Artigos de revistas sobre o tema "Romantic brotherhood"

The paper highlights the personal profile of the Cyril and Methodius Brotherhood member M. Hulak. The main focus is on studying his contribution to the development of Ukrainian romanticism. The tools of the theory of literary life allowed finding the optimal theoretical approach for systematization and comprehension of the available research materials. The biographical and cultural-aesthetic context plays an important role, emphasizing a number of essential aspects of the activity undertaken by the Cyril and Methodius Brotherhood. The research material also includes facts concerning education, social skills, and life principles that M. Hulak acquired in his university days. In the work, the study of Hulak’s education and national-cultural identity agrees with the understanding of his romantic interests, in particular his special interest in folk customary law and the peculiarities of the national character. The paper aims to determine the main circle of Hulak’s Kyiv acquaintances, characterizes his important organizational, educational, and scholarly initiatives, clarifies the psychological motives of these actions. As far as it is possible, based on some facts and indirect evidence, the literary intentions of M. Hulak, not fully realized due to the arrests of the members of the Cyril and Methodius Brotherhood in 1847, have been analyzed. The cultural ideas adopted during his studies at the university, combined with romantic self-awareness, significantly determined the features of aesthetically marked behavior. The manifestations of romantic irony and grotesque were the key features of M. Hulak’s personal positioning in his communication with the investigators.

Charles Baudelaire (1821-1867) has been hailed by followers in many countries as a forerunner of symbolism, if not as the father of modern poetry tout court. In Russia, Andrei Belyi celebrated him together with Nietzsche in 1909 as a "Patriarkh Simvolizma"; and Valerii Briusov wrote in the same year: "Is it possible to question the importance of Baudelaire's Fleurs du mal for the formation of the whole worldview of modernity?" Ellis (L.L. Kobylinskii), the most zealous of all Russian symbolist "Baudelaireans," even tried to convince the menshevik social democrat, N. Valentinov, that Baudelaire was "the greatest revolutionary of the nineteenth century, in comparison with whom all Marxes, Engelses, Bakunins, and the rest of the brotherhood which they created, are simply nothing."

This research examines the influence of Romantic poet John Keats on the Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood, a Victorian artistic and literary movement. The aim of this paper is to prove how Keats became, moreover, a major connecting link between Romanticism and the Victorian era, thus enabling the continued existence of certain Romantic aesthetic features until the beginning of the twentieth century. In that sense, we will explore how this influence took shape and we will analyse Pre-Raphaelite works of art which have as source of inspiration some of Keats’s well-known poems (“Isabella; or, The Pot of Basil” and “The Eve of St. Agnes”). This examination will allow us to perceive the manner in which these artists devised their pictorial style based on Keatsian pictorialism in poetry, with a special emphasis on the significance of medievalism, and the beauty and sensuousness of his verses, and how they were transferred into their canvases.

The research is dedicated to the development of Slavic idea in the Ukrainian romantic circles of adherents, namely in the secret circle, called Brotherhood of Saints Cyril and Methodius, which worked in Kyiv during 1846–1847 years. That comradeship represented its own original understanding of Slavic problematic. After it was eliminated by the regime of Russian Imperia all Slavophil movements were stopped and theirs participants were persecuted and arrested. That’s why the author of the article treats the 1847 year as a year of arresting Kyiv’s conspirators and as a time of change in the development of Slavic ideology.

The research is dedicated to the development of Slavic idea in the Ukrainian romantic circles of adherents, namely in the secret circle, called Brotherhood of Saints Cyril and Methodius, which existed in Kyiv during 1846–1847 years. That comradeship represented its own original understanding of Slavic problems. After it was eliminated by the regime of the Russian Empire, all Slavophil movements were stopped and theirs participants were persecuted and arrested. That is why the author of the article treats 1847 as a year of arresting Kyiv’s conspirators and as a time of change in the development of Slavic ideology.

AbstractWhen Sergei Prokofiev chose to adaptWar and Peacefor the Soviet opera stage in the 1940s, he faced both operatic conventions and Soviet ideological demands that ran counter to the philosophy and structure of Tolstoy’s sprawling masterpiece. Prokofiev’s early decision to split his opera intoPeaceandWar, making the first a romantic love story of individuals and the second a collective story of the people’s love for Mother Russia, marked a major divergence from Tolstoy. This article explores how Prokofiev reworked Tolstoy’s philosophy of love and human connection to make his opera acceptable for the Soviet stage. Moving away from Tolstoy’s family ideal inPeace, with its basis on intimate sibling bonds, Prokofiev shifted the family toWar, turning it into a national Russian family of Father Kutuzov, Mother Russia and their children – the Russian people. The opera uses choral glorification of these heroic parents to foster on a national scale the type of intimacy Tolstoy had advocated in the home.

The article fits into the trend of contemporary humanities research called «memory studies». It was pointed out that the study of forms of artistic memory in literature provides answers to fundamental questions regarding individual and collective (national, ethnic, cultural) identity. The text attempts to describe the strategy of preserving the memory of the common hero of the Polish and Ukrainian nations – the Cossack – a key figure in the works of Polish and Ukrainian Romantics. To achieve this goal, the concept of mnemotopoi was used, because there is no doubt that the Cossack – realizing the ancient and later topoi of a young man, a knight – becomes a figure constantly recurring in the memory of subsequent generations. Topoi somehow encodes common places in collective memory, in cultural memory, creating mnemotopoi. The image of the Cossack in the works of Polish and Ukrainian romantics was created at the intersection of the traditional vision presented in Ukrainian oral folk art and sentimental tradition, on the one hand, and new romantic tendencies, on the other. The «building of memory» about the Ukrainian Cossack in Ukrainian culture is built primarily by folk songs – dumas, historical songs, love songs. Folk songs served as the basis for the works of many romantics: Józef Bohdan Zaleski, Tymek Padura, Aleksander Groza, Levko Borovykovski, Amvrosiy Metlynski and others. Such features of the Cossack community as: love of freedom, readiness to gamble and sacrifice for the faith, comrades and native land, appearing in early romantic poetry, are taken over from Ukrainian folk songs. In general, the mnemotopoi of the Ukrainian Cossack in Polish and Ukrainian romantic poetry builds the basic models of Cossack behavior, including striving for group integration, mutual help, fierceness in the fight against the enemy, as well as such characteristics as bravery, cunning, and physical strength. This is the figure of the Ukrainian Cossack that Levko Borovykovski, a pioneer of Ukrainian romanticism, tries to remember. At the same time, romantic motifs intensify in his poems: idealization and ideologization of the historical past, concentration of those principles of folk creativity that corresponded to romantic poetics and the romantic concept of personality: immersion in one’s own inner world, avoidance of the external world, spontaneity of actions, tragic perception of the world, premonition of death, rejection of earthly goods, denial of the prose of life. In the poetry of the Ukrainian Romanticist Amvrosiy Metlynski, the Cossack changes his role and becomes, above all, a defender of the people. He is remembered as a hero of times gone by, someone who no longer exists in the times of the Romantics and sleeps in his grave. The life of the nation contemporary to the poet is a time of sadness and mourning, degradation of the nation’s spirit, decline and oblivion, while the Cossack times are a period of greatness, dignity, bravery and freedom. The lasting memory of Cossack is shaped by the poetry of Taras Shevchenko. In the mnemotopoi created by an outstanding romantic, he is a representative of the Ukrainian nation, accumulating its best features, being its defender, a brave knight and a hero. Kozak’s romantic mnemotopoi has the same variant in Shevchenko’s poetry as Haidamak’s. And if in Polish romantic poetry we see these two characters strongly differentiated, for Shevchenko Haidamaka is as much a defender of the freedom of the oppressed people as the Cossack. In Polish literature, Józef Bohdan Zaleski began to shape the early version of the romantic mnemotopoi of the Cossack. Inscribed in sentimental poetics as faithful friends and allies of Poles, they will remain in memory as knights fighting for a common homeland and the Christian faith. No matter how important the specific features of the Cossacks may seem, what stands out in the foreground in Tymek Padura’s work is the brotherhood or even unity of this people with the Poles. The Padura Cossack is primarily an inhabitant of the areas located on the outskirts of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Padura found deep historical justification for the unity of Cossacks and Poles – he argued that both nations originated from one stem. Kozak’s mnemotopoi in Polish romantic literature is multi-layered. He also reveals his other side – the enemy Cossack, the murderer, the «rizun». Goszczyński’s «Zamek Kaniowski» also commemorates the type of Cossack – a romantic hero – a lonely and haughty Cossack Nebaba, with a torn consciousness, tainted by the stigma of crime, but this piece probably contributed most to perpetuating in memory the image of Haidamaka – cruel, fierce in the desire for revenge, spontaneous and cunning. The most important figures of Słowacki’s Cossacks break the coherence of the memory of a strong, brave, cunning, and fierce Cossack in the fight against the enemy. In Słowacki’s works, for example in «Żmia», he is a hero with two faces, axiologically very ambiguous. In «Sen srebrny Salomei» Słowacki contributed to remembering Ukraine as brutal, barbaric and apocalyptic. Axiologically, the image of Semenka, which builds the mnemotopoi of the Ukrainian Cossack, is described by the poet as insidious, treacherous, terrible and bestial. The memory of the Cossack – a hero common to the Polish and Ukrainian nations – is different among Polish and Ukrainian romantics: although they share the features of a typical romantic, Byronic hero, for Ukrainian romantics he is primarily a fighter for his own freedom and the freedom of the Ukrainian people, a defender of the people’s rights, an avenger. human wrongs. For Polish romantics, on the one hand, he is a friend and ally, living in symbiotic unity with Poles, and on the other hand, he is a cruel, murderer, dividing the world into «own» and «alien» and destroying everything that is foreign, while defending the values of «own» world. At the same time, they are often located on the border of worlds, using extraterrestrial, demonic forces, represented in the form of the Cossack-kharacternik.

In a society where expectations often influence people more than they are aware of, we find a humorous take on society’s expectations of men and how they express affection toward one another. NigaHiga’s Word of the Day: Bromance video and Bromance music video poke fun at the idea of bromance and, along the way, provide us with an opportunity to look deeper into this male-to-male relationship. Bromance is a combination of the word brother and romance. It is a term created to capture the essence of a male bond so strong and intimate, it assaults the border between brotherhood and romantic, homosexual relationships. The term coined for relationships between those of the same gender such as this is Homosocial. This paper then looks at bromance as a homosocial relationship and discusses men’s struggle to perform according to hegemonic masculinity and express affection at the same time—as exhibited by Nigahiga’s videos, now an Internet sensation.

The reception of relations between the Orthodox and Catholic Churches by the Ukrainian national consciousness was largely formed by a romantic myth. It appeared in the works by Taras Shevchenko, in the documents of the the Brotherhood of Saints Cyril and Methodius. According to this myth, the Church Union of Brest (1596) was the result of the colonial policy of the Polish government and the intrigues of the Jesuit priests. In fact, the influence of the royal administration on the religious life of the inhabitants of the Polish-Lithuanian state was extremely limited. „Henrician Articles” of 1573 forced the king to adhere to religious tolerance and to recognize the nobility’s right to free choice of religion. The Roman Catholic clergy, for the most part, did not want to grant Christians the Eastern rite of parity. The Society of Jesus, which formed a separate province in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1574, was guided not by political but by religious motives. Benedict Herbest (1531–1598) already in his work „Wypisanie drogi” („The Desribing of The Way”, 1566) discusses the prospect of restoring unity with the Orthodox Ruthenians. In the book „Wiary Kościołu Rzymskiego wywody” („The Arguments of the Roman Church’ Belief”) he explains Ruthenia’s departure from unity with Rome by lack of education and low religious consciousness. Piotr Skarga (1536–1612) wrote the book „O jedności Kościoła Bożego” („About the God’s Church’s Unity”, 1577), when he had not great authority in the Church and when he was little known in society. At the Brest synod in 1596 Skarga was not a participant and organizer, but only an observer and chronicler. Both Herbest and Skarga were only inflammatory polemicists who responded to the challenge of the Reform by calling for the consolidation of the Church in a single organism. The romantic myth is refuted by a closer acquaintance with their works and life experience.

Almost everyone is familiar with Beethoven’s Fifth Symphony and the famous four note motif that represents fate knocking at the door. His Third Symphony, or “The Heroic Symphony” that was originally written for Napoleon Bonaparte, enjoyed great success and helped shape the future of classical music. However, Beethoven’s Ninth Symphony which contains the well-known tune “Ode to Joy” most drastically impacted classical music’s future. Beethoven was a master at taking simple ideas and combining them with past musical traditions to create something extravagant and new. This is most evident in his Ninth Symphony. In this work, Beethoven did something that was never done before when he added vocal soloists and a choir into the last movement. This symphony was based on the poem by Friedrich Schiller that emphasized universal brotherhood and unity. To express this, Beethoven added the choir and solo voices, consequently impacting the music of future composers. Beethoven’s Ninth Symphony conclusively bridged the gap between classical and romantic music and set the standard for future composers through his use of the choral finale combined with past musical traditions.

The purpose of the study was to analyze Da’wah Tarbiyah of the Indonesian Muslim Students Islamic Union (KAMMI) from the perspective of political communication and public opinion. The methodology used is qualitative with a literature study approach. Data was collected from various journals, books, and research results published online. Data analysis techniques use flowing techniques (data reduction, data display, and drawing research conclusions). The nature of data analysis carried out in the study is descriptive-analytical by making descriptions and analyzing all library data that has been obtained. This study concludes that the Da’wah Tarbiyah of KAMMI has a romantic relationship with Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) and the Muslim Brotherhood. The typology of the Da’wah Tarbiyah is conservative, accommodating, and reformist, carrying out the vision of uniting the state with Islam. KAMMI built Da’wah Tarbiyah by conducting political communication with the PKS as the house of the movement. This organization makes public opinion so that the Muslim community accepts Da’wah Tarbiyah. This extra-campus organization fights political communication and public opinion by integrating da’wah and politics so that Islam can become a formal ideology in building the country.

Romanticism is one of the most precious and culturally developing times throughout history, and John Keats was a representative figure in the romanticism movement. This study is aimed at the historical background of romanticism and the influences of John Keats. After close reading and research, the cause of romanticism is found: in the long term, the theory of enlightenment influenced people and led them to pursue freedom and human rights; in a short time, French Revolution, which happened in 1789, turned to be a failure, which causes people to search for a spiritual world to express their intense emotions. Because of the background, romanticism has unique features which convey intense feelings and connections with nature; usually, many literary devices are applied to make it exquisite. Also, in terms of form, blank verse poems became more diverse. His writing characteristics were well expressed by studying and analyzing John Keats' work, specifically Bright Star and the ode to the Nightingale. He used a lot of mythological metaphors and personification in his poem, which gives it a feeling of a fairytale. Because his poems illustrated the main ideas of romanticism, a lot of poetry and writers were influenced by him. In addition, his influence has expanded to the artistic field. The Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood considered him a spiritual leader, composing many works based on Keats's poems. Therefore, John Keats contributed uniquely to developing romantic literature and art.

Despite the fact that Dr. Rizvi has published nine massive books of poetry, he has remained outstanding in each collection of his poetry, which is flavoured with lyrical and romanticism while being grounded in classical rigour. It has elevated him to the pinnacle of modern Indian English poetry. It is undeniable that Dr. Iftikhar Hussain Rizvi is a prolific writer. He has earned a lofty standing in the kingdom of modern English poetry. His handwriting touches practically every aspect of existence. While his poetry is filled with romantic fantasies, he never fails to leave a message of reformation. The best poets are bottomless wells of deep sentiments. They are extraordinarily sensitive folks who loved and loathed, experienced travails of time and relished the fullness of existence. As a thirsty field requires plentiful torrents of rain, so do our shriveled souls dried with dull and carking anxieties require the invigorating and nourishing effect of the powerful hearts of the poets. Only poetry has the power to revitalize every aspect of man. Poetry, as a stimulating force, broadens our spiritual horizons and allows us to experience ourselves. A poet is not simply an observer, but also someone who wishes to change the fabric of society. Whatever he sees, experiences, and endures, he puts into words. It is certain that I.H. Rizvi's poetry communicates mankind's teachings, as well as a sense of awakening and sympathy for our fellow creatures, and instills the notion of global brotherhood among people. As a result, we can claim that Rizvi is a well-known and extensively published poet. He is a poet who sings lyrics of optimism and of human concern, love, subjectivism, and emotionality.

Queer Desires: Fan Fiction about Vampires and Slayers In this article we analyze a selection of fan fiction stories in which fans engage in an intertextual dialogue with a source text. As an Internet-published literary form, fan fiction (or fanfic) is fairly new and the relatively democratic means of publication have meant a dramatically increased production. However, the intertextual dialogue with the source text reveals connections between fanfic and previous forms of rewritings. It is therefore rather in terms of content that fan fiction can be said to represent new strategies when negotiating the source material. The six fanfics chosen for the analyses are of the slash and femslash varieties in which samesex couples who are not romantically or sexually linked in the source text are paired. The fanfics take as their starting points Joss Whedon’s tv-series Buffy the Vampire Slayer and J. R. Ward’s romantic novels in the Black Dagger Brotherhood series. Authors of femslash pair the two Slayers Buffy and Faith and authors of slash engage the characters Vishous and Butch in a homoerotic relationship. Aside from analyzing examples of the fanfic form, the selection of stories based on source texts centering on vampires means an opportunity to investigate the function of this literary trope. Its attraction for fanfic authors can be said to stem from the figure’s inherent possibilities of representing alternative, queer sexualities. By analyzing narrative strategies and selected themes we argue that the (fem)slash texts illustrate negotiations both with genre and gender conventions of the source texts and a resistance to the heteronormative structures of today’s popular culture.

Jack London's «Northern Stories» is the conventional name of the early writer's works, with which he entered the world literature. The collection is composed of a system of motifs related to the theme of «gold rush». The theme of «gold rush» raises serious problems for barbaric looting of nature to satisfy greed. Jack London reproduced beautiful pictures of nature and at the same time the terrible consequences of human activity in Alaska. The testing theme was the central theme in Jack London’s «Northern Stories». The writer consistently reproduced situations in which a person, remaining alone with danger, was given the opportunity to test their own forces in a difficult struggle against circumstances threatening its existence. Reproducing the realities of everyday life of goldsmiths, Jack London, of course, could not escape the naturalistic detail. But the writer’s proposed interpretation of man strongly opposed the leading concepts of naturalists. In particular, he freed characters from biological dependence: even under the worst circumstances, the heroes of the «Northern Stories» are not helpless – they overcome physical deterioration due to solid positions and moral stability. Characters that Jack London frankly sympathizes with embody the romantic ideal of the author: they are strong personalities who adhere to the laws of brotherhood and justice. One of the main features that permeates all Jack London’s writings about the North is the adventure motif, it unites people of different professions and nationalities, includes the danger, uncertainty and romanticism. Jack London wrote his «Northern Stories» based on his practical experience, in which the cruelty of «white silence», on the one hand, and the romance of the struggle for life, on the other hand, and, moreover, the preservation of the moral person’s face and kindness in situations where could stand only a person who has a strong spirit.

Evhen Hrebinka’s oeuvre, particularly his Russian-language works and the poem “Bohdan” (1843), have not been studied well. The theme of this historical poem is Bohdan Khmelnytskyi’s decision to get political protection from the Tsardom of Muscovy. (Anti-)colonial moods of art implementation of this theme can be rethought with the help of a postcolonial approach. It is important to recognize the influence of psychical and mental backgrounds in the author’s consciousness and literary aesthetics onto the juxtaposition of anti-colonial and colonial art thinking in the 19th century Ukrainian literature in general, and Hrebinka’s works in particular. Purpose of the article. The article seeks to study (anti-)colonial poetics in Evhen Hrebinka’s poem “Bohdan” through the view of the author’s consciousness as well as through Romanticism art and aesthetical paradigm in intertextual relations with Ukrainian romantic historical literature. The article employs techniques of postcolonial deconstruction (the methodology is based on Russian imperialism studies by E. Tompson, M. Shkandrii, O. Yurchuk grounded in the West postcolonialism theory), intertextological and other literary analysis methods. Evhen Hrebinka’s poem “Bohdan” as well as his other Russian-language works have not been appropriately read because of its ideological points. In the view of postcolonialism, the balancing between imperial and Ukrainophilical narratives is the symptom of deformation of mental (art) consciousness under cultural and political imperial pressing, which is shown in the oeuvre of Hrebinka and his contemporaries. On the one hand, the appreciation of the past in the works of Ukrainian writers, particularly Hrebinka, was shaped by Russian historiographical doctrine which negotiated the state-creating capacity of Cossack Hetmanate leaders and spread fakes about “one-blood nations”, “happy life under the reign of Tsar of Muscovy”, and on the other hand, their reception of the Cossack history was steered by romantic anti-colonial resentment. This ambiguity determines the poetics of the poem “Bohdan” by Evhen Hrebinka. In the poem, on the discursive level of writing both pro-imperial and pro-national creative intentions are evident. Their counterposition is most prominent in the collision of the historical (Chapters 1-9) and mythopoetic (the Prologue) plans of the poem. In the historical plot (Chapters 1-9), the neocolonial idea of agreement with Moscow`s imperial authority to protect the Ukrainian lands from numerous enemies is dissonant with the anti-colonial narrative of the oppressed nation, in the Prologue. The discursive “non-alignment” of these plans is reflected in the compositionally unjustified retardation of the prologue (the scene of the mermaids` game), in the multiplicity of characters/images embodying sense of national resentment – the girl, Nalyvayko, Pavlyuk, Ostryanitsa, the oak tree, the Voice from under the stone, and the Spirit of Midnight. In the Prologue of Hrebinka’s poem “Bohdan”, the pathos of anti-colonial resentment prevails while it is re-extrapolated from Muscovy to Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth for the sake of compromise. In this part of the poem, mythological features of poetics are determined by a mental unconscious desire for vengeance cultivated by Ukrainian (Pre)romanticism. The Prologue can be seen as a separate mini-poem about anti-colonial resentment, while in the main part of the poem, the search for a compromise between the national and imperial perspectives is pursued. In the main part of the poem, the elements of colonial poetics are present: 1) in the speeches of hetman Khmelnitskyi, who is ready to surrender his regalia to the Moscow tsar, 2) in the narrative emphasis on the cultural and religious closeness of Ukrainians and Muscovites, and 3) in the readiness of the community to submit to the (potential) imperial center as well as 4) in the ideological assertion of Moscow’s historically determined rule over Ukraine as a blessing for it. However, the final scene of the people`s decision to submit to the Moscow tsar can be interpreted both as a definitive victory of the pro-imperial colonial worldview and as a reproach to Moscow for the betrayed “brotherhood”, which is voiced by the author from a distance of time, similar to the corresponding scenes in Cossack chronicles and the literary works of Ukrainian Romanticism. In the historical plot of the poem, it has been recognized the fluctuation between anticolonial resentment redirected on the Ukrainian-Polish fighting and actualized as the reason for the rebellion led by Khmelnytskyi, and glorification of the Tsardom of Muscovy as the only ally and defender (in consonant with imperial doctrine and the XVIII century Ukrainian Chronicles based on it). The postcolonial deconstruction of the poem “Bogdan” by E. Hrebinka highlights the problem of balancing the artistic consciousness of the Romantic era between anti-colonial and colonial poetic coordinates. The intertextual juxtaposition of the poem with significant works of the time it was written as well as texts relevant to its author, demonstrates the typicality of the situation of ideological “duality” and reveals the extensive influence of imperial narratives and colonial stagnation on the Ukrainian literary process of that epoch. In Evhen Hrebinka’s poem “Bohdan”, the balancing between anti-colonial and colonial poetic strategies is driven by the authors’ (split) consciousness, the influences of romanticism cultural paradigm and Russian imperial doctrine as well. These multi-directional influences on writing are being deconstructed in the view of postcolonial studies. This approach can be helpful in understanding the threat of imperial propaganda framework in national cultural and literary process in the past. It is promising to further apply postcolonial methodology to texts from both the 18th and 19th centuries in order to gain a deeper knowledge of the specificity of the evolution of national self-consciousness and its reflection in literature.

This article examines the forms of spiritual consolidation and the real number of literary associations of Ukrainian romantics. The peculiarities of the manifestation plan of each school of romanticism in Ukraine are emphasized, the leading personalities of each school are named. Attention is focused on ordering the sequence of expression of slogans and ideas and their importance for the preservation of national values in difficult times for the ethnic group. It has been emphasized that Hryhoriy Skovoroda’s cordocentrism saved the nation from assimilation during the destruction of Zaporozhian Sich, as well as during the persecution of the Cyril-Methodius brotherhood. The “heart” in Ukrainian romanticism became a symbol of piety, a key to true art, a symbol of eternal love, political independence of a Ukrainian, and even a guarantee of family well-being. All literary schools of Ukrainian romanticism develop the symbolism of the “heart” and aesthetic cordocentrism, creating a specific typological sign of the unity of the entire artistic field of Ukrainian romanticism. The number of groups in the era of romanticism in Ukraine was greater than in various national apartments of Western romanticism, due to the acute need for self-preservation and resistance to genocide and ethnocide at that time.

In August 2013, the Egyptian military, which deposed the elected president Mohammed Mursi a month earlier, harshly cracked down on the protestors. The protestors, led by the Muslim Brotherhood, aimed to restore the Mursi government through their sit-ins. The military crackdown left hundreds, if not thousands, died and several thousand arrests behind. While scholars are trying to account for what is happening in Egypt and states are searching for relevant policies to respond to these developments, only a few books can offer as nuanced insights as John Calvert’s Sayyid Qutb and the Origins of Radical Islamism offers. Based on diligent research, Calvert writes on the life and thinking of one of the most influential Islamist thinkers, Sayyid Qutb, with a special attention to the social, cultural, economic and political context within which Qutb lived. Throughout the book, Calvert sophisticatedly shows the interaction between the formation of Qutb’s thoughts and the Egyptian socio-political context. This academically rigorous but still accessible study shows the transformation of a literary critic to a romantic nationalist, to a mainstream Islamist, and to a religious revolutionary as social, cultural and political turbulences unfolded in Egypt over the years.

The world wars definitively changed the relations with the state of the peoples of India’s northeastern frontier. The wars were both fought on their terrain (with the invasion of the Japanese army) and led to the recruitment of people from the region to serve in the British Army. The contemporary Anglophone Indian novel documents the lingering effects of this militarization in the many insurgencies that have fragmented the region in the postcolonial era. Kiran Desai’s The Inheritance of Loss (2006) depicts the Gorkhaland uprising of the 1980s in the Kalimpong district of West Bengal, which demanded a separate state, while Easterine Kire’s Bitter Wormwood (2011) describes the Naga peoples’ traditional way of life against the backdrop of attempts to declare independence from the Indian state. In this article I argue that these novels capture how these secessionist movements use the experience of the world wars to craft a political identity based on military brotherhood to claim independence from the Indian state. These movements thus undertake a complex reworking of the valences of the figure of the “soldier”, central to so many accounts of national integrity. At the same time, reproducing the nationalist logic of the Indian state, these novels more readily recognize an “indigenous” identity based on a claim to the land as the political basis of nationhood. Hence, these novels about secessionist struggles reveal how certain narratives of nation formation become the only legitimate means for making claims for political rights and independent statehood over the course of the twentieth century.

Homophobia poses an obstacle to close and intimate relations between men. The mythical narrative about the brotherhood of men can unfold only in the battlefield or other extreme conditions, and even then this forced material bond is targeted with homosexual allusions. The end of masculine and romantic friendship is part of the contemporary history. Michel Foucault links the end of close relations between men with the intensification of the discourse on sexuality, including the emergence of a contemporary narrative about homosexuality as a separate identity category and not only as one of many ways of realising one’s erotic desires. Two males or two females, who either have different bodily expressions or construct their desires, fantasies and their daily praxis in relation to a person of the same sex, which is not a rare thing, were targeted as an alien species. Homosexuality has become a determinant in the Western culture. It has been looked at as a determinant of a pitiful origin and the group which it describes has been considered morally flawed and also (which is important in the androcentric context of the Western culture) lacking in masculinity (when referring to gay men). Discrimination against those whose homosexuality has been proved or those who seem very likely to be homosexual (when one utilizes all the exhausted stereotypes about the effeminacy of „sodomites”) is not only about stigmatizing and punishing sexual dissidents, but also about taking any suspicions of homosexuality away from the perpetrators of discrimination. Such a cleansing technique is deemed a necessary survival tactic because of the low status homosexuality is granted in our culture. It is enacted through the construction of physical and symbolic distance between men or such a “management” of closeness which would make it obvious to the outside observer that the men are heterosexual. This determines the male-to-male non-erotic and non-sexual relations. In one of the interviews Foucault claimed that the disappearance of friendship as a social institution and the setting of homosexuality as a social/ political/ medical problem are strictly related. The emergence of new definitions and conceptions of human sexuality resulted in a gradual reconfiguration of the categories of „male, romantic friendship”, which involved greater separation between male bodies (back in times a man-to-man kiss was not considered at once a sign of sexual infatuation) and also the reframing of the foundations and conditions of „male friendship” to avoid any suspicions of homosexuality. In the article the author discusses the social frames of the contemporary discourse on male-to-male relations/ meetings in space (of different kinds – casual, everyday; colleague-to-colleague; friend-to-friend), placing an emphasis on those in which one of the subjects is a homosexual male. The author supports his conclusions and commentaries with excerpts from the interviews with gays that he conducted when he was working on his PhD thesis.

IntroductionIn the wine world, authenticity is not just desired, it is actively required. That demand comes from a complex of producers, distributors and consumers, and other interested parties. Consequently, the authenticity of wine is constantly created, reworked, presented, performed, argued over, contested and appreciated.At one level, such processes have clear economic elements. A wine deemed to be an authentic “expression” of something—the soil and micro-climate in which it was grown, the environment and culture of the region from which it hails, the genius of the wine-maker who nurtured and brought it into being, the quintessential characteristics of the grape variety it is made from—will likely make much more money than one deemed inauthentic. In wine, as in other spheres, perceived authenticity is a means to garner profits, both economic and symbolic (Beverland).At another level, wine animates a complicated intertwining of human tastes, aesthetics, pleasures and identities. Discussions as to the authenticity, or otherwise, of a wine often involve a search by the discussants for meaning and purpose in their lives (Grahm). To discover and appreciate a wine felt to “speak” profoundly of the place from whence it came possibly involves a sense of superiority over others: I drink “real” wine, while you drink mass-market trash (Bourdieu). It can also create reassuring senses of ontological security: in discovering an authentic wine, expressive of a certain aesthetic and locational purity (Zolberg and Cherbo), I have found a cherishable object which can be reliably traced to one particular place on Earth, therefore possessing integrity, honesty and virtue (Fine). Appreciation of wine’s authenticity licenses the self-perception that I am sophisticated and sensitive (Vannini and Williams). My judgement of the wine is also a judgement upon my own aesthetic capacities (Hennion).In wine drinking, and the production, distribution and marketing processes underpinning it, much is at stake as regards authenticity. The social system of the wine world requires the category of authenticity in order to keep operating. This paper examines how and why this has come to be so. It considers the crafting of authenticity in long-term historical perspective. Demand for authentic wine by drinkers goes back many centuries. Self-conscious performances of authenticity by producers is of more recent provenance, and was elaborated above all in France. French innovations then spread to other parts of Europe and the world. The paper reviews these developments, showing that wine authenticity is constituted by an elaborate complex of environmental, cultural, legal, political and commercial factors. The paper both draws upon the social science literature concerning the construction of authenticity and also points out its limitations as regards understanding wine authenticity.The History of AuthenticityIt is conventional in the social science literature (Peterson, Authenticity) to claim that authenticity as a folk category (Lu and Fine), and actors’ desires for authentic things, are wholly “modern,” being unknown in pre-modern contexts (Cohen). Consideration of wine shows that such a view is historically uninformed. Demands by consumers for ‘authentic’ wine, in the sense that it really came from the location it was sold as being from, can be found in the West well before the 19th century, having ancient roots (Wengrow). In ancient Rome, there was demand by elites for wine that was both really from the location it was billed as being from, and was verifiably of a certain vintage (Robertson and Inglis). More recently, demand has existed in Western Europe for “real” Tokaji (sweet wine from Hungary), Port and Bordeaux wines since at least the 17th century (Marks).Conventional social science (Peterson, Authenticity) is on solider ground when demonstrating how a great deal of social energies goes into constructing people’s perceptions—not just of consumers, but of wine producers and sellers too—that particular wines are somehow authentic expressions of the places where they were made. The creation of perceived authenticity by producers and sales-people has a long historical pedigree, beginning in early modernity.For example, in the 17th and 18th centuries, wine-makers in Bordeaux could not compete on price grounds with burgeoning Spanish, Portuguese and Italian production areas, so they began to compete with them on the grounds of perceived quality. Multiple small plots were reorganised into much bigger vineyards. The latter were now associated with a chateau in the neighbourhood, giving the wines connotations of aristocratic gravity and dignity (Ulin). Product-makers in other fields have used the assertion of long-standing family lineages as apparent guarantors of tradition and quality in production (Peterson, Authenticity). The early modern Bordelaise did the same, augmenting their wines’ value by calling upon aristocratic accoutrements like chateaux, coats-of-arms, alleged long-term family ownership of vineyards, and suchlike.Such early modern entrepreneurial efforts remain the foundations of the very high prestige and prices associated with elite wine-making in the region today, with Chinese companies and consumers particularly keen on the grand crus of the region. Globalization of the wine world today is strongly rooted in forms of authenticity performance invented several hundred years ago.Enter the StateAnother notable issue is the long-term role that governments and legislation have played, both in the construction and presentation of authenticity to publics, and in attempts to guarantee—through regulative measures and taxation systems—that what is sold really has come from where it purports to be from. The west European State has a long history of being concerned with the fraudulent selling of “fake” wines (Anderson, Norman, and Wittwer). Thus Cosimo III, Medici Grand Duke of Florence, was responsible for an edict of 1716 which drew up legal boundaries for Tuscan wine-producing regions, restricting the use of regional names like Chianti to wine that actually came from there (Duguid).These 18th century Tuscan regulations are the distant ancestors of quality-control rules centred upon the need to guarantee the authenticity of wines from particular geographical regions and sub-regions, which are today now ubiquitous, especially in the European Union (DeSoucey). But more direct progenitors of today’s Geographical Indicators (GIs)—enforced by the GATT international treaties—and Protected Designations of Origin (PDOs)—promulgated and monitored by the EU—are French in origin (Barham). The famous 1855 quality-level classification of Bordeaux vineyards and their wines was the first attempt in the world explicitly to proclaim that the quality of a wine was a direct consequence of its defined place of origin. This move significantly helped to create the later highly influential notion that place of origin is the essence of a wine’s authenticity. This innovation was initially wholly commercial, rather than governmental, being carried out by wine-brokers to promote Bordeaux wines at the Paris Exposition Universelle, but was later elaborated by State officials.In Champagne, another luxury wine-producing area, small-scale growers of grapes worried that national and international perceptions of their wine were becoming wholly determined by big brands such as Dom Perignon, which advertised the wine as a luxury product, but made no reference to the grapes, the soil, or the (supposedly) traditional methods of production used by growers (Guy). The latter turned to the idea of “locality,” which implied that the character of the wine was an essential expression of the Champagne region itself—something ignored in brand advertising—and that the soil itself was the marker of locality. The idea of “terroir”—referring to the alleged properties of soil and micro-climate, and their apparent expression in the grapes—was mobilised by one group, smaller growers, against another, the large commercial houses (Guy). The terroir notion was a means of constructing authenticity, and denouncing de-localised, homogenizing inauthenticity, a strategy favouring some types of actors over others. The relatively highly industrialized wine-making process was later represented for public consumption as being consonant with both tradition and nature.The interplay of commerce, government, law, and the presentation of authenticity, also appeared in Burgundy. In that region between WWI and WWII, the wine world was transformed by two new factors: the development of tourism and the rise of an ideology of “regionalism” (Laferté). The latter was invented circa WWI by metropolitan intellectuals who believed that each of the French regions possessed an intrinsic cultural “soul,” particularly expressed through its characteristic forms of food and drink. Previously despised peasant cuisine was reconstructed as culturally worthy and true expression of place. Small-scale artisanal wine production was no longer seen as an embarrassment, producing wines far more “rough” than those of Bordeaux and Champagne. Instead, such production was taken as ground and guarantor of authenticity (Laferté). Location, at regional, village and vineyard level, was taken as the primary quality indicator.For tourists lured to the French regions by the newly-established Guide Michelin, and for influential national and foreign journalists, an array of new promotional devices were created, such as gastronomic festivals and folkloric brotherhoods devoted to celebrations of particular foodstuffs and agricultural events like the wine-harvest (Laferté). The figure of the wine-grower was presented as an exemplary custodian of tradition, relatively free of modern capitalist exchange relations. These are the beginnings of an important facet of later wine companies’ promotional literatures worldwide—the “decoupling” of their supposed commitments to tradition, and their “passion” for wine-making beyond material interests, from everyday contexts of industrial production and profit-motives (Beverland). Yet the work of making the wine-maker and their wines authentically “of the soil” was originally stimulated in response to international wine markets and the tourist industry (Laferté).Against this background, in 1935 the French government enacted legislation which created theInstitut National des Appellations d’Origine (INAO) and its Appelation d’Origine Controlle (AOC) system (Barham). Its goal was, and is, to protect what it defines as terroir, encompassing both natural and human elements. This legislation went well beyond previous laws, as it did more than indicate that wine must be honestly labelled as deriving from a given place of origin, for it included guarantees of authenticity too. An authentic wine was defined as one which truly “expresses” the terroir from which it comes, where terroir means both soil and micro-climate (nature) and wine-making techniques “traditionally” associated with that area. Thus French law came to enshrine a relatively recently invented cultural assumption: that places create distinctive tastes, the value of this state of affairs requiring strong State protection. Terroir must be protected from the untrammelled free market. Land and wine, symbiotically connected, are de-commodified (Kopytoff). Wine is embedded in land; land is embedded in what is regarded as regional culture; the latter is embedded in national history (Polanyi).But in line with the fact that the cultural underpinnings of the INAO/AOC system were strongly commercially oriented, at a more subterranean level the de-commodified product also has economic value added to it. A wine worthy of AOC protection must, it is assumed, be special relative to wines un-deserving of that classification. The wine is taken out of the market, attributed special status, and released, economically enhanced, back onto the market. Consequently, State-guaranteed forms of authenticity embody ambivalent but ultimately efficacious economic processes. Wine pioneered this Janus-faced situation, the AOC system in the 1990s being generalized to all types of agricultural product in France. A huge bureaucratic apparatus underpins and makes possible the AOC system. For a region and product to gain AOC protection, much energy is expended by collectives of producers and other interested parties like regional development and tourism officials. The French State employs a wide range of expert—oenological, anthropological, climatological, etc.—who police the AOC classificatory mechanisms (Barham).Terroirisation ProcessesFrench forms of legal classification, and the broader cultural classifications which underpin them and generated them, very much influenced the EU’s PDO system. The latter uses a language of authenticity rooted in place first developed in France (DeSoucey). The French model has been generalized, both from wine to other foodstuffs, and around many parts of Europe and the world. An Old World idea has spread to the New World—paradoxically so, because it was the perceived threat posed by the ‘placeless’ wines and decontextualized grapes of the New World which stimulated much of the European legislative measures to protect terroir (Marks).Paxson shows how artisanal cheese-makers in the US, appropriate the idea of terroir to represent places of production, and by extension the cheeses made there, that have no prior history of being constructed as terroir areas. Here terroir is invented at the same time as it is naturalised, made to seem as if it simply points to how physical place is directly expressed in a manufactured product. By defining wine or cheese as a natural product, claims to authenticity are themselves naturalised (Ulin). Successful terroirisation brings commercial benefits for those who engage in it, creating brand distinctiveness (no-one else can claim their product expresses that particularlocation), a value-enhancing aura around the product which, and promotion of food tourism (Murray and Overton).Terroirisation can also render producers into virtuous custodians of the land who are opposed to the depredations of the industrial food and agriculture systems, the categories associated with terroir classifying the world through a binary opposition: traditional, small-scale production on the virtuous side, and large-scale, “modern” harvesting methods on the other. Such a situation has prompted large-scale, industrial wine-makers to adopt marketing imagery that implies the “place-based” nature of their offerings, even when the grapes can come from radically different areas within a region or from other regions (Smith Maguire). Like smaller producers, large companies also decouple the advertised imagery of terroir from the mundane realities of industry and profit-margins (Beverland).The global transportability of the terroir concept—ironic, given the rhetorical stress on the uniqueness of place—depends on its flexibility and ambiguity. In the French context before WWII, the phrase referred specifically to soil and micro-climate of vineyards. Slowly it started mean to a markedly wider symbolic complex involving persons and personalities, techniques and knowhow, traditions, community, and expressions of local and regional heritage (Smith Maguire). Over the course of the 20th century, terroir became an ever broader concept “encompassing the physical characteristics of the land (its soil, climate, topography) and its human dimensions (culture, history, technology)” (Overton 753). It is thought to be both natural and cultural, both physical and human, the potentially contradictory ramifications of such understanding necessitating subtle distinctions to ward off confusion or paradox. Thus human intervention on the land and the vines is often represented as simply “letting the grapes speak for themselves” and “allowing the land to express itself,” as if the wine-maker were midwife rather than fabricator. Terroir talk operates with an awkward verbal balancing act: wine-makers’ “signature” styles are expressions of their cultural authenticity (e.g. using what are claimed as ‘traditional’ methods), yet their stylistic capacities do not interfere with the soil and micro-climate’s natural tendencies (i.e. the terroir’sphysical authenticity).The wine-making process is a case par excellence of a network of humans and objects, or human and non-human actants (Latour). The concept of terroir today both acknowledges that fact, but occludes it at the same time. It glosses over the highly problematic nature of what is “real,” “true,” “natural.” The roles of human agents and technologies are sequestered, ignoring the inevitably changing nature of knowledges and technologies over time, recognition of which jeopardises claims about an unchanging physical, social and technical order. Harvesting by machine production is representationally disavowed, yet often pragmatically embraced. The role of “foreign” experts acting as advisors —so-called “flying wine-makers,” often from New World production cultures —has to be treated gingerly or covered up. Because of the effects of climate change on micro-climates and growing conditions, the taste of wines from a particular terroir changes over time, but the terroir imaginary cannot recognise that, being based on projections of timelessness (Brabazon).The authenticity referred to, and constructed, by terroir imagery must constantly be performed to diverse audiences, convincing them that time stands still in the terroir. If consumers are to continue perceiving authenticity in a wine or winery, then a wide range of cultural intermediaries—critics, journalists and other self-proclaiming experts must continue telling convincing stories about provenance. Effective authenticity story-telling rests on the perceived sincerity and knowledgeability of the teller. Such tales stress romantic imagery and colourful, highly personalised accounts of the quirks of particular wine-makers, omitting mundane details of production and commercial activities (Smith Maguire). Such intermediaries must seek to interest their audience in undiscovered regions and “quirky” styles, demonstrating their insider knowledge. But once such regions and styles start to become more well-known, their rarity value is lost, and intermediaries must find ever newer forms of authenticity, which in turn will lose their burnished aura when they become objects of mundane consumption. An endless cycle of discovering and undermining authenticity is constantly enacted.ConclusionAuthenticity is a category held by different sorts of actors in the wine world, and is the means by which that world is held together. This situation has developed over a long time-frame and is now globalized. Yet I will end this paper on a volte face. Authenticity in the wine world can never be regarded as wholly and simply a social construction. One cannot directly import into the analysis of that world assumptions—about the wholly socially constructed nature of phenomena—which social scientific studies of other domains, most notably culture industries, work with (Peterson, Authenticity). Ways of thinking which are indeed useful for understanding the construction of authenticity in some specific contexts, cannot just be applied in simplistic manners to the wine world. When they are applied in direct and unsophisticated ways, such an operation misses the specificities and particularities of wine-making processes. These are always simultaneously “social” and “natural”, involving multiple forms of complex intertwining of human actions, environmental and climatological conditions, and the characteristics of the vines themselves—a situation markedly beyond beyond any straightforward notion of “social construction.”The wine world has many socially constructed objects. But wine is not just like any other product. Its authenticity cannot be fabricated in the manner of, say, country music (Peterson, Country). Wine is never in itself only a social construction, nor is its authenticity, because the taste, texture and chemical elements of wine derive from complex human interactions with the physical environment. Wine is partly about packaging, branding and advertising—phenomena standard social science accounts of authenticity focus on—but its organic properties are irreducible to those factors. Terroir is an invention, a label put on to certain things, meaning they are perceived to be authentic. But the things that label refers to—ranging from the slope of a vineyard and the play of sunshine on it, to how grapes grow and when they are picked—are entwined with human semiotics but not completely created by them. 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