rising income inequality, job losses and a perceived heteronomy had strengthened societal ideas and interests that converged in support of ncp. I examine these arguments by applying the societal approach to governmental preference formation in case studies on Johnson’s Brexit policy and Trump’s trade policy towards China.
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Franck, Thomas M. "What Happens Now? The United Nations After Iraq". American Journal of International Law 97, n.º 3 (julho de 2003): 607–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3109846.
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Thirty-three years ago I published an article in this Journal entitled Who Killed Article 2 (4)? or: Changing Norms Governing the Use of Force by States, which examined the phenomenon of increasingly frequent resort to unlawful force by Britain, France, India, North Korea, the Soviet Union, and the United States. The essay concluded with this sad observation:The failure of the U.N. Charter's normative system is tantamount to the inability of any rule, such as that set out in Article 2(4), in itself to have much control over the behavior of states. National self-interest, particularly the national self-interest of the super- Powers, has usually won out over treaty obligations. This is particularly characteristic of this age of pragmatic power politics. It is as if international law, always something of a cultural myth, has been demythologized. It seems this is not an age when men act by principles simply because that is what gentlemen ought to do. But living by power alone ... is a nerve-wracking and costly business.
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Tenove, Chris. "Protecting Democracy from Disinformation: Normative Threats and Policy Responses". International Journal of Press/Politics 25, n.º 3 (25 de maio de 2020): 517–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161220918740.
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Following public revelations of interference in the United States 2016 election, there has been widespread concern that online disinformation poses a serious threat to democracy. Governments have responded with a wide range of policies. However, there is little clarity in elite policy debates or academic literature about what it actually means for disinformation to endanger democracy, and how different policies might protect it. This article proposes that policies to address disinformation seek to defend three important normative goods of democratic systems: self-determination, accountable representation, and public deliberation. Policy responses to protect these goods tend to fall in three corresponding governance sectors: self-determination is the focus of international and national security policies; accountable representation is addressed through electoral regulation; and threats to the quality of public debate and deliberation are countered by media regulation. The article also reveals some of the challenges and risks in these policy sectors, which can be seen in both innovative and failed policy designs.
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Heiss, Mary Ann. "Exposing “Red Colonialism”: U.S. Propaganda at the United Nations, 1953–1963". Journal of Cold War Studies 17, n.º 3 (julho de 2015): 82–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00562.
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In the 1950s and early 1960s, the United States sought to challenge the Soviet Union's credibility as a champion of decolonization by casting Soviet control of Central Asia, the Baltic republics, and Eastern Europe in imperial terms, or what U.S. officials came to call “Red Colonialism.” Waged in large measure at the United Nations (UN) and other international forums, the Red Colonialism campaign sought to contrast the evolutionary nature of Western colonialism with the seeming permanence of Soviet domination. The campaign underscored the U.S. government's preoccupation with the Soviet threat at a time when much of the developing world was focused on other matters, such as national self-determination, racial equality, and economic development. This article looks at the genesis and nature of the Red Colonialism campaign and explains why a variety of factors ultimately prevented it from gaining much traction at the UN.
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Azofeifa, Alejandro, Rosalie L. Pacula e Margaret E. Mattson. "Cannabis Growers in the United States: Findings From a National Household Survey 2010−2014". Journal of Drug Issues 51, n.º 3 (25 de março de 2021): 518–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00220426211000457.
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Given the rapidly changing U.S. cannabis legislation landscape, the aim of this article is to describe individuals who self-reported growing cannabis in the past year by selected characteristics and geographical location. Using data from 2010 to 2014 National Survey on Drug Use and Health, we conducted bivariate chi-square tests and ran a multivariable logistic regression model to examine the indicators associated with growing cannabis. Approximately, 484,000 individuals aged 12+ self-reported growing cannabis in the past year (1.6% of marijuana users). Predictors of growing cannabis included being male and self-reported reporting using cannabis for a greater number of days. Data showed differences in the proportion of cannabis growers by the state of residence. Obtaining a baseline estimate of cannabis growing practices prior to recreational cannabis markets emerging (2014) is important because such practices may undermine efforts to discourage diversion to youth. Tracking these acquisition patterns will better inform content for public health messaging and prevention education, particularly those targeting youth.
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Ewing, Cindy. "The “Fate of Minorities” in the Early Afro-Asian Struggle for Decolonization". Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 41, n.º 3 (1 de dezembro de 2021): 340–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-9407858.
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Abstract This article explores the significance of minority rights to postcolonial internationalism by examining an emerging Afro-Asian collective at the United Nations in the late 1940s. As postcolonial nations became UN member-states, they fostered transnational solidarity through the Arab-Asian group, a predecessor of the Afro-Asian bloc, and constructed an anti-imperial project that directly engaged with the making of the new international human rights system. However, the Arab-Asian group did not advance minority rights in their struggle for decolonization at the UN. Instead, they favored a gradual path toward formal self-rule and the recognition of national self-determination that worked within the international order, most clearly expressed through the removal of a minority rights article in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
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YANG, Joonseok. "Song Chin-woo’s Perception of the International Landscape and Thoughts on State Building". Korean Society of Culture and Convergence 44, n.º 10 (31 de outubro de 2022): 451–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.33645/cnc.2022.10.44.10.451.
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Song Chin-woo(宋鎭禹) learned the advanced ideas of the West while studying in Japan and laid the foundation for national self-reliance based on nationalism. During the March 1st Movement in 1919, Song Chin-woo adhered to Wilson’s principle of national self-determination, but independence from the United States and the West failed. Nevertheless, Song Chin-woo focused on self-reliance and independence in the 1920s and was wary of the American and Western order, simultaneously seizing that order’s legitimacy. Song Chin-woo maintained a confrontational stance toward the Soviet Union and communism but also expressed a willingness to cooperate with them in the interest of independence. He refused to follow China's religion and politics but emphasized friendly relations. He thought of Europe as a champion of universal human rights and ideas, but he was wary of its expansionary policies in Asia. Song Chin-woo insisted on establishing a Western democracy immediately after liberation based on longstanding international recognition, while emphasizing the injustice of establishing a communist government.
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Taufiq, Firmanda. "The Future of Turkey - United States Relations". Jurnal ICMES 2, n.º 2 (26 de dezembro de 2018): 179–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.35748/jurnalicmes.v2i2.24.
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Throughout 2018, relations between Turkey and the United States seemed to deteriorate. The leaders of the two countries issued sharp diplomatic statements and the US even imposed economic sanctions on Turkey. This article aims to analyze how the future of relations between Turkey and the United States. Cooperation between the two has a long historical side after the Cold War. Relations between the two countries are based on various interests, both economic, political, military and security interests. The theory used in this study is the theory of national interest. The US has great interests in the Middle East and Turkey is the front-line ally in achieving those interests. However, there are many US foreign policies that ignore the Turkish concern and create tensions between the two countries. On the contrary, Turkey also has considerable economic interests, but the role of the government elite (in this case, President Erdogan) has a significant influence in the determination of Turkish foreign policy. The findings of this study, although it will go through complex challenges and processes, the US and Turkey will continue to maintain their relations.
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Hurlbut, J. Benjamin, Ingrid Metzler, Luca Marelli e Sheila Jasanoff. "Bioconstitutional Imaginaries and the Comparative Politics of Genetic Self-knowledge". Science, Technology, & Human Values 45, n.º 6 (18 de maio de 2020): 1087–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0162243920921246.
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Genetic testing has become a vehicle through which basic constitutional relationships between citizens and the state are revisited, reaffirmed, or rearticulated. The interplay between the is of genetic knowledge and the ought of government unfolds in the context of diverse imaginaries of the forms of human well-being, freedom, and flourishing that states have a duty to support. This article examines how the United Kingdom, Germany, and the United States governed testing for Alzheimer’s disease, and how they diverged in defining potential harms, benefits, and objects of regulation. Comparison before and after the arrival of direct-to-consumer genetic tests reveals differences in national understandings of what it means to protect life and citizenship: in the United Kingdom, ensuring physical wellness through clinical utility; in the United States, protecting both citizens’ physical well-being and freedom to choose through a framework of consumer protection; and in Germany, emphasizing individual flourishing and an unburdened sense of human development that is expressed in genetic testing law and policy as a commitment to the stewardship of personhood. Operating with their own visions of what it means to protect life and citizenship, these three states arrived at settlements that coproduced substantially different bioconstitutional regimes around Alzheimer’s testing.
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Smeeding, Timothy. "Poor People in Rich Nations: The United States in Comparative Perspective". Journal of Economic Perspectives 20, n.º 1 (1 de fevereiro de 2006): 69–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/089533006776526094.
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Cross-national comparisons can teach lessons about antipoverty policy. While all nations value low poverty, high levels of economic self-reliance and equality of opportunity for younger persons, they differ dramatically in the extent to which they reach these goals. Nations also exhibit differences in the extent to which working age adults mix economic self-reliance (earned incomes), family support and government support to avoid poverty. We begin by reviewing international concepts and measures of poverty. The Luxembourg Income Study (LIS) database contains the information needed to construct comparable poverty measures for more than 30 nations. It allows comparisons of the level and trend of poverty and inequality across several nations, along with considerable detail on the sources of market incomes and public policies that shape these outcomes. We will highlight the different relationships between antipoverty policy and outcomes among several countries, and consider the implications of our analysis for research and for antipoverty policy in the United States. In doing so, we will draw on a growing body of evidence that evaluates antipoverty programs in a cross-national context.
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Hassan, Salah. "The Sudan National Democratic Alliance (NDA): The Quest for Peace, Unity and Democracy". Issue: A Journal of Opinion 21, n.º 1-2 (1993): 14–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700501607.
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Sudan is a typical case of many postcolonial nation-states in Africa characterized by multiethnic, multicultural and multi-religious societies. It is an example of a pluralistic society formed by people who have differences in their sense of belonging and national identity. As in other African countries, the Sudanese situation is caused to a large extent by inequalities in power sharing and access to wealth and unequal development opportunities. In Sudan, the outcome has been a constant crisis of governance, civil war, ethnic genocide, famine and other man-made disasters which have crippled the country since independence. Differing visions for the future of the country have been contested. At one extreme is the vision of separation (formation of two states), at the other, the preservation of the status quo by any means, including violent ones (the military solution), which in a way means the continuation of inequalities within a united country. Proposals such as decentralization of the power of the state through a federal system, autonomy for the South and other disenfranchised regions of the country, or the right of self-determination, have at times been propagated by one political group or another.
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Sarantakes, Nicholas Evan. "The Teahouse Tempest". Journal of American-East Asian Relations 21, n.º 2 (14 de junho de 2014): 156–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02102005.
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The United States occupied the Japanese island of Okinawa as a colony in everything but name for twenty-seven years after World War II ended in August 1945. This action ran counter to the avowed U.S. foreign policy principle of self-determination. Novelist Vern Sneider, a former U.S. Army civil affairs officer who had been stationed on the island during the postwar years, was a critic of the occupation. For that reason he chose to use his first novel The Teahouse of the August Moon, published in 1951, to offer a critique of policies that he believed were ethnocentric and counterproductive to U.S. national interests. Although Teahouse grew in popularity in the United States as it became a play and then a theatrical film, it failed to have any influence on U.S. foreign policy. This was because playwright John Patrick removed the critique as he adapted the story for these different media formats. The Teahouse story does show, however, how world affairs can provide issues that engage large sections of the American public at many different levels.
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Orkin, Fredrick K., Sandra L. McGinnis, Gaetano J. Forte, Mary Dale Peterson, Armin Schubert, Jonathan D. Katz, Arnold J. Berry et al. "United States Anesthesiologists over 50". Anesthesiology 117, n.º 5 (1 de novembro de 2012): 953–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/aln.0b013e3182700c72.
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Background Anesthesiology is among the medical specialties expected to have physician shortage. With little known about older anesthesiologists' work effort and retirement decision making, the American Society of Anesthesiologists participated in a 2006 national survey of physicians aged 50-79 yr. Methods Samples of anesthesiologists and other specialists completed a survey of work activities, professional satisfaction, self-defined health and financial status, retirement plans and perspectives, and demographics. A complex survey design enabled adjustments for sampling and response-rate biases so that respondents' characteristics resembled those in the American Medical Association Physician Masterfile. Retirement decision making was modeled with multivariable ordinal logistic regression. Life-table analysis provided a forecast of likely clinical workforce trends over an ensuing 30 yr. Results Anesthesiologists (N = 3,222; response rate = 37%) reported a mean work week of 49.4 h and a mean retirement age of 62.7 yr, both values similar to those of other older physicians. Work week decreased with age, and part-time work increased. Women worked a shorter work week (mean, 47.9 vs. 49.7 h, P = 0.024), partly due to greater part-time work (20.2 vs. 13.1%, P value less than 0.001). Relative importance of factors reported among those leaving patient care differed by age cohort, subspecialty, and work status. Poor health was cited by 64% of anesthesiologists retiring in their 50s as compared with 43% of those retiring later (P = 0.039). Conclusions This survey lends support for greater attention to potentially modifiable factors, such as workplace wellness and professional satisfaction, to prevent premature retirement. The growing trend in part-time work deserves further study.
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Diehl, Thomas M., Daniel J. Adams e Cade M. Nylund. "Ingesting Self-Grown Produce and Seropositivity for Hepatitis E in the United States". Gastroenterology Research and Practice 2018 (15 de julho de 2018): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2018/7980413.
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Background. Hepatitis E virus (HEV) is a major cause of hepatitis in developing and industrialized countries worldwide. The modes of HEV transmission in industrialized countries, including the United States, remain largely unknown. This study is aimed at evaluating the association between HEV seropositivity and consumption of self-grown foods in the United States. Methods. Cross-sectional data was extracted from the 2009–2012 National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES). Data from the dietary interview and the serum HEV IgG and IgM enzyme immunoassay test results were linked and examined. Univariate and multivariable logistic regression models were used to evaluate the significance and effect size of an association between self-grown food consumption and hepatitis E seropositivity. Results. The estimated HEV seroprevalence in the civilian, noninstitutionalized US population was 6.6% in 2009–2012, which corresponds to an estimated hepatitis E national seroprevalence of 17,196,457 people. Overall, 10.9% of participants who ingested self-grown foods had positive HEV antibodies versus 6.1% of participants who did not consume self-grown foods (P<0.001; odds ratio (OR) 1.87; 95% CI 1.41–2.48). In the age-stratified multivariable analysis, the correlation between ingesting self-grown foods and HEV seropositivity was significant for participants 40–59 years old, but not overall, or for those < 40 years or ≥60 years. Conclusions. Ingesting self-grown food, or simply the process of gardening/farming, may be a source of zoonotic HEV transmission.
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Romanov, V. V. "The US liberal political and academic establishment on national-territorial transformation of Russia in 1917–1922". Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 14, n.º 3 (27 de novembro de 2022): 163–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2022-14-3-163-194.
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The paper examines the evolution of approaches and assessments of the US political and academic establishment regarding the national-territorial transformation of Russia at the final stage of the First World War, during the Revolution and the Civil War. During that period the US diplomacy was focused on developing and implementing its own ambitious program for the liberal-democratic reorganization of the post-war world with particular focus on issues of national self-determination. As a result, Wilson’s administration could not remain indifferent to the dramatic changes on the territory of the former Russian Empire. However, as the author notes, for European politicians its responses appeared rather unusual and often puzzling. The latter was due to a very specific interpretation of the principle of national self-determination adopted by W. Wilson and his associates as the right of the civil society to self-government rather than the right to ethnic separation. At the same time, the right to independently determine their own destiny was reserved, in a spirit of social-Darwinism, only for peoples who had reached a certain maturity. And moreover, each particular case was additionally assessed in terms of both political rationality and developments of political situation in Russia in general. For instance, the US liberal political and academic establishment consistently supported the independence of Poland and Finland while most other national minorities (the peoples of the Baltic region, Ukrainians, Belarusians, Armenians, Georgians, Azerbaijanis, the peoples of Central Asia, etc.) were usually encouraged to defend their autonomy within a united and democratic Russia. The author notes, that the US policy towards Russia became particularly controversial after the Bolsheviks came to power: the consistent rejection of the Bolshevik reforms was accompanied by the reluctance to incite separatism on the national outskirts out of fear of Russia’s uncontrolled disintegration and its subsequent transformation into a site of endless ethnic conflicts. As a result, the United States did not recognize most of the national entities that declared their independence in 1917–1922. At the same time, the author concludes that the growing ideological and political confrontation with Soviet Russia in the following years did not allow the US leaders to adequately assess the national-territorial transformations that were brought about by the creation of the USSR.
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Upenieks, Laura, Steven L. Foy e Andrew Miles. "Beyond America: Cross-national Context and the Impact of Religious Versus Secular Organizational Membership on Self-rated Health". Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World 4 (janeiro de 2018): 237802311879595. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2378023118795954.
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Studies using data from the United States suggest religious organizational involvement is more beneficial for health than secular organizational involvement. Extending beyond the United States, we assess the relative impacts of religious and secular organizational involvement on self-rated health cross-nationally, accounting for national-level religious context. Analyses of data from 33 predominantly Christian countries from the 2005–2008 World Values Survey reveal that active membership in religious organizations is positively associated with self-rated health. This association’s magnitude is higher than the magnitude of associations between many memberships in secular organizations and health. The positive association between involvement in religious organization and self-rated health is moderated by national levels of religious pluralism such that positive associations are primarily found in nations high in religious diversity. These results replicated in a sample of 21 majority-Christian nations from the 2010–2014 World Values Survey.
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Simonsson, Otto, Maryanne Martin e Stephen Fisher. "Sociodemographic Characteristics and Health Status of Mindfulness Users in the United States". Mindfulness 11, n.º 12 (21 de agosto de 2020): 2725–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12671-020-01486-4.
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Abstract Objectives The aims of the present study are to provide population estimates for the prevalence of mindfulness use in the United States and to identify which groups are more likely to self-report mindfulness use. Methods Using data from the 2017 National Health Interview Survey (NHIS), the current study analyzed 26,742 responses from adults in the United States and estimated patterns in the likelihood of self-reported mindfulness use across groups using logistic regression models. Results The results suggest that 5% of adults in the United States in 2017 had used mindfulness over the prior year, which is significantly more than the finding that 2% of adults in the United States had used mindfulness during the 12 months prior to the 2012 NHIS interview. The logistic regression models show that self-reported mindfulness use was less likely among married adults and more likely among women, sexual minorities, young and middle-aged adults, white adults, employed adults, adults without minor children in the family, adults from the West of the United States, adults with access barriers to healthcare, adults with cost barriers to healthcare, adults with mental illness, and adults with physical pain. Most notably, mindfulness use was reported by substantial numbers of respondents with access barriers to healthcare (10%), cost barriers to healthcare (9%), mental illness (15%), or physical pain (7%). Conclusions The results of the present study suggest an unequal distribution of mindfulness use across groups in the United States.
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Francoeur, Conall, Matthew J. Weiss, Jennifer M. MacDonald, Craig Press, David M. Greer, Robert A. Berg, Alexis A. Topjian, Wynne Morrison e Matthew P. Kirschen. "Variability in Pediatric Brain Death Determination Protocols in the United States". Neurology 97, n.º 3 (28 de maio de 2021): e310-e319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1212/wnl.0000000000012225.
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ObjectiveTo determine the variability in pediatric death by neurologic criteria (DNC) protocols between US pediatric institutions and compared to the 2011 DNC guidelines.MethodsIn this cross-sectional study of DNC protocols obtained from pediatric institutions in the United States via regional organ procurement organizations, protocols were evaluated across 5 domains: general DNC procedures, prerequisites, neurologic examination, apnea testing, and ancillary testing. Descriptive statistics compared protocols to each other and the 2011 guidelines.ResultsA total of 130 protocols were analyzed with 118 dated after publication of the 2011 guidelines. Of those 118 protocols, identification of a mechanism of irreversible brain injury was required in 97%, while 67% required an observation period after acute brain injury before DNC evaluation. Most protocols required guideline-based prerequisites such as exclusion of hypotension (94%), hypothermia (97%), and metabolic derangements (92%). On neurologic examination, 91% required a lack of responsiveness, 93% no response to noxious stimuli, and 99% loss of brainstem reflexes. A total of 84% of protocols required the guideline-recommended 2 apnea tests. CO2 targets were consistent with guidelines in 64%. Contrary to guidelines, 15% required ancillary testing for all patients and 15% permitted ancillary studies that are not validated in pediatrics.ConclusionVariability exists between pediatric institutional DNC protocols in all domains of DNC determination, especially with respect to apnea and ancillary testing. Better alignment of DNC protocols with national guidelines may improve the consistency and accuracy of DNC determination.
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Ahn, Jun Hyeong. "The Legality of Forcible Intervention by Invitation under International Law". Korea International Law Review 62 (30 de junho de 2022): 47–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.25197/kilr.2022.62.47.
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As “the threat or use of force” is generally prohibited under Article 2(4) of the United Nations Charter, the principle prohibiting the use of force has been firmly established as a general principle of international law. In addition, as an exception to the principle prohibiting the use of force, it is generally recognized that the exercise of the right of self-defence against prior armed attack or the use of force under the approval of the United Nations Security Council is exceptionally permitted. Nevertheless, in order to justify the use of force in the international community, States have used various international legal justifications, including anticipatory or preemptive self-defence, humanitarian intervention, protection of overseas nationals, protection of democracy, and self-determination. The so-called “intervention by invitation” is one of the main justifications that States claim to intervene in foreign civil war. However, if consent is granted by the requesting state, there would be no “use of force” prohibited from the beginning, so the intervention cannot be regarded exception to Article 2(4) of the United Nations Charter. Despite the relevant principles of international law related to foreign forcible intervention, especially the principle prohibiting the use of force, non-intervention, and self-determination, intervention by invitation is clearly permitted under international law. Nevertheless, if a State intervenes in another state's civil war and uses “intervention by invitation” as a legal justification, the question arises as to who has the authority to request forcible intervention, that is, what is the criterion for judging a legitimate government under international law. For this reason, most of the controversies related to “intervention by request” arise due to the question of who can give valid consent. In this paper, we first theoretically review the legality of intervention by invitation under international law, and then comprehensively review the controversy raised when intervention by invitation is invoked, especially in the context of civil war.
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Brown, Chris. "Self-Defense in an Imperfect World". Ethics & International Affairs 17, n.º 1 (março de 2003): 2–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2003.tb00412.x.
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In his address at West Point on June 1, 2002, President George W. Bush appeared to be signaling America's willingness to regard the mere possession of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) by potential enemies as grounds for an anticipatory war. Historically, however, a clear distinction has been drawn between preemptive and preventive, or anticipatory, war, with the latter regarded as illegitimate. The National Security Strategy announced by the president on September 20, 2002, was more conventional in its approach to preemption, but doubts remain as to whether the old distinction can be preserved. And this discussion is taking place in the context of a specific problem, namely the apparent desire of Iraq to obtain WMD and the determination of the United States, and, less clearly expressed, the UN Security Council, to prevent this from happening.
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Tully, Stephen R. "Free Trade Agreements With The United States: 8 Lessons For Prospective Parties From Australia’s Experience". British Journal of American Legal Studies 5, n.º 2 (1 de dezembro de 2016): 395–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjals-2016-0014.
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Abstract This article identifies 8 key lessons for those States contemplating a free trade agreement with the United States (U.S.) arising from Australia’s experience. The standards of intellectual property protection under the Australia-U.S. Free Trade Agreement and their impact on pharmaceutical prices in Australia are a particular focus. Prospective parties must first conduct a national interest self-assessment which reviews the desired strength of intellectual property protection under national law and their preference for using flexibilities available to them under the existing international intellectual property rights framework. The United States negotiates free trade agreements in light of previous ones, negotiating outcomes obtained in other fora and the decisions of international trade tribunals. Negotiations typically occur behind closed doors, which is a process having adverse implications for transparent decision-making, public consultation periods and contributions from interested non-governmental actors. A concluded agreement will build on prior treaties and influence the course of future international arrangements. But the impact of a United States free trade agreement is not always clear, including because of a lack of reliable data, and the extent of national legal change is a contested issue given existing reform agendas and external influences. The United States seek to redesign national health care systems in its own image and had little success in Australia’s case. National legal systems need not be harmonised: although there can be some convergence in intellectual property rights regimes, significant differences may also remain. Negotiators must reconcile competing cultures, philosophies and perspectives between States for a free trade agreement to be worthwhile.
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Choi, Eun-Kyoung, Valita Fredland, Carla Zachodni, J. Eugene Lammers, Patricia Bledsoe e Paul R. Helft. "Brain Death Revisited: The Case for a National Standard". Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 36, n.º 4 (2008): 824–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-720x.2008.00340.x.
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The concept of brain death evolved because advancements in medical science permitted unprecedented artificial maintenance of vital body functions by external means. Although the concept of brain death is accepted clinically, ethically, and legally in the United States, there is no national standard for the determination of brain death. There is evidence that variability and inconsistency in the process of determining brain death exist both in clinical settings and in State statutes. Several studies demonstrate that medical personnel determine brain death in variable ways, and have variable understandings of the definition of brain death. The declaration of death has significant legal consequences such as probate proceedings and liability issues for wrongful death. Inconsistencies in the determination of death may therefore be medically, ethically, and legally problematic.
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Miller, Jay J., Erlene Grise-Owens, Larry Owens, Nada Shalash e Molly Bode. "Self-Care Practices of Self-Identified Social Workers: Findings from a National Study". Social Work 65, n.º 1 (13 de dezembro de 2019): 55–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sw/swz046.
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Abstract Self-care can be an important tool in assuaging professional burnout, workplace stress, vicarious or secondary trauma, and other deleterious employment circumstances. Despite this importance, few studies have examined self-care among social work practitioners. This exploratory study examined the self-care practices of self-identified social workers (N = 2,934) throughout the United States. Primary data were collected with an electronic survey. Data indicate that social workers in the sample engage in moderate self-care practices. Analyses revealed group differences in self-care by several variables including geographic locale of participants’ primary place of employment, race, educational level, and social work licensing status, among others. Significant predictors of self-care included perceived health status (self-report), education level, being a supervisor, and financial status. Overall, findings from this study indicate the need for a systemic response to improving self-care practices among social workers.
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Akinyemi, Oluwasegun, Temitope Ogundare, Adeolu Funsho Oladunjoye, Kindha Elleissy Nasef, Christina Lipscombe, John Akinshola Akinbote e Maureen Bezold. "Factors associated with suicide/self-inflicted injuries among women aged 18–65 years in the United States: A 13-year retrospective analysis of the National Inpatient Sample database". PLOS ONE 18, n.º 10 (3 de outubro de 2023): e0287141. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0287141.
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Background Suicide is a significant cause of mortality in the United States, accounting for 14.5 deaths/100,000. Although there are data on gender disparity in suicide/self-inflicted injury rates in the United States, few studies have examined the factors associated with suicide/self-inflicted injury in females. Objective To determine factors associated with suicide/self-inflicted injuries among women aged 18–65 years in the United States. Methods Hospitalizations for suicide or self-inflicted injuries were identified using the National Inpatient Sample database from 2003–2015 using sample weights to generate national estimates. Independent predictors of suicide/self-inflicted injuries were identified using multivariable regression models. Interaction term analysis to identify the interaction between race/ethnicity and income were conducted. Results There were 1,031,693 adult women hospitalizations in the U.S. with a primary diagnosis of suicide/self-inflicted injury in the study period. The highest suicide/self-inflicted injury risk was among women aged 31-45years (OR = 1.23, CI = 1.19–1.27, p < 0.05). Blacks in the highest income strata had a 20% increase in the odds of suicide/self-inflicted injury compared to Whites in the lowest socioeconomic strata (OR = 1.20, CI = 1.05–1.37, p <0.05). Intimate partner violence increased suicide/self-inflicted injury risk 6-fold (OR = 5.77, CI = 5.01–6.65, p < 0.05). Conclusion Suicide risk is among women aged 31–45 years, higher earning Black women, intimate partner violence victims, uninsured, and current smokers. Interventions and policies that reduce smoking, prevents intimate partner violence, addresses racial discrimination and bias, and provides universal health coverage are needed to prevent excess mortality from suicide deaths.
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Dmitriev, S. "Energy Strategy of the United States: Correction of Priorities". World Economy and International Relations, n.º 3 (2014): 13–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-3-13-23.
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Сomprehensive energy strategy presumes focusing of U.S. government’s and private investors’ efforts in the following key areas: increasing energy efficiency of the national economy, search for effective alternative to traditional motor fuels, safe and responsible production of hydrocarbon resources, promotion of renewable energy investments, accent on the innovation component of the energy complex. Thanks to “shale revolution”, the US will fully cover domestic demand for natural gas by domestic production and may become an exporter of LNG. Cheap gas is a competitive advantage for the United States and can serve as a foundation for a new era of rapid economic development. Dependence on the supply of oil from abroad will gradually weaken, but doubts remain about the U.S. ability to achieve full self-sufficiency in oil.
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Smith, Bryant Walker. "Automated Vehicles Are Probably Legal in the United States". Texas A&M Law Review 1, n.º 3 (janeiro de 2014): 411–521. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/lr.v1.i3.1.
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This article provides the most comprehensive discussion to date of whether so-called automated, autonomous, self-driving, or driverless vehicles can be lawfully sold and used on public roads in the United States. The short answer is that the computer direction of a motor vehicle’s steering, braking, and accelerating without real-time human input is probably legal. The long answer, which follows, provides a foundation for tailoring regulations and understanding liability issues related to these vehicles. The article’s largely descriptive analysis, which begins with the principle that everything is permitted unless prohibited, covers three key legal regimes: the 1949 Geneva Convention on Road Traffic, regulations enacted by the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration (NHTSA), and the vehicle codes of all fifty U.S. states.
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Smagar, Anton V. "The Role of Teaching History in the Shaping of National Identity in the United States". Alma mater. Vestnik Vysshey Shkoly, n.º 9 (setembro de 2022): 109–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.20339/am.09-22.109.
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The article is devoted to the structural and functional analysis of the role of school history education in the process of national self-identification of citizens in the United States. To achieve this goal, specific research tasks were performed in the article. First, the structural elements (subject, goal, object, means) of the educational process aimed at the reproduction of national identity in the United States through historical discipline are identified. Secondly, the American compulsory education system K-12 is briefly described, which acts as a subject in the process of constructing unified historical knowledge, as well as national identity among students. Thirdly, the place and content of national history as a school discipline in the K-12 system (in primary and secondary schools) among other compulsory disciplines of “social studies” (Social Studies) is determined. Fourthly, a model of three-level national self-identification of students has been formed, where the teaching of history plays a key role. The process of identification is considered here as one of the social functions of school history education. Fifth, the current trends and problems associated with the criticism of the nationally oriented history teaching curriculum and the emergence of new revisionist historical perspectives in American schools, aimed at viewing the past through the prism of historical injustice, are outlined.
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Alesina, Alberto, John Londregan e Howard Rosenthal. "A Model of the Political Economy of the United States". American Political Science Review 87, n.º 1 (março de 1993): 12–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2938953.
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We develop and test a model of joint determination of economic growth and national election results in the United States. The formal model, which combines developments in the rational choice analysis of the behavior of economic agents and voters, leads to a system of equations in which the dependent variables are the growth rate and the vote shares in presidential and congressional elections. Our estimates support the theoretical claims that growth responds to unanticipated policy shifts and that voters use both on-year and midterm elections to balance the two parties. On the other hand, we find no support for “rational” retrospective voting. We do reconfirm, in a fully simultaneous framework, the “naive” retrospective voting literature's finding that the economy has a strong effect on presidential voting. We find congressional elections unaffected by the economy, except as transmitted by presidential coattails.
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Born, Gary. "The New York Convention: A Self-Executing Treaty". Michigan Journal of International Law, n.º 40.1 (2018): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.36642/mjil.40.1.new.
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The thesis of this Article is that uncertainty regarding the Convention’s status as a self-executing treaty of the United States is unwarranted and unfortunate. Instead, both the Convention’s provisions for recognition and enforcement of arbitration agreements (in Article II) and of arbitral awards (in Articles III, IV, V, and VI) should be regarded as self-executing and directly applicable in U.S. (and other national) courts. As discussed in detail below, this is because Article II establishes mandatory, complete, and comprehensive substantive rules, directed specifically to national courts, for the recognition and enforcement of international arbitration agreements. Likewise, the history and purposes of the Convention, the language and legislative history of Chapter 2 of the Federal Arbitration Act (the “FAA” or “Act”), and the practices of other Contracting States support the conclusion that Article II is directly applicable in American courts.
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Roberts, Jessica, e Michael Koliska. "Comparing the use of space in selfies on Chinese Weibo and Twitter". Global Media and China 2, n.º 2 (junho de 2017): 153–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2059436417709847.
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Selfies are a ubiquitous practice worldwide in which social media users create and share cultural artifacts that go beyond mere idealized or narcissistic self-presentations. As a cultural phenomenon, selfies reflect not just personal impressions but also communal values of modern life. This study analyzes the use of place in selfies as a defining visual element of self-representation in the United States and China. In particular, this research examines differences and commonalities in the places used to create meaning in selfies in the two national contexts. Our research shows that the deliberate use of places plays a critical role in the presentation of self within selfies both in the United States and China. While there are significant differences in some aspects of selfie construction, the selection of places for selfies followed similar patterns of public and private spaces in both countries, privileging the domestic and commercial most of all, and providing some support for the dominance of a global online culture over the influence of a specific national culture in presentations of the self.
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Thomson, Jessica, Alicia Landry e Tameka Walls. "Can United States Adults Accurately Assess Their Diet Quality?" Current Developments in Nutrition 6, Supplement_1 (junho de 2022): 952. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cdn/nzac067.072.
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Abstract Objectives Using a single question to assess an individual's diet quality could reduce researcher burden when screening potential participants for dietary interventions. Thus, the purpose of this study was to determine if United States (US) adults can accurately assess the quality of their diet. Methods Data from two cycles of National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES), 2015–2016 and 2017–2018, were used for this study. Self-assessed diet quality was measured with a single question asking adults, aged ≥20 years, how healthy is your diet? The five responses included excellent, very good, good, fair, and poor. Measured diet quality was assessed using the 2015 Healthy Eating Index (HEI-2015) and based on 24-hour dietary recalls. HEI-2015 total scores were categorized using a 10-point grading scale as A (90–100), B (80–89), C (70–79), D (60–69) and F (0–59). The following matches between self-assessed and measured diet quality were classified as accurate assessments: excellent = A, very good = A or B, good = B or C, fair = C or D, and poor = D or F. All others were classified as inaccurate assessments. Descriptive statistical methods for complex survey designs were used to analyze the data. Results Based on 9,757 adult participants, 8%, 22%, 41%, 24%, and 6% self-assessed their diet as excellent, very good, good, fair, and poor, respectively. For measured diet quality, < 1%, 3%, 9%, 19%, and 70% of participants scored grades of A, B, C, D, and F, respectively. Overall, 15% of participants accurately assessed their diet quality with accuracy percentages as high as 96% in the poor self-assessment group and between 1% and 22% in the other four self-assessment groups. Of the 8,002 participants who inaccurately assessed their diet quality, 75% overrated the healthfulness of their diet. Conclusions In general, US adults cannot accurately assess the quality of their diet with the exception of those assessing the healthfulness of their diet as poor. The tendency of US adults to overrate their diet quality suggests that work is needed to educate adults about what constitutes a healthful diet with the knowledge gained potentially resulting in more healthful dietary intake. Funding Sources USDA ARS.