Artigos de revistas sobre o tema "Sāzmān-i Madārik-i Farhangī-i Inqilāb-i Islāmī (Iran)"

Revolusi Republik Islam Iran merupakan sebuah keberhasilan rakyat Iran dalam menumbangkan kekuasaan Reza Shah Fahlevi, dan menghasilkan sebuah perubahan segala aspek dalam kehidupan bermasyarakat Iran, dan salah satunya konsep pembaharuan yang dicetuskan oleh Ayatullah Uzhma Ruhullah Imam Khomeini, setelah dua pemerintahan sebelumnya tidak mampu memberikan bentuk pembaharuan yang nyata kepada masyaraka. Jenis penelitian ini adalah studi pustaka atau Library Research yang menggunakan khazanah kepustakaan tentang sejarah serta revolusi republik Islam Iran sebagai referensi utama. Bentuk pembaharuan yang digagas oleh Ayatullah Uzhma Ruhullah Imam Khomeini adalah ulama sebagai pemegang kekuasaan tertinggi dan dikenal dengan istilah Velayat al-Faqih, ulama merupakan representasi pengamalan atas ajaran agama, sehingga langkah dan keputusan yang diambil berdasarkan hukum agama. Hingga saat ini, Velayat al-Faqih masih bertahan dan memberikan warna tersendiri dalam sistem pemerintahan Islam. Kata kunci: Imam Khomeini, Pembaharuan, Velayat al-Faqih References: Allouche, A. (1983). The Origins and Development of the Ottoman (First Edit). Klaus Schawrs Verlag. Halim, S. (2011). Farhang Moaster Persian-English Dictionary (Edisi I). Farhang Moaser Publisher. Jafri, S. H. M. (2003). Mazhab Syiah Dua Belas Imam. In S. H. Nasr (Ed.), Ensiklopedia Tematis: Spiritualitas Islam (Edisi I, p. 656). Penerbit Mizan. Kurdi, S. (1989). PARA MULLAH ( Studi Pemikiran Khomeini tentang Wilayatul Faqih ) Sulaiman Kurdi * nasional di kawasan Timur Tengah dan berdampak internasional adalah revolusi Islam Iran Pimpinan Ayatullah Khomeini yang pecah pada 1979 . Revolusi Iran itu berhasil membeba. Hermenia: Jurnal Kajian Islam Interdisipliner, 6, 160. Lorentz, J. H. (2007). Historical Dictionary of Iran (Second Edi). The Scarerow Press Inc. Rahnema, A. (2002). Ali Syari’ati: Biografi Politik Intelektual Revolusioner (S. Mahdi, Sayed & Bhawono, Ed.; Edisi I). Penerbit Erlangga. Rakhmat, J. (1999). Rekayasa Sosial: Reformasi, Revolusi atau Manusia Besar? (Edisi I). Penerbit Remaja Rosdakarya. Sihbudi, R. (1991). Islam, Dunia Arab, Iran: Bara Timur Tengah (Edisi I). Penerbit Mizan. Sihbudi, R. (1992). Eksistensi Palestina: di Mata Teheran dan Washington (Edisi I). Penerbit Mizan. Sihbudi, R. (1996). Biografi Politik Imam Khomeini (Edisi I). PT Gramedia Pustaka Utama. Yamani. (2002). Filsafat Politik Islam: Antara Al-Farabi dan Imam Khomeini (Edisi I). Penerbit Mizan.

AbstractThis article presents a new interpretation of the reign of the Ottoman sultan Mehmed the Conqueror (r. 1444–46, 1451–81) as refracted through the twin historical lenses of Mughal South Asia and the Renaissance Mediterranean. On the one hand, it argues that Mehmed, despite his current reputation as a conquering hero of Islam, in fact aspired to a model of sovereignty analogous to Akbar's Sulh-i Kull, and with a common point of origin in the conceptual worlds of post-Mongol Iran and Timurid central Asia. On the other hand, it also draws from the historiography of the Italian Renaissance to interpret Mehmed's cultural politics as being simultaneously inspired by a particular thread of Renaissance philosophy, the Prisca Theologia, which in many ways served as the Ottoman equivalent of Akbar's Sulh-i Kull.

Abstract This paper seeks to situate Jewish individuals from the upper echelons of the Mongol government in Iran and Iraq (1258‒1335) in relation to the process of confessional, Sunnī-Shīʿī polarization. Focusing on the case of the Baghdadi Jewish physician and vizier Saʿd al-Dawla (d. 1291), I explore how the Jewish minister sought to take advantage of Twelver-Shīʿī rise to prominence under the Mongols. I argue that the vizier attempted to strike an alliance with the Shīʿī communities in Iraq and with influential Shīʿī families with long-established ties to the Mongol regime, in order to curtail resistance to his policies and to the Jewish dominance in the realm’s bureaucracy. I consider Saʿd al-Dawla’s endeavors within the broader historical context of Shīʿī-Jewish relations. The article concludes by examining the two decades following Saʿd al-Dawla’s downfall, when a group of eminent Jewish physicians at the Mongol court converted to Islam. I show how these converts continued to exploit the process of politicization of confessional identities under the Mongols.

Foreign policy is a serious module in the lives, behaviour, of all nation-states. Recently foreign policy study has acquired new dimensions as a result of a paradigm shift in Iranian foreign policy. Iran has moved away from began camp follower of the United States to an independent political actor with its independent foreign policy. Tehran, from a loyal U.S. collaborator, turned out to be a stalwart opponent. In this backdrop, the study investigates the geo-strategic importance of Iran in the Middle East and Asia as a whole. In fact, because of Tehran’s natural resources like natural gas and oil, etc., this region has always been the centre of attraction for major actors. But since Iran has changed her foreign policy roles, from western to Islamic, the region has confronted numerous security issues because of its strong Islamic history. Besides, the data for the study has incorporated from primary source taken from the official website of the foreign office of Iran, and Overall, the study examines why this alteration of the conceptual, political framework in Iran, from nationalism to Islam, has led to assume Iranian foreign policy conferring to Islamic vision.

This article describes to the role of the factor of political Islam (“Islamism”) in geopolitics and modern international relations in the Near and Middle East. The absolute majority of the population of this region professes Islam, and many countries (Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Iran and a number of other states) directly base their state structure and legal system on Islamic principles. If earlier the Muslim factor was like a banner of self-identity and confrontation with Western expansion, now other “fault lines” are coming to the fore - between Sunnis and Shiites, fundamentalists and supporters of a “liberal” understanding of the Islamic religion. Even in the fundamentalist segment of political Islam, there are contradictions. All this complicates the situation, but its analysis and identification of certain prospects for the future is quite realistic.

Abstract This article investigates the ways in which Aqquyunlu rulers drew on the material remains of bygone dynasties by including ruins in their court ceremonial. Central for the investigation are two inscriptions left by the majlis or artistic assemblee of an Aqquyunlu prince on the ruins of one of the Achaemenid palaces at Persepolis or Takht-i Jamshīd in Iran. These important epigraphic sources are presented here in an improved critical edition and discussed in their social, architectural, and literary context. In musing over past glories, the prince and his retinue appropriated the heritage of bygone prophets and kings, framing their courtly representation as part of a continuous tradition of just rulers over southern Iran.

“Fiqh” or “Al-Fiqh” is one of the most important fields of Islamic Religious Sciences. It deals with the nature and rulings of the practices usually observed by the Muslims in their daily lives regarding being lawful or otherwise. In this field, the contributions of the religious scholars of the province of Khyberpakhtunkhwa are highly admirable. Being a gate-way for the Sub-Continent including China, the scholastic pursuits progressing in Syria, Iraq and subsequently in Asia Minor, particularly impressed/influenced the Fiqhi developments of this region (Khyberpakhtunkhwa). The reason for the said influence on this specific area (region) has also been elaborated in this article. An massive creative work along with original research studies were carried out by the inhabitant scholars of the Sub-Continent in general and that of the Khyberpakhtunkhwa Province, in particular since long duly producing remarkable books in this field. There is another specific characteristic of the people of this region: that the majority of them are the followers of “Fiqh-e-Hanfi” In this article, only as a sample, an analytical review of the books of “Ulema” hailing from this region (like Syed Amin –al-Haque”, Maulana Shaista Gul” , “Maulana Hamd-Allah-Jan” and “Sheikh-AlQuran, Maulana Muhammad Tahir”) has been presented to prove the above-cited hypothesis.In addition to that all of the above details and some more have been elaborated along with special focus on the creative works of the Religious Scholars of this region. Most of the research works- (other than those mentioned in this article) are published in the forms of presentable books. This will prove helpful for the young researchers in future.

The article represents the views of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (1902–1989), the leader of the Islamic revolution in Iran, on Islam as the basis of the political system. Imam Khomeini believed that Islam should not be considered only as a set of prescriptions or as a kind of philosophical system. In his work “Vilayat-i fakih. Hokumat-i Islami ” (“Islamic Government: Governance of the Jurist”) Khomeini substantiates the need for the formation of a state based on Sharia law. The ideas of the Ayatollah were not completely new to Shii political doctrine. The olitical views of Ayatollah Khomeini formed under a great infl uence of a situation in Iran in the XX cent. The author analyzes the Khomeini’s views on politics and his concept of “vilayat-i fakih”. From Ayatollah Khomeini’s point of view, we can’t imagine Islam apart from politics, otherwise Islam will be incomplete. Personal self-improvement also depends on the fullness of religion, and therefore Muslims need an Islamic state to fully keep the Sharia law. The analysis of the views of Imam Khomeini is based on the original treatise in Persian.

The Taliban in Afghanistan and the hardline clergy in Iran might regard them as blasphemous, but in Malaysia Islamic pop groups are a hit, even with fundamentalist politicians. Nasyid groups, as they are known, are winning awards for using their talents to bring people closer to Islam. (MGW 13 June 1999)

This article is based on fieldwork with young Muslim refugees from Iraq, Iran and Afghanistan, who attend small-town schools in the Danish countryside. The article explores the Danish schools’ ’mixed bag’ approach to religious education. Drawing on theology, philosophy, cultural history and the sociology of religion, the national curriculum privileges evangelical Lutheran Christianity while postulating a universal ’religious dimension’ in people’s lives. The article discusses how this school theology that highlights a common human religious attitude simultaneously excludes any serious discussion of a child’s relationship with God and the many other dimensions of religion that impact the lives of Muslim refugee children. While reporting that they enjoy learning about Christianity, Muslim children also feel compelled by God, family, classmates and their teacher’s lack of knowledge of Islam to find and hold on to their own religious convictions. In this they are surprisingly little helped by a subject designed to get at the religious dimension in people’s lives.

In my book Islam in Practice (1988), I showed the great variety of religious beliefs in Sisakht, a village of Luri-speaking tribal people in the province of Kohgiluye/Boir Ahmad in Iran.1 I gave one of the 21 men I presented, Mr. Husseinkhan Sayadi, the epithet ‘Deep Believer’ to reflect his firm belief in God and Shi’a traditions. We became close friends, and revisiting his life again 14 years after his death, I will continue to use his first name to reflect and honour our friendship.

Abstract The Middle East, particularly the Islamic Republic of Iran, has a reputation for harboring very strong forms of anti-Americanism. Why are some individuals more hostile to the United States than others? What factors are associated with anti-American sentiments? This article offers the first systematic study of anti-Americanism in Iran, a country in which anti-Americanism has been a guiding policy of the government since the 1979 revolution. Based on original survey data from 2016, I seek to explain how religiosity and political Islam influence public attitudes toward the United States. Distinguishing between political and cultural anti-Americanism, I find that, while support for political Islam is significantly associated with both types of anti-Americanism, religiosity predicts only cultural anti-Americanism. The findings challenge the literature that associates anti-American sentiments with religiosity in the Islamic world.

In 2003, while a graduate student working on my dissertation, I wrote an article on the Internet in postrevolutionary Iran that looked at the politics of the emerging technology in a country undergoing major political changes. In the context of political rivalries between reformists and conservatives, the Internet, I argued, “as an advancing means of communication,” played a key role in the struggle for democracy by opening up a virtual space of dissident activism. Euphoric in spirit and utopian in outlook, the article ended with the following quotation from an Iranian dissident: “At night, every light that is on in Tehran shows that somebody is sitting behind a computer, driving through information roads; and that is in fact a storehouse of gunpowder that, if ignited, will start a great firework in the capital of the revolutionary Islam.” These “information roads,” I concluded, could play a significant role in the emergence of a new form of political society in Iran and beyond.

In an earlier work Making Islam Democratic (2007), I attempted to interrogate the infamous question of whether Islam was compatible with democracy. I concluded that whereas Islamism (understood as deploying Islam as a political project to establish Islamic state) was unlikely to embrace democratic polity, ‘post-Islamism’ could. My early formulation of ‘post-Islamism’ was based primarily on the experience of Iran in the late 1990s. In this essay I try to see how much this concept has a broader resonance, given that Islamist movements in the Muslim world have experienced significant changes in the past three decades. Basing itself on numerous empirical studies of shift in the political Islam, the essay focuses on revisiting the concept of ‘post-Islamism’ by addressing the questions that its application to other experiences of Islamist politics may raise, as well as the questions that critiques have raised since the concept’s inception. Post-Islamism emerges as a critique from within and without of Islamist politics.

Abstract Discourses of Islamist terrorism deployed as part of the War on Terror have fed into a host of conspiracy theories imagining Islam as a system of total government. But even before 9/11, mainstream political discourses reflected similar suspicions. Beginning in the 1980s, concerns about the political establishment were expressed from within government itself in the idea of a government that governs “too much.” In this article, I suggest that the proliferation of Islamist conspiracies after 9/11 reflects this mode of government. To develop this argument, I begin by linking discourses about terrorism produced as part of the War on Terror to conspiracy theories linking terror and Islam to notions of total power in the state. I then suggest that Islamist conspiracies draw on the epistemologies of uncertainty produced by the state in order to transform what is unknown or “risky” into un/certain objects of knowledge and truth. This transformation takes place through their location in the space of the sacred-in the soul of Islam. I illustrate these parallels through a comparative analysis of official policies and discourses of terrorism and conspiracy culture, with a focus on the Center for Security Policy website and Glenn Beck’s It Is About Islam: Exposing the Truth About ISIS, Al Qaeda, Iran and the Caliphate, where discourse about terror is used to signify the (hidden) truth of Islam.

İran'ın dil, tarih, edebiyat ve kültür alanlarında yetiştirdiği en büyük ilim adamlarından Prof. İrec Afşar 9 Mart 2011 Çarşamba günü Tahran'da vefaat etti. İran tarihi araştırmacıları, yayınladığı iki yüzün üzerinde ana kaynak ve iki binin üzerinde makale ile Prof. Afşar'ın İran tarihi ve kültürüne nedenli önemli katkılarda bulunduğunu gayet iyi bilirler. O, Mirzâ Muhammed-i Kazvini, Seyyid Hasan Taki-zâde, Nefisi, `Abbâs İkbâl, Muctebâ Minovi ve Muhammed Taki Dânişpejuh gibi İran dili, edebiyatı ve tarihinin büyük araştırmacılarının son temsilcilerindendi. Prof. Afşar 16 Mihr 1304/8 Ekim 1925 tarihinde muhtemelen XVI. yüzyılda İran'ın Yezd şehrine göç eden Afşar Türklerine mensup olan Dr. Mahmud Afşar ile Nusret Afşar'ın oğlu olarak Tahran'da dünyaya geldi.

Abstract This article consists of a detailed study of the decoration and inscriptions on three stylistically related carved stucco miḥrābs in ʿIrāq-i ʿAjam. The ones in Urmia and Marand are dated to the Īlkhānī period and bear the names of craftsmen with a connection to Tabrīz. The fragmentary remains of the third, undated, miḥrāb in Tabrīz are then studied, followed by the upper stucco inscription band in the masjid-i jāmiʿ in Urmia. The final section highlights the connections between the material in Iran and related stucco in Mamlūk Cairo. The main aim of this article is to provide as full an account as possible of the decoration and inscriptions of these examples of Īlkhānī stucco, and also to demonstrate the existence of a distinctive regional school of stucco carving centered in Tabrīz. Several newly translated inscriptions are published here for the first time, and the analysis is based on a combination of archival material and new photographs and drawings of the subject structures.

This article discusses how the visualization of Mahmud Ghazan, the sixth Ilkhanid ruler, was employed to construct and propagate his image as the Padishah-i Islam (King of Islam), thus justifying him both as king of Iranshahr (land of Iran) and the legitimate successor of the Prophet Muhammad. In a quest for visual translations of the Ilkhanid concept of Padishah-i Islam—an inseparable combination of the Persian notion of ideal kingship and prophethood—several illustrations from the Diez albums representing Ghazan or events of his reign have been identified, two of which have become subject to detailed iconographic analyses. Two approaches to the visualization of Ghazan as Padishah-i Islam can be considered here. The first is Ghazan’s birth scene where the visual narrative is covered in various formal and semantic layers; transformed into a symbolic narrative of a holy birth associated with those of the prophets. The second appears in the scene of Ghazan’s enthronement, probably once illustrated as an unknown manuscript’s frontispiece, the images’ composition and components appear as a visual panegyric poem which applies an elaborate visual language that elevates Ghazan to the level of a divine king.

This article discusses how the visualization of Mahmud Ghazan, the sixth Ilkhanid ruler, was employed to construct and propagate his image as the Padishah-i Islam (King of Islam), thus justifying him both as king of Iranshahr (land of Iran) and the legitimate successor of the Prophet Muhammad. In a quest for visual translations of the Ilkhanid concept of Padishah-i Islam—an inseparable combination of the Persian notion of ideal kingship and prophethood—several illustrations from the Diez albums representing Ghazan or events of his reign have been identified, two of which have become subject to detailed iconographic analyses. Two approaches to the visualization of Ghazan as Padishah-i Islam can be considered here. The first is Ghazan’s birth scene where the visual narrative is covered in various formal and semantic layers; transformed into a symbolic narrative of a holy birth associated with those of the prophets. The second appears in the scene of Ghazan’s enthronement, probably once illustrated as an unknown manuscript’s frontispiece, the images’ composition and components appear as a visual panegyric poem which applies an elaborate visual language that elevates Ghazan to the level of a divine king.

Ghirah mempelajari tafsir Qur’an bagi umat Islam sangat mengembirakan. Hal itu terlihat antusias umat mengikuti siaran saur bersama M. Quraish Shihab di Metro TV pada Ramadhan 1428 H. Namun ketika penulis membaca Tafsir Al-Misbah ternyata tidak sedikit penafsir merujuk pada Tafsir Al-Mizan. Oleh karena itu penelitian ini bermaksud untuk menjawab permasalahan sejauhmana pengaruh penafsiran Thaba’i Thaba’i terhadap tafsir Al-Misbah karya Muhammad Quraish Shihab? Untuk memecahkan masalah tersebut peneliti menggunakan metode analisis deskriptif kualitatif dengan objek pembahasan tafsir Al-Misbah volume 8 surat Al-Kahfi karya Muhammad Quraish Shihab. Diantara hasil temuan penelitian ini bahwa di dalam tafsir Al-Misbah vol. 8 surat al-Kahfi pembahasannya banyak merujuk pada pandangan mufassir (Syiah dari Iran) Thaba’ Thaba’i. Banyaknya kutipan dari penafsiran Thaba’ Thaba’i dalam tafsir Al- Misbah menunjukkan adanya kesesuaian pandangan antara M. Quraish Shihab dengan pandangan Thaba’ Thaba’i pengarang tafsir Al-Mizan. Dan hal ini menunjukkan pula bahwa tafsir Al-Mizan adalah tafsir Qur’an yang dianggap paling memadai untuk memahami Al-Qur’an masa kini.

The growing interest in Shi'ism in the western world since the Iranian revolutionhas resulted in the publication of numerous books and articles onShi' i f slam. Most studies, however, focus on Shi' ism's historical develop­ment, highlight differences between Shi'i and Sunni Islam, or discuss Shi'ipolitical behavior in the context of the politics of violence. This book byAyatullah Ja'far Sobhani, an emjnent scholar of Shi'ism and professor ofIslamic studies in the Hawzah 'llmiyah of Qum (Iran), is a notable excep­tion. The author is a Qur'anic commentator, a prolific writer, a biographerof the Prophet and Imam 'Ali, and has written several books on theologyand jurisprudence.Sobhani opines that modern man (sic) is turning to religion once againbecause of his (sic) disillusionment with technological innovation and scientificadvancement. The author seeks to meet this need by presenting anauthoritative yet objective account of Shi' i Islam from within, and theShi'is' perception of their tradition and of themselves without exaggerationand distortion.The book is a useful source for non-specialists as well as advancedreaders who want to learn about the contemporary expression of Shi'i traditionfrom an authoritative source. As Shah Kazemi states in his introduction,the book presents an account of the mainstream religious thinking ofcontemporary Iran's official religious establishment, yet is not influencedby the revolutionary environment. It follows the traditional format and linesof argument laid out by previous Shi' i 'ulama.The book is divided into three chapters, preceded by the translator'sforward and the author's preface. In chapter l, Sobhani establishes a philosophicalframework within which he presents the doctrines of lthna 'AshariShi'ism. Chapter 2 discusses some legal issues and principles of Shi'i theology.In the third chapter, Sobhani departs from the traditional paradigmof Shi' i treatises and addresses some controversial and contested legalissues and challenges ...

AbstractIt is well known that the pre-Islamic “national history” of Iran (i. e., the indigenous secular historical tradition, transmitted orally over many centuries) knows nothing at all, or as good as nothing, about the dynasties and empires of the Medes, Achaemenids, Seleucids, and Parthians (ca. 700 BCE–226 CE). It is first with the Sasanians (226‒651 CE) that Iran’s “national history” evinces more detailed knowledge. Instead of reports on the historical Medes and Achaemenid dynasties, accounts of mythical and legendary dynasties, the Pīšdādians and Kayānians, are found.In this essay, an attempt will be made to explain this “gap” in the pre-Islamic historical tradition, this “strange historical (or national) amnesiaˮ (Ehsan Yarshater) in the cultural memory of the Iranians, with the help of a theory on the structure and modality of oral tradition, based on field research, by the Belgian historian and anthropologist Jan Vansina. The structure in question concerns a tripartite perception of the past: a wealth of information about antiquity (traditions of origin or creation and reports on culture heroes) – plenty of information, too, on the recent and most recent times – and lying between them, a “gap” in the accounts. Vansina described this phenomenon as the “hourglass effect.” This is exactly the narrative structure of Iranian national history; it is evident that the Achaemenids and the other pre-Christian dynasties fall into the “gap” described by Vansina.The same phenomenon can also be detected on the level of Sasanian history. We find there a plethora of information on the founder of the dynasty, Ardašīr (reigned 226‒241 CE); meanwhile, very few details are known of the kings following Ardašīr, and it is only as of Kavād I (reigned 488‒496 and 499‒531 CE) that we have outstanding historical information.

AbstractIn 2001, Mohsen Kadivar (1959-), a Qom-trained Shi'ite mujtahid, began advocating what he has alternately termed “spiritual Islam”, “goal-oriented Islam”, and “new-thinker Islam”. No longer just a critic of the “rule of the jurisprudent” (wilāyat-i faqīh) doctrine, Kadivar started to set forth his version of postrevivalist Islam, a kind that characteristically highlights its spiritual aspects but is nonetheless self-consciously anchored within the framework of Islamic jurisprudence. In this article, I will first examine Kadivar's arguments about the fundamental conflict between the traditional exegesis of Islam and modern human rights norms, the inadequacy of traditional Islamic jurisprudence as a means to tackle the conflict, and his proposed approach to solving the problem. I will then critically discuss certain controversial aspects of the new exegesis that Kadivar has proposed—particularly, the issues surrounding the abrogation of accepted precepts of sharī'a and the newly introduced conception of the intrinsic rights of human beings—as well as its significance and cogency. These examinations will highlight the unique emphasis that Kadivar has put on jurisprudence as the means to come to terms with the challenges of modernity, in contrast with more explicitly hermeneutic approaches preferred by some of his peers within the emerging postrevivalist current in Iran.

Abstract The fiscal tradition regarding the taxation of the “Christians of the Banū Taġlib” is related to a ṣulḥ established by caliph ʿUmar b. al-Ḫaṭṭāb. He is said to have ordered to double the social contribution of Muslims, called ṣadaqa, in return for their renunciation of baptizing their children. This contribution analyzes the chronology of the emergence of this case in Abbasid literature. By studying the isnād on which scholars, beginning with the Grand Qāḍī Abū Yūsuf (d. 182/798), relied, I suggest a new theme at the end of the eighth century CE. On the one hand, all the issues of the ṣadaqa levying, the social bonds with Christian Arabs, and finally, the category of the Banū Taġlib itself, are related to the ongoing construction, and then to the freezing, of two social categories: the ethnical “arabness” and the genealogical tribal organization. On the other hand, Miaphysite ecclesiology confirms a consistent timeline for the rise of the Taglibōyē bishopric. In order to explain this late inrush of information, two events of ca. 153/770 and 171/787, respectively from the Syrian-Orthodox and the Arab-Muslim literatures, refer first to the migration/invasion of pastoralists and farmers of Banū Taġlib towards the north, and second to their anti-ṣadaqa revolt in the steppe of the hinterland of Mosul. The second occurrence takes place amidst numerous local insurgencies whose motivation are in part tribal, khariji, and – perhaps foremost – anti-fiscal. Indeed, the dynamics of formation of this peculiar Mosulian tribe were partly generated by the irruption of the state in Northern Iraq and the Jazīra during the 170s/790s, between al-Mahdī’s founding of Rāfiqa in ca. 154/772 and Hārūn al-Rashīd’s strengthening of administrative pressure. The key factor for state building at this time was the development of a new set of taxation on agricultural incomes of (Muslim) Arabs, called ṣadaqat al-māl or zakāt, whose first traces are attested in Middle Egypt during the late Marwānid period. A generation later, the anonymous author of Zuqnīn, who lived at the beginning of this period, is not only the first Syriac writer to mention the Taglibōyē, but also bears witness of the first extension of the levy of ṣadaqa to Northern Mesopotamia. He even gives data about its ex officio settlement (taʿdīl) as a non-proportional (ʿalā misāḥa) and in-cash tax, exactly the same as for the properties of the (Christian) Syrians. Both kinds of rural landlords probably petitioned against this system during the following decades, aiming to switch to a proportional (muqāsama) and in-kind method of taxation. This resistance perhaps involved the anti-ṣadaqa revolt of the Taġlib in 171/787, as it was decisive to transform the kharāj on the Muslims into a tenth (ʿushr). Whereas Abū Yūsuf suggests an analogical doubling of the tax on a Muslim land to convert it into kharāj for a Christian purchaser, the very idea of a double ṣadaqa as kharāj for Christian Arabs had perhaps been invented a very short time before.

How do I define Azerbaijani women's identity? This is very complicated, because we have been influenced by Russia, Iran, Turkey, the Caucasus and Islam … Every day we have to wear different masks and juggle multiple identities. You cannot find a single or typical Azeri female identity. You cannot generalize any type to the whole population of Azeri women since we vary so much.

Abstract While it is true that little is known about justice (qaḍāʾ) and how it functioned in the first century of Islam, this is no longer the case for Iraq during the Abbasid period (up to the arrival of the Būyids in 334/945), the subject of Mathieu Tillier’s recent study. In the following pages, I will provide a presentation that traces, chapter by chapter, the history of the judicial institution during this period according to the author’s outline, both in the evolution of its practices and of its means of expression and in its troubled relationship, often one of subordination to political power. When necessary, I will examine points that seem subject to debate and I will suggest some small improvements and formal corrections.

<p>Perkembangan agama di dunia turut serta menyebar dan memberi dampak yang signifikan bagi kehidupan beragama di Indonesia. Tidak hanya itu, berkembangnya masyarakat yang menganut agama atau kepercayaan baru menambah persoalan baru dalam kehidupan sosial dan politik di Indonesia. Baha’I merupakan sebuah perkembangan agama Islam yang lahir di Iran dan semakin menyeber luas ke seluruh dunia, bahkan ke Indonesia. Hal tersebut menambah permasalahan baru seperti penolakan oleh masyarakat beragama mayoritas di Indonesia. Penolakan tersebut juga didasari oleh landasan beragama yang kuat yang telah di atur oleh negara jauh sebelum kepercayaan-kepercayaan baru tersebut berkembang di Indonesia. Artikel ini membahas mengenai posisi penganut Baha’I sebagai kelompok minoritas yang sering mendapatkan diskriminasi, baik dari masyarakat maupun negara. Dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif secara observasi, artikel ini menunjukkan beberapa hal yang menjadi poin penting mengapa masyarakat penganut kepercayaan Baha’I dikategorikan oleh penulis sebagai kelompok minoritas. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa masyarakat penganut kepercayaan Baha’I masih berjuang untuk mendapatkan hak-hak dasar mereka seperti pengakuan dari negara dan perlakuan adil sebagai sesama rakyat Indonesia, terlepas dari bagaimana sistem politik Indonesia telah mengatur kehidupan beragama dalam masyarakat.</p>

In the Garden of EdenThe covers of the first three volumes of Kuml show photographs of fine Danish antiquities. Inside the volumes have articles on the Stone Age, the Bronze Age and the Iron Age in Jutland, which is to be expected as Kuml is published by the Jutland Archaeological Society. However, in 1954 the scene is moved to more southern skies. This year, the cover is dominated by a date palm with two huge burial mounds in the background. In side the book one reads no less than six articles on the results from the First Danish Archaeological Bahrain Expedition. P.V. Glob begins with: Bahrain – Island of the Hundred Thousand Burial Mounds, The Flint Sites of the Bahrain Desert, Temples at Barbar and The Ancient Capital of Bahrain, followed by Bibby’s Five among Bahrain’s Hundred Thousand Burial Mounds and The Well of the Bulls. The following years, reports on excavations on Bahrain and later in the sheikhdoms of Qatar, Kuwait and Abu Dhabi are on Kuml’s repertoire.However, it all ends wit h the festschrift to mark Glob’s 60th anniversary, Kuml 1970, which has three articles on Arab archaeology and a single article in 1972. For the past thirty years almost, the journal has not had a single article on Arabia. Why is that? Primarily because the character of the museum’s work in the Arabian Gulf changed completely. The pioneers’ years of large-scale reconnaissance and excavations were succeeded by labourous studies of the excavated material – the necessary work preceding the final publications. Only in Abu Dhabi and Oman, Karen Frifelt carried on the pioneer spirit through the 1970s and 1980s, but she mainly published her results in in ternational, Englishlanguage journals.Consequently, the immediate field reports ended, but the subsequent research into Arab archaeology – carried out at the writing desk and with the collections of finds– still crept into Kuml. From 1973 , the journal contained a list of the publications made by the Jutland Archaeological Society (abbreviated JASP), and here, the Arab monographs begin to make their entry. The first ones are Holger Kapel’s Atlas of the Stone Age Cultures of Qatar from 1967 and Geoffrey Bibby’s survey in eastern Saudi Arabia from 1973. Then comes the Hellenistic excavations on the Failaka island in Kuwait with Hans Erik Mathiesen’s treatise on the terracotta figurines (1982), Lise Hannestad’s work on the ceramics (1983) and Kristian Jeppesen’s presentation of the temple and the fortifications (1989). A similar series on the Bronze Age excavations on Failaka has started with Poul Kjærum’s first volume on the stamp and cylinder seals (1983) and Flemming Højlund’s presentation of the ceramics (1987). The excavations on the island of Umm an-Nar in Abu Dhabi was published by Karen Frifelt in two volumes on the settlement (1991) and the graves (1995), and the ancient capital of Bahrain was analysed by H. Hellmuth Andersen and Flemming Højlund in two volumes on the northern city wall and the Islamic fort (1994) and the central, monumental buildings (1997) respectively.More is on its way! A volume on Islamic finds made on Bahrain has just been made ready for printing, and the Bronze Age temples at the village of Barbar is being worked up. Danish and foreign scholars are preparing other volumes, but the most important results of the expeditions to the Arabian Gulf have by now been published in voluminous series.With this, an era has ended, and Moesgård Museum’s 50th anniversary in 1999 was a welcome opportunity of looking back at the Arabian Gulf effort through the exhibition Glob and the Garden ef Eden. The Danish Bahrain expeditions and to consider what will happen in the future.How then is the relation ship between Moesgård Museum and Bahrain today, twenty-three years after the last expedition – now that most of the old excavations have been published and the two originators of the expeditions, P.V. Glob and Geoffrey Bibby have both died?In Denmark we usually consider Bahrain an exotic country with an exciting past. However, in Bahrain there is a similar fascination of Denmark and of Moesgård Museum. The Bahrain people are wondering why Danish scholars have been interested in their small island for so many years. It was probably not a coincidence when in the 1980s archaeologist and ethnographers from Moesgård Museum were invited to take part in the furnishing of the exhibitions in the new national museum of Bahrain. Today, museum staff from Arab countries consider a trip to Moesgård a near-pilgrimage: our collection of Near East artefacts from all the Gulf countries is unique, and the ethnographic collections are unusual in that they were collected with thorough information on the use, the users and the origin of each item.The Bahrain fascination of Moesgård Museum. was also evident, when the Bahrain minister of education, Abdulaziz Al-Fadl, visited the museum in connection with the opening of the Bahrain exhibition in 1999.Al-Fadl visited the museum’s oriental department, and in the photo and film archive a book with photos taken by Danish members of the expeditions to the Arabian Gulf was handed over to him. Al-Fadl was absorbed by the photos of the Bahrain of his childhood – the 1950s and 1960s – an un spoilt society very different from the modern Bahrain. His enthusiasm was not lessened when he saw a photo of his father standing next to P.V. Glob and Sheikh Salman Al Khalifa taken at the opening of Glob’s first archaeological exhibition in Manama, the capital. At a banquet given by Elisabeth Gerner Nielsen, the Danish minister of culture, on the evening following the opening of the Glob exhibition at Moesgård, Al-Fadl revealed that as a child, he had been on a school trip to the Danish excavations where – on the edge of the excavation – he had his first lesson in Bahrain’s prehistory from a Danish archaeologist (fig. 1).Another example: When attending the opening of an art exhibition at Bahrain’s Art Centre in February 1999, I met an old Bahrain painter, Abdelkarim Al-Orrayed, who turned out to be a good friend of the Danish painter Karl Bovin, who took part in Glob’s expeditions. He told me, how in 1956, Bovin had exhibited his paintings in a school in Manama. He recalled Bovin sitting in his Arabian tunic in a corner of the room, playing a flute, which he had carved in Sheikh Ibrahim’s garden.In a letter, Al-Orrayed states: ”I remember very well the day in 1956, when I met Karl Bovin for the first time. He was drawin g some narrow roads in the residential area where I lived. I followed him closely with my friend Hussain As-Suni – we were twentythree and twenty-one years old respectively. When he had finished, I invited him to my house where I showed him my drawings. He looked at them closely and gave me good advice to follow if I wanted to become a skilful artist – such as focusing on lines, form, light, distance, and shadow. He encouraged me to practice outdoors and to use different models. It was a turning point in our young artists’ lives when Hussein and I decided to follow Bovin’s instructions. We went everywhere – to the teahouses, the markets, the streets, and the countryside – and practised there, but the sea was the most fascinating phenomenon to us. In my book, An Introduction to Modern Art in Bahrain, I wrote about Bovin’s exhibitions in the 1950s and his great influence on me as an artist. Bovin’s talent inspired us greatly in rediscovering the nature and landscape on Bahrain and gave us the feeling that we had much strength to invest in art. Bovin contributed to a new start to us young painters, who had chosen the nature as our main motif.”Abdelkarim Al-Orrayed was the first Bahrain painter to live of his art, and around 1960 he opened a studio from which he sold his paintings. Two of his landscape watercolours are now at Moesgård.These two stories may have revealed that Bahrain and Moesgard Museum have a common history, which both parts value and wish to continue. The mutual fascination is a good foundation to build on and the close bonds and personal acquaintance between by now more generations is a valuable counterbalance to those tendencies that estrange people, cultures, and countries from one another.Already, more joint projects have been initiated: Danish archaeology students are taking part in excavations on Bahrain and elsewhere in the Arabic Gulf; an ethnography student is planning a long stay in a village on Bahrain for the study of parents’ expectations to their children on Bahrain as compared with the conditions in Denmark; P.V. Glob’s book, Al-Bahrain, has been translated into Arabic; Moesgård’s photos and films from the Gulf are to become universally accessible via the Internet; an exhibition on the Danish expeditions is being prepared at the National Museum of Bahrain, and so forth.Two projects are to be described in more detail here: New excavations on Bahrain that are to investigate how fresh water was exploited in the past, and the publication of a book and three CDs, Music in Bahrain, which will make Bahrain’s traditional music accessible not just to the population of Bahrain, but to the whole world.New excavations on BahrainFor millennia, Bahrain was famous for its abundance of fresh water springs, which made a belt of oases across the northern half of the island possible. Natural fertility combined with the favourable situation in the middle of the Arab Gulf made Bahrain a cultural and commercial centre that traded with the cities of Mesopotamia and the IndusValley already in the third millennium BC.Fresh water also played an important part in Bahrain’s ancient religion, as seen from ar chaeological excavations and Mesopotamian cuneiform tablets: A magnificent temple of light limestone was built over a spring, and according to old texts, water was the gods’ gift to Bahrain (Dilmun).Although fresh water had an overwhelming importance to a parched desert island, no studies have been directed towards the original ”taming” of the water on Bahrain. Therefore, Moesgård Museum is now beginning to look into the earliest irrigation techniques on the island and their significance to Bahrain’s development.Near the Bahrain village of Barbar, P.V. Glob in 1954 discovered a rise in the landscape, which was excavated during the following years. It turned out that the mound covered three different temples, built on top of and around each other. The Barbar temple was built of whitish ashlars and must have been an impressive structure. It has also gained a special importance in Near East research, as this is the first and only time that the holy spring chamber, the abzu, where the god Enki lived, has been un earthed (fig. 2).On the western side of the Barbar temple a monumental flight of steps, flank ed on both sides by cult figures, was leading through a portal to an underground chamber with a fresh water spring. In the beautiful ashlar walls of this chamber were three openings, through which water flowed. Only the eastern out flow was investigated, as the outside of an underground stonebuilt aqueduct was found a few metres from the spring chamber.East of the temple another underground aqueduct was followed along a 16-m distance. It was excavated at two points and turned out almost to have the height of a man. The floor was covered with large stones with a carved canal and the ceiling was built of equally large stones (fig. 3).No doubt the spring chamber was a central part of the temple, charge d with great importance. However, the function of the aqueducts is still unknown. It seems obvious that they were to lead the fresh water away from the source chamber, but was this part of a completely ritual arrangement, or was the purpose to transport the water to the gardens to be used for irrigation?To clarify these questions we will try to trace the continuations of the aqueducts using different tracing techniques such as georadar and magnetometer. As the sur roundings of Barbar temple are covered by several metres of shifting sand, the possibilities of following the aqueducts are fine, if necessary even across a great distance, and if they turn out to lead to old gardens, then these may be exposed under the sand.Underground water canals of a similar construction, drawing water from springs or subsoil water, have been used until modern times on Bahrain, and they are still in use in Iran and on the Arabian Peninsula, especially in Oman, where they supply the gardens with water for irrigation. They are called qanats and are usually considered built by the Persians during periods when the Achaemenid or Sassanid kings controlled Arabia (c. 500 BC-c. 600 AD). However, new excavation results from the Oman peninsula indicate that at least some canal systems date from c. 1000 BC. It is therefore of utmost interest if similar sophisticated transportation systems for water on Bahrain may be proven to date from the time of the erection of the Barbar temple, i.e. c. 2000 BC.The finds suggest that around this time Bahrain underwent dramatic changes. From being a thinly inhabited island during most of the 3rd millennium BC, the northern part of the island suddenly had extensive burial grounds, showing a rapid increase in population. At the same time the major settlement on the northern coast was fortified, temples like the one at Barbar were built, and gigantic ”royal mounds” were built in the middle of the island – all pointing at a hierarchic society coming into existence.This fast social development of Dilmun must have parallelled efficiency in the exploitation of fresh water resources for farm ing to supply a growing population with the basic food, and perhaps this explains the aqueducts by Barbar?The planned excavatio ns will be carried out in close cooperation between the National Museum of Bahrain and Aarhus University, and they are supported financially by the Carlsberg Foundation and Bahrain’s Cabinet and Information Ministry.The music of BahrainThe composer Poul Rovsing Olsen (1922-1982) was inspired by Arab and Indian music, and he spent a large part of his life studying traditional music in the countries along the Arabian Gulf. In 1958 and 1962-63 he took part in P.V. Glob’s expeditions to Arabia as a music ethnologist and in the 1970s he organised stays of long duration here (fig. 4).The background for his musical fieldwork was the rapid development, which the oil finds in the Gulf countries had started. The local folk music would clearly disappear with the trades and traditions with which they were connected.” If no one goes pearl fishing anymore, then no one will need the work songs connected to this work. And if no one marries according to tradition with festivity lasting three or sometimes five days, then no one will need the old wedding songs anymore’’.It was thus in the last moment that Rovsing Olsen recorded the pearl fishers’ concerts, the seamen’s shanties, the bedouin war songs, the wedding music, the festival music etc. on his tape recorder. By doing this he saved a unique collection of song and music, which is now stored in the Dansk Folkemindesamling in Copenhagen. It comprises around 150 tapes and more than 700 pieces of music. The instruments are to be found at the Musikhistorisk Museum and Moesgård Museum (fig. 5).During the 1960s and 1970s Rovsing Olsen published a number of smaller studies on music from the Arabian Gulf, which established his name as the greatest connoisseur of music from this area – a reputation, which the twenty years that have passed since his death have not shaken. Rovsing Olsen also published an LP record with pearl fisher music, and with the music ethnologist Jean Jenkins from the Horniman Museum in London he published six LP records, Music in the World of Islam with seven numbers from the Arabian Gulf, and the book Music and Musical Instruments in the World of Islam (London 1976).Shortly before his death, Rovsing Olsen finished a comprehensive manuscript in English, Music in Bahrain, where he summed up nearly twenty-five years of studies into folk music along the Arabian Gulf, with the main emphasis on Bahrain. The manuscript has eleven chapters, and after a short introduction Rovsing Olsen deals with musical instruments, lute music, war and honour songs of the bedouins, festivity dance, working songs and concerts of the pearl fishers, music influenced front Africa, double clarinet and bag pipe music, religious songs and women’s songs. Of these, eighty-four selected pieces of music are reproduced with notes and commented in the text. A large selection of this music will be published on three CDs to go with the book.This work has been anticipated with great expectation by music ethnologists and connoisseurs of Arabic folk music, and in agreement with Rovsing Olsen’s widow, Louise Lerche-Lerchenborg and Dansk Folkemindesamling, Moesgård Museum is presently working on publishing the work.The publication is managed by the Jutland Archaeological Society and Aarhus University Press will manage the distribution. The Carlsberg Foundation and Bahrain’s Cabinet and Information Ministry will cover the editing and printing expenses.The publication of the book and the CDs on the music of Bahrain will be celebrated at a festivity on Bahrain, at the next annual cultural festival, the theme of which will be ”mutual inspiration across cultural borders” with a focus on Rovsing Olsen. In this context, Den Danske Trio Anette Slaato will perform A Dream in Violet, a music piece influenced by Arabic music. On the same occasion singers and musicians will present the traditional pearl fishers’ music from Bahrain. In connection with the concert on Bahrain, a major tour has been planned in cooperation with The Danish Institute in Damascus, where the Danish musicians will also perform in Damascus and Beirut and give ”masterclasses” in chamber music on the local music academies. The concert tour is being organised by Louise Lerche-Lerchenborg, who initiated one of the most important Danish musical events, the Lerchenborg Musical Days,in 1963 and organised them for thirty years.ConclusionPride of concerted effort is not a special Danish national sport. However,the achievements in the Arabian Gulf made by the Danish expeditions from the Århus museum are recognised everywhere. It is only fair to use this jubilee volume for drawing attention to the fact that the journal Kuml and the publications of the Jutland Archaeological Society were the instruments through which the epoch-making investigations in the Gulf were nude public nationally and internationally.Finally, the cooperationon interesting tasks between Moesgård Museum and the countries along the Arabian Gulf will continue. In the future, Kuml will again be reporting on new excavations in the palm shadows and eventually, larger investigation s will no doubt find their way to the society’s comprehensive volumes.Flemming HøjlundMoesgård MuseumTranslated by Annette Lerche Trolle

This book is unique in several ways. It is the product of unprecedented research collaboration between a Muslim feminist female anthropologist (Ziba Mir-Hosseini), based and educated in the West, and a Muslim feminist male cleric (Hujjat al-Islam Sayyid Muhsin Sa[ayin]id Zadih), based and educated in Islamic seminaries in Iran. For the first time, the Qom seminary (Hawzih)—the center of religious and political power of Shi[ayin]i clerics—opened its doors to a feminist female scholar, letting her engage in a face-to-face encounter on gender issues with several prominent Islamic ulema (clerical scholars). Much of the book is a transcription of dialogues between Mir-Hosseini and eminent clerics in the Iranian religious seminaries in the city of Qom. The central concern of these dialogues is the way religious knowledge is produced in Shi[ayin]i Islam and the complex relationship among the believer, religious authority, and political action.

The Arab Spring, which turned into a revolution, or rather a civil war in Syria caused a tragic, yet interesting configuration of the international political arena. This seemingly small, insignificant country in the Middle East pulled the most important powers of the world in to its interiour conflicts. Syria has become the key to the Middle East. It is a very colorful country in every way: ethnic, religious, cultural, landscape… and the country in which the Middle East countries and world powers and international terrorist organizations want to pursue their interests. They are so contradictory interests that led to an absurd war in which everyone is fighting against everyone. There has therefore been a confrontation on several levels, such as political: between the United States and Russia; religious: Christians–Muslims, as well as within Islam: Sunni–Shia, or Saudis and the Persians; business: where, for example, the role of the corridor between the Mediterranean Sea and Iraq it is taken by Turkey, it is a confrontation between the Ottomans and the Persians. Due to this almost 3 million external emigration takes place – not to mention the more than 10 million internal migration – and simutlaniously the influx of refugees not only to neighboring countries but also to Europe, mainly Western Europe. On the political scene the new players are reinforcing themseves namely, the Kurds. A new division of the Middle East is being created of which, the future is difficult to predict.

AbstractPhilosophy, as an intellectual discipline emerging from Hellenism, had an ambiguous and disputed role in the theology and apologetics of Islam and continues to be contentious. In this article, I examine the arguments over the legitimacy of philosophy between the philosophical school of Mullā Ṣadrā (d.c. 1635), dominant in the present Shiʿi seminary in Iran, and its detractors in themaktab-i tafkīkwho insist that knowledge of reality and the faith only derives from the teachings of the Shiʿi Imams and cannot be contaminated with Aristotelianism. After an introduction to this fideist school of separating religious and ‘foreign’ sciences, three questions are analysed. What is philosophy? How do we know God? How can we demonstrate the Qurʾanic doctrine of the resurrection of bodies? What emerges is a more radical challenge touṣūlīrationalism than that posed previously from theAkhbāriyyaand their insistence upon aḥadīth-based jurisprudence.

Socio-economic justice lies in the normative core of Islam. The concepts of fard-al-kifāyah and zakāh reveal its commitment to protect the poor from the arbitrariness of the rich and treat the state as an institution that maximises collective welfare. The political economy of Safavid Iran indicates that the establishment of Islam as Iran’s state religion facilitated the empire’s administrative modernisation, economic development and class formation. Contrary to conventional wisdom, I argue that religion did not only offer legitimacy grounds to the Safavid government. It also provided institutional incentives that transformed clerics into intermediaries between people and the Imperial Court, improved fiscal capacity and increased general trust toward the central government.

Note by Janet Afary and Kevin B. Anderson: In 1978, as the protests against the shah were becoming a mass movement, Michel Foucault made his first visit to Iran. During the next eight months, Foucault wrote a number of articles on the Iranian Revolution for “Corriere della Sera,” “Le Monde,” and other publications. These articles constitute the most sustained treatment anywhere in his writings of a non-Western society. Foucault's support for Iran's Islamist movement touched off a controversy that continues to this day. This conversation, conducted in Iran in September of 1978 with the noted writer Baqir Parham, includes Foucault's first reflections on the Iranian Revolution. In addition, it connects his concern with Iran to his larger critique of Western modernity. It shows how his search for new forms of resistance to modernity had led him to look at religious revolts. This dialogue was published in “Nameh-yi Kanun-i Nevisandegan” (Publication of the Center of Iranian Writers), No. 1, Spring 1979, pages 9–17. It has been translated from the Persian by Janet Afary. We thank Baqir Parham and the University of Chicago Press for permission to publish this material in “Dædalus.”

Abstract This study presents and intellectual- and literary-historically contextualizes a remarkable but as yet unpublished treatise by Ibn Turka (d.&#x00A0;1432), foremost occult philosopher of Timurid Iran: the Munāẓara-yi bazm u razm. As its title indicates, this ornate Persian work, written in 1426 in Herat for the Timurid prince-calligrapher Bāysunghur (d.&#x00A0;1433), takes the form of a literary debate, a venerable Arabo-Persian genre that exploded in popularity in the post-Mongol period. Yet it triply transgresses the bounds of its genre, and doubly marries Arabic-Mamluk literary and imperial culture to Persian-Timurid. For here Ibn Turka recasts the munāẓara as philosophical romance and the philosophical romance as mirror for princes, imperializing the razm u bazm and sword vs. pen tropes within an expressly lettrist framework, making explicit the logic of the coincidentia oppositorum (majmaʿ al-aḍdād) long implicit in the genre in order to ideologically weaponize it. For the first time in the centuries-old Arabo-Persian munāẓara tradition, that is, wherein such debates were often rhetorically but never theoretically resolved, Ibn Turka marries multiple opposites in a manner clearly meant to be instructive to his Timurid royal patron: he is to perform the role of Emperor Love (sulṭān ʿishq), transcendent of all political-legal dualities, avatar of the divine names the Manifest (al-ẓāhir) and the Occult (al-bāṭin). This lettrist mirror for Timurid princes is thus not simply unprecedented in Persian or indeed Arabic literature, a typical expression of the ornate literary panache and genre-hybridizing proclivities of Mamluk-Timurid-Ottoman scientists of letters, and index of the burgeoning of Ibn ʿArabian-Būnian lettrism in late Mamluk Cairo; it also serves as key to Timurid universalist imperial ideology itself in its formative phase&#x00A0;– and consciously epitomizes the principle of contradiction driving Islamicate civilization as a whole. To show the striking extent to which this munāẓara departs from precedent, I provide a brief overview of the sword vs. pen subset of that genre; I then examine our text’s specific political-philosophical and sociocultural contexts, with attention to Naṣīr al-Dīn Ṭūsī’s (d.&#x00A0;1274) Akhlāq-i Nāṣirī and Jalāl al-Dīn Davānī’s (d.&#x00A0;1502) Akhlāq-i Jalālī on the one hand&#x00A0;– which seminal Persian mirrors for princes assert, crucially, the ontological-political primacy of love over justice&#x00A0;– and the Ẓafarnāma of Sharaf al-Dīn Yazdī (d.&#x00A0;1454), Ibn Turka’s student and friend, on the other. In the latter, much-imitated history Amir Temür (r.&#x00A0;1370‒1405) was definitively transformed, on the basis of astrological and lettrist proofs, into the supreme Lord of Conjunction (ṣāḥib-qirān); most notably, there Yazdī theorizes the Muslim world conqueror as historical manifestation of the coincidentia oppositorum&#x00A0;– precisely the project of Ibn Turka in his Debate of Feast and Fight. But these two ideologues of Timurid universal imperialism and leading members of the New Brethren of Purity network only became such in Mamluk Cairo, where lettrism (ʿilm al-ḥurūf) was first sanctified, de-esotericized and adabized; I accordingly invoke the overtly occultist-neopythagoreanizing ethos specific to the Mamluk capital by the late 14th century, especially that propagated at the court of Barqūq (r.&#x00A0;1382‒1399). For it is this Cairene ethos, I argue, that is epitomized by our persophone lettrist’s munāẓara, which it effectively timuridizes. To demonstrate the robustness of this Mamluk-Timurid ideological-literary continuity, I situate the Munāẓara-yi bazm u razm within Ibn Turka’s own oeuvre and imperial ideological program, successively developed for the Timurid rulers Iskandar Sulṭān (r.&#x00A0;1409‒1414), Shāhrukh (r.&#x00A0;1409‒1447) and Ulugh Beg (r.&#x00A0;1409‒1449); marshal three contemporary instances of the sword vs. pen munāẓara, one Timurid and two Mamluk, by the theologian Sayyid Sharīf Jurjānī (d.&#x00A0;1413), the secretary-encyclopedist Aḥmad al-Qalqashandī (d.&#x00A0;1418) and the historian Ibn Khaldūn (d.&#x00A0;1406), respectively; and provide an abridged translation of Ibn Turka’s offering as basis for comparative analysis.

This study argues that the exponential growth of divinatory texts variously attributed to ʿAlī and Jaʿfar al-Ṣādiq included at the end of Qur'ans produced during the Ṣafavid period provides further evidence for the widespread interest in divination during the tenth/sixteenth and eleventh/seventeenth centuries in Iran. Treatises on ‘divination by the Qur'an’ (fāl-i Qurʾān) indicate that it was considered permissible to seek guidance by means of holy scripture at this time. On a more symbolic level, fāl-i Qurʾāns can be understood as a kind of restoration of the ‘defective’ ʿUthmānic codex by re-Shīʿifying it – if not by reinserting supposedly dropped verses on the ahl al-bayt, then at the very least by adding terminal divinations attributed to the figureheads of Shīʿī Islam. This particular practice therefore follows general ‘Shīʿification’ trends found in a number of cultural and artistic practices of the Ṣafavid period, which also are potentially discernible within the domain of Qur'an production.

AbstractThe establishment of a Shi'i Islamic network in Senegal is one alternative to following the country's dominant Sufi orders. I examine Senegalese conversion narratives and the central role played by the Iranian Revolution, contextualizing life stories (trans)nationally in Senegal's political economy and global networks with Iran and Lebanon. Converts localize foreign religious ideologies into a 'national' Islam through the discourse that Shi'i education can bring peace and economic development to Senegal. Senegalese Shi'a perceive that proselytizing, media technologies, and Muslim networking can lead to social, cultural and perhaps even political change through translating the Iranian Revolution into a non-violent reform movement.

This article investigates emerging patterns of pilgrimage in the context of Shiʿite Islam and studies the case of Arbaʿyin based on two weeks of participatory observation, walking from the al-Faw peninsula in the far south of Iraq to the city of Karbalâ. I identify three narratives in this pilgrimage—tribal, ideological and orthodox—and discuss their commonalities and differentials. The maʿāzīb system of the tribal narrative is the core of the comparison, yet each narrative is interrelated with the others through the central themes of war, political Islam and religious seminaries. In the last section, I explore recent transformations of these themes as well as the pilgrims’ configuration. The tribal narrative of Arbaʿyin presents itself as a rival to the ideological narrative pilgrimage. Although this narrative is based on the social structure of a tribal system, it struggles with new transformations and challenges in form and content.

AbstractThis article examines some aspects of the reception of French Spiritism and psychical research in twentieth century Iran: its promotion by Iranian modernist intellectuals before the Second World War, and its appropriation by Shi‘i Muslim ‘ulama in the 1940s and 1960s. Spiritism appealed to those intellectuals and scholars who sought to reconcile their commitments to science with their religious longings and dedication to moral reform. In comparing these encounters with spirit communication, I show that the adoption of putatively scientific claims in contexts that professional scientists usually disavow can be about much more than strategic appropriation and attempts to justify preexisting doctrines. They also allow us to understand science's power to mold the moral subjectivities of reformers through selective absorption into long-continuous traditions of virtue.

The article analyzes the influence of the Islamic tradition (doctrinal, cultural) on the religious community of the Bahá’ís, which borned in the Qajar Iran and was formed on the territory of the Ottoman Empire (Iraq, Palestine) in the second half of the XIX century. In the methodological aspect, the article is based on a civilizational approach that emphasizes the researcher’s attention to the sociocultural aspects of the stated problem. The following results were obtained during the study. First of all, the doctrinal influence of the Islamic (in particular, Shiite and Sufi) traditions on the doctrine of Bahá’u’lláh, which manifested itself in his works such as «Kitab-i-Igan» («The Book of Certitude») and «Haft Wadi» («The Seven Valleys»). In addition, the article traces the influence of the traditions of Islamic calligraphy on the work of Mishkin-Kalam (one of the closest adepts of Bahá’u’lláh). The main conclusion of the article is that the influence of Islam on the teachings and culture of the early Bahá’í community was quite significant.

AbstractThis paper adds to the growing literature on transnational Shiʿism which has so far mostly focused on social history and political contestations. By tracing the thought, transnational legacy, and ultimate failure of the reformist Shiʿi scholar, Muhammad al-Khalisi (d. 1963), I argue for the crucial importance of local contexts and ideas for the genesis of Islamic modernist projects. In his native Iraq, al-Khalisi not only distinguished himself as a guerrilla fighter and political activist but also was shaped by prevailing notions about the compatibility of Islam and science. Exiled to Iran for his opposition to the British from 1922 to 1949, he encountered there specific medicalizing discourses on modernity. This exposure and his experience as a practitioner of medicine in the Iranian countryside led al-Khalisi to identify medicine as the master key to unlocking the secrets of the divine law, thesharīʿa: his major work on Islamic law singles out human health as God's supreme concern. Back in Iraq during the 1950s, al-Khalisi's medical-scientific vision of modernity was finally complemented with an uncompromising call for intra-Muslim unity. This stance led to furious attacks against al-Khalisi which continue unabated in contemporary Pakistan where his name has become a term of abuse.

Dinamika perkembangan hukum Islam tidak dapat terlepas dari disiplin ilmu ushul fiqh yang memiliki sejumlah metodologi sebagai dalil serta landasan untuk berijtihad. Qaul Shahabi menjadi salah satu dari dalil yang digunakan oleh Ulama Fiqh dalam mengatasi problematika yang terjadi di kalangan umat Islam. Qaul shahabi ialah perihal satu orang shahabah mengemukakan sebuah pendapat kemudian menyebar di kalangan shahabah lainnya, tanpa diketahui seorang shahabat pun yang menentang. Qaul Shahabi menjadi eksis sebagai salah satu rujukan hukum Islam sejak masa Tabi�in. Kehujjahan qaul shahabi diperselisihkan oleh kalangan Ulama. Imam Malik, Ar Razi, Hanafiyyah, Asy Syafi�i dengan Qaul Qadim beliau dan Ahmad bin Hanbal menerima Qaul Shahabi sebagai hujjah. Sedangkan Ulama Asya�irah, Mu�tazilah, Asy Syafi�i dengan Qaul Jadid beliau, Ulama� Syi�ah, Al Karkhi, Ulama Kontemporer Madzhab Maliki dan Hanafi serta Ibnu Hazm menolak Qaul Shahabi sebagai hujjah. Sama halnya dengan hujjah lain, Qaul Shahabi juga dapat menjadi rujukan bagi permasalahan kontemporer. Perbedaan pendapat Ulama tentang penggunaan Qaul Shahabi sebagai hujjah berpengaruh pada aplikasinya dalam fiqh kontemporer.

“Middle East in all its complexity, has always been an area of ​​concern to humanity from time to time. So much history is engraved in this area, began its cultural golden stretches in the valley of the Nile, Euphrates and Tigris, until the major political forces of Iran with the birth of Islam were able to change the form of government of the Islamic Republic, until the blood battle in a variety of domestic political interests, regional and international level in various conflict situations; Arab-Israeli war, the US-invasion of Iraq until the political revolution "Arab Spring" in some Arab countries. Not only that, The Middle East is also a spiritual direction with the birth of the great religions of the world, whose influence was felt hundreds of millions of human beings until today. But ironically, The strategic location of the region with all the wonders that should make this a more stable, but otherwise This area is known as "Hot area" with conflicts of interest. From this condition, I am interested to analyze why the frequent conflicts in the Middle East and the factors that cause these conflicts.”

Many scholars have attempted to tackle the question of why democracy has seemingly failed to take root in the Islamic milieu, in general, and the pre dominantlyArab Middle East, in particular, while the rest of the world has witnessed the fall of"pax-authoritaria" especially in the wake of the demercratic revolution triggered by the failure of communism. Some view this resistance to the Third Wave, as being rooted in the Islamic cultural dynamics of the region, whereas others will ascribe it to the level of political development (or the lack thereof). An anthology of essays, Challenges to Democracy in the Middle East furnishes the reader with five historical casestudies that seek to explain the arrested socio politico-economic development of Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, Iran, and Turkey, and the resulting undemercratic political culture that domjnates the overall political landscape of the Middle East. The first composition in this omnibus is "The Crisis of Democracy in Twentieth Century Syria and Lebanon," authored by Bill Harris, senior lecturer of political studies at the University of Otago in Dunedin, New Zealand. Haris compares and contrasts the political development of Syria and Lebanon during the French mandate period and under the various regimes since then. He examines how the two competing forms of national­ism, i.e., Lebanonism and Arabism, along with sectarianism, are the main factors that have contributed to the consolidation of one-party rule in Syria, and the I 6-year internecine conflict in Lebanon. After a brief overview of the early history of both countries, the author spends a great deal oftime dis­cussing the relatively more recent political developments: Syria from 1970 onwards, and Lebanon from I 975 to the I 990s. Harris expresses deep pes­simism regarding the future of democratic politics in both countries, which in his opinion is largely due to the deep sectarian cleavages in both states. The next treatise is "Re-inventing Nationalism in B􀀥thi Iraq 1968- 1994: SupraTerritorial Identities and What Lies Below," by Amatzia Baram, professor of Middle East History at the University of Haifa. Baram surveys the Ba·th's second stint in power (1968-present) in lraq. Baram's opinion is that a shift has occurred in B􀀥thist ideology from an integrative Pan-Arab program to an Iraqi-centered Arab nationalism. She attributes this to Saddam's romance with the past, on the one hand, which is the reason for the incorporation of themes from both the ancient Mesopotamian civiliza­tion and the medieval Abbasid caliphal era, and, on the other hand, to Islam and tribalism, that inform the pragmatic concerns of the Ba'thist ideological configuration ...

More than three decades of hostile relations between Iran and the West have meant that images about Iran and Iranian women circulate in a charged political environment. In this geopolitical context, Iranian women filmmakers have often found receptive audiences abroad who turn to documentaries as sites to reveal the truths of contemporary Iran. The enthusiasm for these works, however, also exerts pressures on filmmakers to adhere to familiar narratives about Iran and Iranian women or risk losing their audiences. Focusing on Nahid Sarvestani's Prostitution behind the Veil (2004) and Mahvash Sheikholeslami's Where Do I Belong? (2007), this article examines two tendencies in recent Iranian documentary. The former film exemplifies the prevalent trend of repeating troubling but familiar tropes about Islam and Muslim women, while the latter is an example of attempts to provide a more nuanced picture of Iran's social and political problems. Placing these films in the broader context of the history of nonfiction films in Iran, the article also draws from both feminist scholarship on representations of the Muslim world and longstanding debates within documentary studies to show the high stakes of producing films about Iran and to suggest that documentary works by and about Iranian women should be more rigorously interrogated for their ethical and political implications.