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Marinčič, Katarina. "Vzhodnjaška domišljija in človeška šibkost: Huet in Sade o izvoru romana". Keria: Studia Latina et Graeca 14, n.º 2 (24 de dezembro de 2012): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/keria.14.2.51-58.
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Članek primerjalno obravnava dve zgodnji teoretični besedili o romanu: Razpravo o izvoru romanov (Traité sur l´Origine des romans) P.D. Hueta (1670) ter Razmislek o romanih (Idée sur les romans) Markiza de Sada (1800). Huet svoje prepričanje, da roman izvira na Orientu, med drugim utemeljuje z ugotovitvami o temperamentu orientalskih ljudstev, ki po njegovem mnenju v največji možni meri ustreza zahtevam romanesknega žanra. Za Markiza de Sada, ki se sicer opredeli za grški izvor romana, je temperament širši pojem. Roman je po njegovem nasledek dveh temeljnih človekovih potreb, potrebe po molitvi in potrebe po ljubezni. Predvidevamo sicer lahko, meni, da se je kot tak (najprej) pojavil v Egiptu, ki je zibelka vseh kultov, vendar pa romani nastajajo od nekdaj in povsod.
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Garraffoni, Renata S. "Bandidos na Literatura Romana: A importancia das sátiras para uma abordagem histórica do banditismo...Bandits in Roman literature: the importance of the satires for addressing the question of banditry..." Vínculos de Historia. Revista del Departamento de Historia de la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, n.º 5 (23 de maio de 2016): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.18239/vdh.v0i5.201.
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RESUMEN Para los historiadores de la época romana imperial que se ocupen de los bandidos y de los pobres en la sociedad romana desde el inicio del Principado, las sátiras son, sin duda, una fuente de información muy importante. Así, el objetivo del artículo es discutir el bandolerismo en la sociedad romana teniendo en cuenta el Satyricon escrito por Petronio y las Metamorfosis, cuyo autor es Apuleyo. Intento estudiar la relación entre historia y literatura, en especial su potencialidad para discutir modelos normativos sobre el pasado romano y buscar formas alternativas para reflexionar sobre masculinidades marginalizadas. PALABRAS CLAVE: bandolerismo, literatura e historia, sociedad romana, sátiras romanas, masculinidades marginales ABSTRACT Regarding studies on bandits and poor people in Roman society during the beginning of the Principate, the satirical novels comprise a very important corpus of evidence. The aim of this paper is to focus on Petronius’ Satyricon and Apuleius’ Metamorphosis to discuss banditry in Roman society. I shall also discuss how literature can provide new insights to rethink marginalized masculinities in Roman society. KEYWORDS: banditry, history and literature, Roman society, Roman satires, marginalized masculinities
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Liebs, Detlef. "Vier Arten von Römern unter den Franken im 6. bis 8. Jh." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Romanistische Abteilung 133, n.º 1 (1 de setembro de 2016): 459–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.26498/zrgra-2016-0116.
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Abstract Four kinds of Romans in the Frankish kingdoms in the 6th to 8th centuries. Roman law texts from Merowingian Gaul make a difference between cives Romani, Latini and dediticii, all considered as Romans. This difference mattered only to slaves who had been freed. The status of Latin and dediticius was hereditary, whereas the descendants of one who had been freed as civis Romanus were free born Romans, who should be classified as a proper, a fourth kind of beeing Roman; it was the standard kind. The difference was important in civil law, procedural law and criminal law, especially in wergeld, the sum to be payed for expiation when somebody had been killed: Who had killed a Roman, had to pay different sums according to the status of the killed.
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Pearce, John. "Britannia Romana: Roman inscriptions and Roman Britain". Archaeological Journal 176, n.º 2 (8 de outubro de 2018): 380–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00665983.2018.1531595.
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Caggiano, Valeria, e Antonio Ragusa. "Human Skills and Roman Women. Proposals for Humanistic Education". Form@re - Open Journal per la formazione in rete 24, n.º 1 (31 de março de 2024): 310–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/form-14594.
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Despite societal assumptions, women in ancient Rome actively participated in public discussions and policy-making, taking on leadership roles that contributed to developing educational and employment opportunities for themselves, their families, and their communities. The leadership characteristics of Roman women in civic institutions, which differed from those of Roman men or non-Roman women, have yet to be studied in academic literature. The article explores what we have identified as dialogical traits in the leadership of Roman social and political action. We define these traits as ‘dialogical’ because they are built upon and have emerged from equal and intersubjective dialogue between Roman women and their communities. These traits involve leadership assumed relationally, seen as a collective responsibility, developed with others. The focus is on shared values and identity, with a profound understanding of the necessity for intergenerational solidarity to drive organisational action. Competenze umane e donne romane. Proposte per l’educazione umanistica. A prescindere da ciò che la società tradizionale ritiene, le donne romane sono coinvolte nel dibattito pubblico e nella definizione delle politiche, assumendo un ruolo di leadership nella creazione di opportunità di istruzione e di lavoro per loro stesse, per le loro famiglie e per le loro comunità. I tratti specifici del tipo di leadership sviluppata ed esercitata dalle donne romane nelle istituzioni civiche, rispetto al tipo di leadership esercitata dagli uomini romani o dalle donne non romane, sono ancora poco studiati nella letteratura accademica. L’articolo introduce e discute quelli che abbiamo identificato come tratti dialogici nella leadership delle donne romane quando sono impegnate nell’azione sociale e politica. Definiamo questi tratti “dialogici”, in quanto costruiti ed emersi sulla base di un dialogo paritario e intersoggettivo tra le donne romane e le loro comunità. La leadership relazionale, come responsabilità collettiva costruita con gli altri, incentrata sui valori e sull’identità condivisa dei Romani con una forte intuizione della necessità di solidarietà intergenerazionale tra loro come motore dell’azione organizzativa.
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Borchardt, Karl-Heinz. "„Wovon man nicht sprechen kann, darüber muss man allmählich zu schweigen aufhören.“ Nachdenken über Christa Wolfs Kindheitsmuster (1976)." Brünner Hefte zu Deutsch als Fremdsprache 2, n.º 1 (30 de junho de 2009): 11–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/bhdf2009-1-11.
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Der Beitrag beschäftigt sich mit Christa Wolfs Roman Kindheitsmuster (1976), einem der wichtigsten Romane der DDR-Literaturgeschichte. Der Beitrag geht auch auf die Rezeption des Romans ein. Denn wer sich in der Gegenwart mit Christa Wolf beschäftigt, sollte diese Rezeptionsgeschichte zur Kenntnis nehmen. Mit dem Roman entwickelt Christa Wolf eine neue Art autobiografischen Schreibens, deren Traditionen kurz angesprochen werden. Der Roman Kindheitsmuster erzählt von Nelly Jordan, die in den Jahren zwischen 1933 und 1947 heranwächst und von der erwachsenen Frau, die Jahrzehnte später ihre nun polnische Heimat besucht und sich an das Kind erinnert, das sie einmal war.
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Šibal, Rahela. "Moderne literarne metode in grški helenistični roman". Keria: Studia Latina et Graeca 4, n.º 2 (6 de dezembro de 2002): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/keria.4.2.131-146.
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Grški helenistični roman je bil v zadnjih tridesetih letih deležen ponovnega zanimanja, delno tudi zaradi premikov, ki so se zgodili na področju raziskovanja književnosti. Podrobneje sem pregledala dva slovenska članka o grškem antičnem romanu in v nadaljevanju opisala nekaj modernih literarnih metod, ki so jih pogosteje uporabljali za preučevanje grškega helenističnega romana.
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Álvarez Soria, Ignacio Jesús. "barbarización del ejército romano". Studium, n.º 24 (22 de setembro de 2019): 13–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.26754/ojs_studium/stud.2018242603.
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Resumen
En el presente artículo repasaremos someramente algunos de los hitos más reseñables de la historia militar del Imperio Romano Tardío, haciendo hincapié en el papel de los bárbaros que luchaban junto a los romanos, puesto que la barbarización del ejercito romano ha sido uno de los puntos de referencia en las investigaciones acerca de la decadencia y caída del Imperio Romano. En este sentido, haremos referencia al papel integrador que tuvo el ejército romano durante buena parte de la historia del Imperio Romano, y señalaremos los principales hechos que condujeron al final de dicho papel; esbozando también las desastrosas consecuencias que tuvo este hecho para el futuro del Imperio, especialmente del Occidental.
Palabras clave: Bárbaros, ejército, integración, migración, godos, reclutamiento.
Abstract
In this article we will briefly review some of the most important milestones in the military history of the Late Roman Empire. In it we will emphasize the role of the barbarians who fought with the Romans, since the barbarización of the Roman army is one of the points of reference in the investigations about the decay and fall of the Roman Empire. In this sense, we will refer to the role played by the Roman army in the integration of foreigners during a large part of the history of the Roman Empire. In addition, we will point out the main events that led to the end of this integrating role; we will also indicate the disastrous consequences this fact had for the future of the Empire, especially for the Western part.
Key words: Barbarians, army, integration, migration, goths, recruitment.
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Cleary, Simon Esmonde. "R.S.O. Tomlin, Britannia Romana: Roman Inscriptions and Roman Britain". Northern History 57, n.º 2 (7 de abril de 2020): 334–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0078172x.2020.1744888.
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Samardžić, Gligor. "Notes on the ancient population from the area of 'Dilunto': A few examples from the south of the province Dalmatia". Zbornik radova Filozofskog fakulteta u Pristini 52, n.º 1 (2022): 159–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrffp52-36021.
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The paper presents data on the population from the south of the province Dalmatia (Dilunto / Stolac). The conquest of the Illyrians and the education in the province of Dalmatia led not only to territorial but to ethnic changes as well. As shown by the epigraph statues from the valley of the Bregava (Dilunto / Stolac), the locals, during the Roman rule, lived together with the Romans who came to the area (cives Romani). A stronger influence of the Roman culture and civilisation, as well as lifestyle, was mostly pronounced by the Italic peoples, as highly significant contributors. They brought with themselves all the achievements of the Roman civilisation, which influenced the locals in various ways. Epigraph statues, various archeological findings and oral sources shed light to a certain degree on all these facts in the south of the province Dalmatia.
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Polm, Martijn. "Museum Representations of Roman Britain and Roman London: A Post-colonial Perspective". Britannia 47 (2 de junho de 2016): 209–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068113x16000143.
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ABSTRACTThis paper offers a post-colonial analysis of past and present representations of the archaeological remains of Roman Britain and Roman London in the British Museum and Museum of London respectively. Since post-colonial criticism of Romano-British archaeology is highly relevant to such an analysis, a brief description is provided at the outset. Thereafter follows a series of six case studies — three for each museum. The first four focus on the history of the Romano-British collections at both museums and sometimes draw on post-colonial insights to explain the development of these collections and the ways in which they were exhibited. The last two case studies investigate how British post-colonial criticism of Roman archaeology has (or has not) impacted on the current displays of the Romano-British collections at both museums. Finally, some recommendations will be offered based on the outcomes of these two case studies. Recurring themes are the representation of: the Roman military; Roman imperialism; the (material) culture of Roman Britain and Roman London.
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Ijalba Pérez, Pablo. "Democracia y plebe en Roma: análisis de las recientes interpretaciones sobre la constitución romana". El Futuro del Pasado 3 (1 de junho de 2012): 317–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.14201/fdp.24725.
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El análisis del final de la República romana se ha visto condicionado durante mucho tiempo dentro de la historiografía por la obra de R. Syme, The Roman Revolution, y por la concepción elitista de la constitución romana. Recientemente, se han producido cambios respecto a esta visión tradicional, que han insistido en la existencia de un componente democrático en el sistema político romano. Se propone un análisis de estos nuevos planteamientos desde el punto de vista de la historiografía sobre la plebe romana.
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Dal Ri, Luciene, e Clóvis Demarchi. "Ius Gentium e Direito Internacional: identificação ou sobreposição?" Revista Justiça do Direito 31, n.º 3 (23 de janeiro de 2018): 462. http://dx.doi.org/10.5335/rjd.v31i3.7842.
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Ius Gentium e Direito Internacional: identificação ou sobreposição?
Resumo: Neste artigo questiona-se a identificação do conceito romano de ius gentium com aquele de direito internacional moderno. Para responder o questionamento, busca-se identificar as características do ius que regulava as relações de Roma com outros povos e reis e as situações jurídicas que envolviam os estrangeiros. Observou-se que a aplicação do conceito moderno de direito internacional à antiguidade romana gera a mutilação da realidade histórica e dificulta a compreensão do seu universalismo, em suas especificidades culturais. Este artigo contribui para desconstruir a identificação do ius gentium romano com o conceito de direito internacional moderno.
Palavras-chave: Direito romano. Ius gentium. Ius fetiale. Direito internacional.
Ius Gentium and International Law: Identification or Overlay?
Abstract: In this article the identification of the Roman concept of ius gentium with that of modern international law is questioned. To answer this question, this paper seeks to identify the characteristics of the ius that regulated the relations of Rome with other peoples and kings and the legal situations that involved the foreigners. It was observed that the application of the modern concept of international law to Roman antiquity generates the mutilation of historical reality and makes it difficult to understand its universalism in its cultural specificities. This article contributes to deconstruct the identification of the Roman ius gentium with the concept of modern international law.
Keywords: Roman Law. Ius gentium. Ius fetiale. Internacional Law.
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Diarra, Modibo. "Love and taboo in Malian popular fiction: Amour Haram by Aramata Diawara and L'Union interdite by Ouleï Ba". ALTERNATIVE FRANCOPHONE 3, n.º 4 (15 de fevereiro de 2024): 53–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/af29488.
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Cet article qui analyse deux romans populaires maliens tente de répondre à trois questions essentielles relatives à l’intérêt du roman populaire, les sujets spécifiques qu’il traite et ses frontières avec le roman canonique. Il montre que le roman populaire malien répond aux mêmes critères esthétiques que les autres romans de cette catégorie qu’on peut trouver sous d’autres cieux. Amour Haram d’Aramata Diawara et L’Union interdite d’Ouleï Ba marquent l’évolution significative du roman sentimental malien, en ce sens qu’ils proposent une poétique où les frontières entre le roman dit « lettré » et celui dit « populaire » deviennent parfois difficiles à tracer. Ces romans mettent non seulement en scène la crise politique que connaît le Mali depuis plusieurs années, mais décrivent aussi un problème social majeur : le tabou et sa transgression.
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Lopez-Costas, Olalla. "Taphonomy and burial context of the Roman/post-Roman funerary areas (2nd to 6th centuries AD) of A Lanzada, NW Spain". Estudos do Quaternário / Quaternary Studies, n.º 12 (21 de julho de 2015): 55–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.30893/eq.v0i12.111.
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Although in the post-Roman transition (Late Antiquity) intense socioeconomic, cultural and environmental changes took place in NW Iberia, their impact in the life of local communities is barely known. The funerary rites and burial are processes deeply rooted in societies, hence their modifications may reveal helpful aspects to understand the aforementioned transition. To reach this objective and improve our knowledge on the local lifestyle, I analyzed and compared the taphonomy, or post-mortem alterations, of burials from A Lanzada necropolis. This is one of the few sites in NW Spain where two different funerary phases, Roman and post-Roman, have been found. The burial context was studied in 59 graves (38 Roman and 21 post-Roman) and surface abrasion and biotic-abiotic alterations were analyzed in 84 skeletons (38 Roman, 40 post-Roman, 6 undetermined). The results showed modifications on burial ritual in the Late Antiquity funerary area: grave orientation changed to W-E (it was S-N in Roman times), no grave goods were present, body position was always supine, and multiple consecutive burials and stone slabs coffins were introduced. This type of funerary context was apparently common in later Galician necropoleis. In contrast, in the Roman period the funerary practices were more varied, since they included burial cremations, tile-built graves, as well as prone burials with carelessly deposited human remains. Other Iberian sites show similar patterns of changes between Roman/post-Roman phases. A possible standardization of funerary ritual in Late Antiquity is suggested and different socioeconomic and cultural causes are explored to understand the observed trends.
Tafonomía y contexto funerario en la necrópolis romana/tardoantigua (siglos II-VI dC.) de A Lanzada, NO de España - Durante la transición desde el periodo romano a la tardoantigüedad se condensaron, en el Noroeste de la Península Ibérica, intensos cambios socioeconómicos, culturales y ambientales. Sin embargo, conocemos muy poco sobre si tuvieron un impacto y de qué tipo en el modo de vida de las poblaciones locales, especialmente sobre sus costumbres diarias. Tanto el entierro como todo lo que rodea al ritual funerario son procesos donde dichas costumbres se revelan con más intensidad al tener fuertes connotaciones culturales, por lo que su estudio puede revelar modificaciones en las poblaciones que nos ayuden a entender mejor la citada transición. Para ello se analizaron y compararon las alteraciones postmortem o tafonómicas de la necrópolis de A Lanzada, uno de las pocos yacimientos cuyo periodo de uso cubre el lapso temporal de interés con dos zonas de enterramiento bien diferenciadas (romana y tardoantigua). El contexto de enterramiento se estudió en un total de 59 tumbas (39 romanas y 21 tardoantiguas) y la abrasión en superficie, y alteraciones bióticas y abióticas en los 84 esqueletos preservados (38 romanos, 40 tardoantiguos, 6 de cronología desconocida). Los resultados han mostrado cambios en el ritual de enterramiento en la fase post-Romana: una modificación en la orientación de S-N a O-E, ausencia total de ajuar, posición en decubito supino y la introducción de enterramientos múltiples (consecutivos) y de tumbas de lajas de piedra. Este contexto funerario se mantuvo en el tiempo en otras necrópolis gallegas. Asimismo, uno de los esqueletos muestra marcas de mordeduras de un cánido. En cambio, el área de enterramiento romana presenta unas características más variadas, incluyendo vestigios de cremaciones, tumbas con teguale y al menos tres enterramientos en decubito prono cuyos miembros estaban dispuestos con poco cuidado. Similares tendencias entre ambos periodos se han encontrado en otros yacimientos peninsulares. En base a los resultados se propone la existencia una posible estandarización del ritual en periodo post-Romano, lo cual se intenta relacionar con las transformaciones socioeconómicas y culturales de estos siglos.
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Sirks, A. J. B. "Emanzipation als rite de passage". Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Romanistische Abteilung 137, n.º 1 (21 de agosto de 2020): 331–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrgr-2020-0017.
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AbstractEmanzipation as rite de passage. Formula Visigothica 34 (7th c.) describes an emancipation. The text suggests that sons of Romans had an expectation to be released in this way from the paternal power when they reached the age of majority. Emancipation was specifically dealt with in their law, the Lex Romana Visigothorum. Some of these do not figure in Justinian’s Code. They might fit the gap, otherwise filled by excerpts from the Theodosian Code, which, however, C. 8,48,6 of 531 would have made outdated. Form. 34 treats the emancipation as a rite de passage. As such it would have accommodated those peoples, made Roman in 212, whose children normally reached majority at a certain age but now were subjected to the Roman patria potestas-system. In this way the old situation would be restored within the Roman setting. Two Theodosian constitutions indicate indeed such a general use.
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Miščin, Daniel. "Odrazi Holbeinove slike Tijelo mrtvog Krista u grobu u romanima Idiot i Braća Karamazovi Fjodora Mihajloviča Dostojevskog". Obnovljeni život 75, n.º 3 (9 de julho de 2020): 297–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.31337/oz.75.3.1.
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Slika Hansa Holbeina Tijelo mrtvoga Krista u grobu imala je snažan utjecaj na refleksiju o mogućnosti uskrsnuća u kasnom djelu Fjodora Mihajloviča Dostojevskoga. Tom se slikom posve izravno i intenzivno bave likovi romana Idiot, a rasprava o Holbeinovoj slici u djelu Dostojevskoga najčešće se ograničava na taj roman. Usuprot tomu, autor u članku istražuje mogućnost da Dostojevski u romanu Idiot nije zaključio raspravu o Holbeinovoj slici. Usporedna analiza tekstova dvaju romana ostavlja mogućnost da je rasprava o mrtvom tijelu starca Zosime u romanu Braća Karamazovi zapravo nastavak rasprave Dostojevskoga o Holbeinovoj slici Tijelo mrtvoga Krista u grobu.
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Nikishin, Vladimir Olegovich. "Ethnolookism as a factor in the attitude of the Romans towards the Germans". RUDN Journal of World History 14, n.º 3 (15 de dezembro de 2022): 328–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2022-14-3-328-337.
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The author of the article turned to the theme of ethnolookism - daily discriminatory practices, which are due to compliance or, on the contrary, inconsistensy between the real appearance of representatives of a particular ethnic group and established ethnic stereotypes and prejudices. The article is devoted to a particular case of ethnolookism in antiquity. We are talking about ethnolookism as a factor in the attitude of the Romans towards the Germans. According to the author, in the ordinary perception of the Greeks and Romans, all barbarians of the same ethnic origin - Scythians or Thracians, Getae or Germans - were, as the saying is, “on the same face”. Experts call this effect cross-racial. From the end of the 2nd century BC the Romans actively interacted with the Germans. Latin authors call blue eyes and blond hair, tall stature and a strong physique as characteristic external signs of the Germans. For the Romans these sings were, most likely, the very triggers, which automatically resurrected in the collective consciousness of the contemporaries of Horace, Caesar and Tacitus longstanding fears associated with metus Gallicus and furor Teutonicus. It is characteristic that the Germans, who served under the Roman banners, became “Romans” in the eyes of their fellow tribesmen. The Germans themselves thought so, and the Roman authorities clearly separated “their” barbarians from those who attacked the borders of the Roman Empire. Thus, within the framework of the political unity of pax Romana, the ethnocultural rapprochement of the Romans and Germans gradually took place.
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González Fernández, Rafael, e Miguel Pablo Sancho Gómez. "La institución del domicilium (en Derecho romano) y su expresión en la epigrafía latina". Vínculos de Historia Revista del Departamento de Historia de la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, n.º 11 (22 de junho de 2022): 296–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.18239/vdh_2022.11.13.
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La institución romana del domicilium convierte al sujeto en residente. Suele designar el lugar de residencia prolongada del incola o habitante que ha emigrado a una comunidad, por contraposición al municeps; por lo tanto, es un vínculo jurídico entre la ciudad y la persona que ha emigrado a ella. Frente a la expresión de la origo en los textos epigráficos, que es muy abundante, la manifestación del domicilo solo se hace de forma excepcional, en atención al escaso número de referencias conservadas, y su enunciación es muy similar a la que marca el origen. Palabras clave: domicilium, origo, ciudadano, epigrafía, latina.Topónimos: Imperio Romano.Periodo: Principado (27 a. C. – 284 d. C.) ABSTRACTThe Roman institution of the domicilium turns the subject into a resident. It usually designates the place of prolonged residence of the incola or inhabitant who has emigrated to a community, as opposed to the municeps. Therefore, it is a legal link between the city and the person who emigrates there. As opposed to the expression of the origo in epigraphic texts, which is very common, the manifestation of the domicile occurs only exceptionally, in view of the scant number of surviving references, and its enunciation is very similar to that which indicates provenance. Keywords: domicilium, origo, citizen, epigraphy, Latin.Place names: Roman EmpirePeriod: Principate (27 BC - 284 AD) REFERENCIASAncelle, A. (1875), Du Domicile, Paris, these pour le doctorat, Faculte de droit de Paris.Andreu, J., (2008), “Sentimiento y orgullo cívico en Hispania: en torno a las menciones de origo en la Hispania Citerior”, Gerión, 26(1), pp. 349-378.Ayiter, K. (1962),“Einige Bemerkungen zum Domicilium des Filius Familias im römischen Recht“, en Studi in onore di Emilio Betti, vol. II, Milano, pp. 71-84.Baccari, M. P. (1996), Cittadini, popoli e comunione nella legislazione dei secoli IV-VI, Torino, G. Giappichelli.Baudry, F. (1892), s.v. “domicilium”, en Dictionnaire des Antiquités Grecques et Romaines Daremberg-Saglio, II.1, Paris, Hachette.Berger, A, (1916), s.v. “incola”, en Pauly-Wissowa Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, IX.2, Stuttgart, J. B. Metzler Verlag.Bianchi, L. (2019), “Celebrazioni monumentali delle guerre daciche di Traiano sui luoghi degliavvenimenti”, en A. M. Liberati, Da Roma all’Oriente. Riflessioni sulle campagne traianee. Atti della Giornata di studi Istituto Nazionale di Studi Romani, 11 ottobre 2017. Città di Castello-Italia: LuoghInteriori, 193-241.Bonjour, M. (1975), Terre natale. Études sur une composante affective du patriotisme romain, Paris, Les Belles Lettres.Brugi, B. (1926), Istituzioni di Diritto Romano (diritto privato giustinianeo). Torino, Utet.Bruguière, M. B. (1979), “Le domicile dans les droits antiques”, en Mélanges dédiés à Gabriel Marty, Tolouse, Université des sciences sociales, 199-219.Burdese, A. (1964), s.v. “Domicilio (diritto romano)”, voce dell'Enciclopedia del Diritto, XIII, Milano, Giuffrè editore, pp. 837-838.Cagnat, R. (1898), Cours d’epigraphie latine, Paris, A. Fontemoing.Calzada, M. A. (2010), “Origo, incolae, municipes y civitas Romana a la luz de la «Lex Irnitana»”, Anuario de historia del derecho español, 80, pp. 673-688.Chavanes, H., (1863), Du Domicile, Paris, Thèse de Doctorat, Faculté de Droit de Paris, 17 Août 1863.Cichorius, C. (1904), Die römischen denkmäler in der Dobrudscha. Ein erklärungsversuch, Berlin, Weidmann Verlag.Colin, J. (1956), “Le Préfet du Prétoire Cornelius Fuscus: un enfant de Pompei”, Latomus, 15-1, pp. 57-82.Cuena, J. (2008), “Nuevos significados de origo en las fuentes legislativas postclásicas”, Revista General de Derecho romano, 10, pp. 1-27.De Martino, F. (1973), Storia della costituzione romana, III, Napoli, Casa Editrice Eugenio Jovene.De Ruggiero, E. (1921), La patria nel diritto pubblico romano, Roma, Maglione Strini.De Savigny, F. (1924), Sistema de Derecho romano actual, (traducción española de J. Mesía y M. Poley), Madrid, Centro Editorial de Góngora.Dessau, H. (1914-1916), Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae: pars III. Indices, Berlín, apud Weidmannos.D'Ors, A. (1951), Epigrafía de la España romana, Madrid, Instituto Nacional de Estudios Jurídicos.Encarnação, J. (2000), “L’Africa et la Lusitania: trois notes épigraphiques”, en M. Khanoussi, P. Ruggeri y C. Vismara, L’Africa romana. Geografi, viaggiatori, militari nel Maghreb: alle origini dell’archeologia nel Nord Africa. Atti del XIII convegno di studio Djerba, 10–13 dicembre 1998, Roma, Carocci, Vol. II, pp. 1291-1298.Forcellini, A. A. (1965), Lexicon Totius Latinitatis, II, Patavaii, 1940 (2ª reimpresión anastática de 1965), Patavii [Padoue], Gregoriana edente; Bononia [Bologne], A. Forni. s. v. “domicilium”, pp. 191 ss., y s.v. “domus”, pp. 194 ss.Humbert, G. (1900), s.v. “incola”, en Dictionnaire des Antiquités Grecques et Romaines Daremberg-Saglio, III, Paris, Hachette, pp. 457-458.Gagliardi, L. (2006), Mobilità e integrazione delle persone nei centri cittadini romani. Aspetti giuridici. I. La classificazione degli incolae, Milano, A. Giuffrè.García, E. (1991), El ius latii y la municipalización de Hispania: aspectos constitucionales, Tesis Doctoral, Universidad Complutense, Madrid.Gaspard, A. (1851), Recherches sur l'incolat, le droit de bourgeoisie et le domicile, Paris, Faculté de droit de Paris.González, R. (2011), “El término origo en la epigrafía latina”, Zephyrus, 68, pp. 229-237.González, R., y Molina, J. A. (2011), “Precisiones a las menciones de origo con la fórmula domo + topónimo/gentilicio en la epigrafía romana de Hispania”, Emerita, 79, pp. 1-29.González M. C. y Ramírez, M. (2007), “Observaciones sobre la mención de la origo ‘intra ciuitatem’ en la epigrafía funeraria de Hispania”, en M. Mayer et alii (eds.), Actas del XII Congressus Internationalis Epigraphiae Graecae et Latinae (Barcelona 2002), Instituto de Estudios Catalanes-Universidad de Barcelona-Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona, Barcelona. 2007, pp. 595-600.Grossi, P. (1964), s.v. “domicilio (Diritto intermedio) ”, en L'Enciclopedia del Diritto, XIII, Milano, Giuffrè editore, p. 840.Hernández, R. (2001), Poesía latina sepulcral de la Hispania Romana: Estudio de los tópicos y sus formulaciones, Valencia, Universidad de Valencia.Kajanto, I. (1974), “On the idea of eternity in Latin epitaphs”, Arctos, 8, pp. 59-69.Laffi, U. (1966), Adtributio e contributio: Problemi del Sistema Politico-Amministrativo dello Stato Romano. (Studi di lettere, storia e filos. pubbl. dalla Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa, XXXV), Pisa, Nistri-Lischi.Lattimore, R. (1962), Themes in Greek and Roman Epitaphs, Urbana, University of Illinois Press.Le Gall, J. (1983), “Origo et ciuitas. Quelques remarques à propos d'une inscription du Museo Arqueológico Nacional (CIL II, 3423)”, Homenaje al Profesor Martín Almagro Basch, Madrid, vol. III, pp. 339-345.Leonhard, R. (1905), s.v. “domicilium”, en en Pauly-Wissowa Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, V, Stuttgart, J. B. Metzler Verlag., V, cols. 1299 ss.Licandro, O. (2004), Domicilium habere. Persona e territorio nelladisciplina del domicilio romano, Torino, Giappichelli Editori.López M. L. (2008), Domicilium y vinculación jurídica local. Régimen jurídico del domicilio en Derecho romano, Madrid, http://vlex.com/vid/54106991Mahboubi, M. (1982), “Les élites municipales de la Numidie: deux groupes: étrangers à la cité et vétérans”, Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt. II. Principat. 10, 2, pp. 673-682.Marucchi, O. (1912), Christian Epigraphy. An Elementary Treatise with a Collection of Ancient Christian Inscriptions Mainly of Roman Origin, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.Mommsen, Th. (1887), Römisches Staatsrechts III.1, (Leipzig, 1887), Basel, Stuttgart, Benno Schwabe.Nörr, D. (1963), “Origo. Studien zur Orts-, Stadt-, und Reichszugehörigkeit in der Antike”, Revue d’Histoire du Droit, 31.4, pp. 525-600.Nörr, D. (1965), s.v. “origo”, en Pauly-Wissowa Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, Stuttgart, J. B. Metzler Verlag, Suppl. Bnd. X.Orelli, J. C. v. (1828), Inscriptionum latinarum selectarum amplissima collectio ad illustrandam Romanae... emendationesque exhibens; (Reprod. facs. de la ed. de Turici, Orellius).Ortiz, J. (2018), “Dinámicas migratorias y movimientos de población en Lusitania: el caso de Olisipo Felicitas Iulia”, Anales de Arqueología Cordobesa, 29, pp. 111-136.Pavis D'Escurac, H. (1988), “Origo et résidence dans le monde du commerce sous le Haut Empire”, Ktema, 13, pp. 57-68.Pernice, A. (1873), Marcus Antistius Labeo. Das römische Privatrecht im ersten Jahrhundert der Kaiserzeit, II.1, Halle, Buchhandlg d. Waisenhauses Verlag.Portillo, R. (1983), ‘Incolae’, una contribución al análisis de la movilidad social en el mundo romano, Córdoba, Universidad de Córdoba.Potthoff, S. E. (2017), The Afterlife in Early Christian Carthage: Near-Death Experiences, Ancestor Cult and the Archaeology of Paradise, London and New York, Routledge.Rodríguez, J. F. (1978), “La situación socio-política de los incolae en el mundo romano”, Memorias de Historia Antigua 2, pp. 147-169.Roussel, F. (1878), Du domicile, en droit romain. De la formation des conventions, en droit international privé, Paris, Challamel aîné.Salgado, J. (1980), “Contribución al estudio del «domicilium» en el Derecho romano”, Revista de Derecho privado, 64, pp. 495-510.Saumagne, Ch., (1937), “Du rôle de l'origo et du census dans la formation du colonat romain”, Byzantion, 12, pp. 487-581.Tedeschi, V., (1932), “Contributo allo studio del domicilio in diritto romano”, Rivista Italiana per le Scienze Giuridiche, 7, pp. 212-244.Tedeschi, V. (1936), Del Domicilio, Padova.Tedeschi, V. (1960), s.v. “domicilio, residenza e dimora”, en Novissimo Digesto Italiano, VI, Torino, Uninoe tipografico-editrice torinese.Thomas, Y. (1996), “«Origine» et «Commune Patrie»”, Étude de Droit Public Romain (89 av. J.-C. - 212 ap. J.-C.), Paris-Rome, Ecole française de Rome.Visconti, A. (1939), “Note preliminari sull'origo nelle fonti imperiali romane”, Studi di storia e diritto in onore di Carlo Calisse I, Milano, pp. 89-105.Visconti, A. (1947), “Note preliminari sul «domicilium» nelle fonti romane”, en Studi in onore di C. Ferrini inoccasione della sua beatificazione, I, Milano, pp, 429-442.Wiegels, R. (1985), Die Tribusinschriften des romischen Hispanien, Berlin, Walter de Gruyter Co.Zilletti, U. (1962), s.v. “incolato (Diritto romano) ”, en Novissimo Digesto Italiano, VIII, Torino, Unione tipografico-editrice torinese, pp. 541-542.
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Szczygielski, Krzysztof. "ROMANISTYKA POLSKA W LATACH 1918-1945 (PRZEGLĄD BIBLIOGRAFII)". Zeszyty Prawnicze 10, n.º 2 (23 de dezembro de 2016): 355. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2010.10.2.22.
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ROMAN LAW STUDIES IN POLAND IN THE YEARS 1918-1945 (REVIEW OF BIBLIOGRAPHY) Summary In Roman law studies in Poland there is no complete list of the works published in the years 1918-1945 by scholars dealing with Roman law. The scientific output of the Polish researchers was presented by Rafał Taubenschlag in the article, Gli studi di diritto romano in Polonia nel secolo XX, [in:] Gli Studi Romani nel Mondo, volume III, Roma 1936, p. 247-268, but he focused mainly on discussing the major works. An attempt to show the achievements of Roman law studies in Poland on a comprehensive basis was undertaken by Juliusz Wisłocki, Dzieje nauki prawa rzymskiego w Polsce, Warsaw 1945, but his study is highly incomplete. The analysed period witnessed the emergence of lots of valuable works concerning the history and the institutions of Roman law in the form of monographs, articles published in many domestic and foreign periodicals, studies on particular occasions, encyclopedic dictionaries and reports on the activities of scientific societies. The problems related to the law of the ancient Rome were dealt with not only by the Roman law researchers but also by legal historians and classical philologists. The works were presented according to the following sections: I. General works, textbooks and scripts; II. Ancillary publications; III. History of sources; IV. Civil procedure; V. Law of Persons and legal proceedings; VI. Family law; VII. Law of Property; VIII. Law of Obligations; IX. Law of Succession; X. Criminal law and procedure; XI. Public law; XII. Philosophy of law, methodology and political and legal doctrines; XIII. Importance of the Roman law; XIV. Evaluation of the output of Roman law scholars.
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Janicki, Jan Józef. "The rite of Excommunication as Contained in the Medieval Roman Pontifical". Folia Historica Cracoviensia 13 (23 de fevereiro de 2024): 55–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/fhc.1452.
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The pontifical is a lituigical book used by the bishop. It contains prayer formulas and the rites proper to the liturgical confection of sacraments and sacramentals reserved solely to the bishop. The pontifical arose from a practical necessity - the use of only one book during holy functions. It was formed from three different ancient books of the Church: Liber sacramentorum, Ordines Romani and Benedictionale, used by the bishops in the Gallic liturgy. A new type of book, which became the first pontifical combining the Roman and Gallic traditions, appeared in the tenth century (in the years 950-961) in Mainz, in the monastery of Saint Alban and was called the Roman - Germanic Pontifical (Pontificate Romano-Germanicum).
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Miles, Gary B. "How Roman are Shakespeare's "Romans"?" Shakespeare Quarterly 40, n.º 3 (1989): 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2870723.
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Di Martino, Marc Alan. "Roman NatureNatura de li romani". Italian Americana XLII, n.º 1-2 (2024): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/2327753x.42.1.2.22.
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Zhang, Fucheng. "Commoda Romani Populi and the Practice of Late Roman Politics". Communications in Humanities Research 2, n.º 1 (28 de fevereiro de 2023): 47–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7064/2/2022317.
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Commoda Romani Populi(public interest) played a prominent role in the political practice in Republican Rome. This preliminary study aims to provide an overview of the role of Commoda Romani Populi in Roman political culture and its political performance. The latest scholarships have shown that the Roman people played a far more critical role in politics than previous scholars thought. Thus it is necessary to reinterpret the role of the Roman people in politics. This essay adopts the theories of Almond and Verba to claim that the majority of Roman people in Rome was not simply politically passive at all time. When political elites have severe lapses in promoting the public interest, their level of political engagement can be dramatically be motivated that finally forces political elites to consider public opinion and hold their behaviours responsible. Moreover, this essay also offers a brief examination of how Commoda Romani Populi was perceived, reinterpreted and manipulated when there was a strong disagreement between political elites and Roman people during the late Roman Republic. Finally, this study argues that the Commoda Romani Populi has a real cultural and practical influence on public affairs instead of being an empty slogan.
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Han, Zexu. "Negotiation Techniques in the Diplomacy of the Roman Empire to the Hun Empire During Attila Period". Lifelong Education 9, n.º 5 (2 de agosto de 2020): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.18282/le.v9i5.1202.
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The diplomacy of the Roman Empire is usually regarded as the appendage of the Roman military, but its diplomacy after the decline of the Roman military is seldom studied. The arguments presented here analyze the diplomatic negotiation skills of the Roman Empire during the Attila period, that is, the negotiation skills of the Romans when the Roman army lost its power.
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Stagl, Jakob Fortunat. "Die Bedeutung von leges publicae im Römischen Recht: Der Beitrag Mantovanis zur „legum multitudo“ und die Frage der Privatautonomie bei den Römern". Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Romanistische Abteilung 133, n.º 1 (1 de setembro de 2016): 445–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.26498/zrgra-2016-0115.
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Abstract The Importance of Leges Publicae for Roman Law. Mantovani’s Article on „Legum Multitudo and Private Law“ and the question of Party Autonomy amongst the Romans. It is a common opinion among scholars of Roman law that formal laws (leges publicae) had only scarce importance for Roman law. As Mantovani recently demonstrated, our perception of Roman law in this respect was manipulated by the compilers: The original texts knew much more references to leges publicae than we are aware of. This instance has important consequences for our assessment of party autonomy amongst the Romans.
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Potokin, Yuri Nikolaevich. "The influence of roman law on the formation and development of the romano-germanic legal family". LAPLAGE EM REVISTA 7, n.º 3B (29 de setembro de 2021): 669–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-6220202173b1611p.669-676.
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The purpose of the present work is to analyze the little-studied aspects of the influence of Roman law on the formation and establishment of modern legal systems related to the Romano-Germanic legal family. The author conducts a historical and dialectical analysis of the formation of the sources of Roman law, makes assumptions about their origin, and highlights the specifics of some of them. Legal reception has been considered separately as the main factor of influence of Roman law on the creation and formation of the law of the states of the Romano-Germanic legal family. It has been concluded that it is necessary to harmonize the sources of national law with the requirements of Roman law, the hypothesis has been proved that it was the qualitative characteristics of Roman law that served as the main reason for its reception by the states of the Romano-Germanic legal family.
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Swain, S. C. R. "Hellenic culture and the Roman heroes of Plutarch". Journal of Hellenic Studies 110 (novembro de 1990): 126–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631736.
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Plutarch of Chaeroneia stands almost alone among Greeks of the Roman Empire in displaying in his works an extensive knowledge of, and interest in, Rome and Romans. The knowledge of Roman history and the many notes on Roman institutions and usages seen in the Lives together with the work specifically devoted to Roman customs, the quaest. Rom., and the celebration of Rome's good fortune, the de fort. Rom., testify to his great sympathy with the Roman way of life. For us Plutarch is a unique bridge between Greece and Rome. But what sort of bridge does he himself envisage between Rome and his own world? In particular, how far does Plutarch believe that Romans share his own Hellenic culture? In answering this question I shall argue that in his presentation of Romans Plutarch often shows himself to be conscious that Hellenic culture had been imported to Rome and could never be fully taken for granted among Romans as it could among Greeks, and that as a consequence it is worthwhile for him as a student of character to consider how well and with what benefit Romans absorb it.
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Slavić, Dean. "Budakova Anera kao moliteljica i junakinja". Diacovensia 28, n.º 3 (2020): 361–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31823/d.28.3.4.
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Roman je naglašeno hibridni žanr koji može sadržavati i elemente tragedije. Molitelj /suppliant/ u tragedijama i tragičnim naracijama redovito ispunjava četiri uvjeta: a) žensko je biće ili je osoba podređena u društvu; b) prijeti joj nasilje i često smrt; c) ne može govoriti ili ne može prenositi obavijesti; d) nije ni protagonist ni antagonist. Anera iz romana Ognjište književnika Mile Budaka zadovoljava nabrojene uvjete, s time što dijelom odstupa u posljednjem. Ona dobiva veliku količinu prostora u romanu i inteligencijom je bliska protagonistu Lukanu. Anera također dobrim dijelom ispunjava uvjete koje Lynette Porter postavlja pred junaka, no nedostaje joj element pobjede nad zlom koju ostvaruje protagonist Lukan. S Anerina bi stajališta Ognjište bilo tragedija osvete – ali njezine karakteristike ne određuju roman u žanrovskoj cjelini.
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Franković, Sanja. "Roman Danuncijada – prethodnik postmodernističkoga povijesnoga romana (osvrt o sto pedesetoj godišnjici rođenja Viktora Cara Emina)". Croatica et Slavica Iadertina 16, n.º 1 (1 de março de 2021): 165–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/csi.3237.
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Tekst je napisan prigodom sto pedesete godišnjice rođenja Viktora Cara Emina (1870. – 1963.) i osvrće se na autorovo najzrelije djelo, roman Danuncijadu (1946.). Budući da je u Carevu romanu Šenoina teleološka koncepcija povijesnoga romana zamijenjena neteleološkom, pripovjedač uvodi ironiju, kojom se povijest negira kao logičan slijed. Karnevalizacijom, grotesknim likom povijesne osobe kao antijunaka i citatnim dijalogom s tradicijom Car se u Danuncijadi približio dosta kasnijoj postmodernoj poetici povijesnoga romana, stoga neke njegove literarne postupke prepoznajemo u povijesnim romanima autora kao što su Fabrio, Kušan i Brešan.
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Ouellet, François. "Du roman au « je » au roman social." Études littéraires 36, n.º 3 (18 de outubro de 2005): 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/011530ar.
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Pierre Bost a publié une vingtaine d’ouvrages, principalement des romans, entre 1923 et 1945. Héritier de la grande tradition française du roman psychologique, Bost a cherché, à sa manière, à renouveler le genre à la lumière de l’exemple de Proust. Cette manière se donne d’abord à lire dans À la porte, le premier récit de Bost, rédigé en 1922. À partir de la fin des années 1920, Bost s’oriente vers un roman moins intimiste, plus social ; roman ambitieux, Le scandale (1931) témoigne de ce que Bost devait non seulement au Balzac des Illusions perdues mais aussi au désarroi de la génération d’après-guerre.
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Lupoi, Maurizio. "Chancellors as civil lawyers – and the equitable notion of «fraud»". settembre-ottobre, n.º 5 (6 de outubro de 2022): 797–807. http://dx.doi.org/10.35948/1590-5586/2022.174.
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The author’s view Equity’s origin is traced back to Rome’s ius commune. Chancellors were doctors in civil law and until Henry VIII’s breach with Rome, were also Bishops. Their cultural and spiritual anchors were very distinct from those dispensing justice in common law courts. In the course of the fourteenth century common law courts surrendered their discretionary powers and disavowed any reliance on conscience and opted for rigor juris. Equitable doctrines, enacted by Chancellors and Masters who knew only Roman and canon law, prevented unconscientious exercise of a plaintiff’s rights at law. «Fraud» in English equity is identical to «fraus» in Roman law; whilst France, Germany and other countries of continental Europe squandered the Roman law inheritance, English equity holds the torch for Roman principles.Tesi I Cancellieri dell’età formativa dell’equity erano usualmente dottori di diritto civile e di diritto canonico, così anche i Master che li coadiuvavano, e ignoravano la common law. Inoltre, erano vescovi e in tale veste pronunciavano sentenze nelle corti ecclesiastiche. Quando si trovarono a giudicare per delega reale, applicarono l’unico diritto che conoscevano. La «fraud» elaborata nell’equity corrisponde precisamente alla «fraus» del diritto romano e la dottrina dell’equity in forza della quale non è consentito avvalersi di una legge per sostenere una «fraud» deriva direttamente dalle fonti romane.
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Pérez Yarza, Lorenzo. "Sol romano y Sol Invictus: circo y ludi en Roma = Roman Sol and Sol Invictus: circus and ludi in Rome". ARYS: Antigüedad, Religiones y Sociedades, n.º 15 (5 de novembro de 2018): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/arys.2017.3845.
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Resumen: El Sol está presente en todas las religiones antiguas en mayor o menor medida. Numerosas versiones sobre el mismo dios de la cuenca mediterránea entraron en contacto gracias al helenismo y, más tarde, al Imperio Romano, compartiendo teónimos epítetos y simbología. A consecuencia de esto, diferentes epíclesis grecorromanas y orientales del dios desarrollaron un lenguaje común de representación. Pese a todo, la vinculación a los ludi y la cuádriga son un hecho que se mostrará exclusivo del ámbito romano.Abstract: The Sun is present to a greater or lesser extent in all Ancient Religions. Various Mediterranean versions of the same god came into contact due to Hellenism and to Roman Empire later, sharing theonyms, epithets and symbology. As a result of that, diverse Greco-Roman and Oriental epikleseis of Sun developed a common language. However, beyond formal similarities Sol’s vinculation with Ludi and quadrigae is revealed as exclusively Roman.Palabras clave: Sol, religión romana, Ludi, cuadriga, Circo Máximo, orientalizante.Key words: Sol, Sun, Roman religion, Ludi, quadriga, Circus Maximus, orientalizing.
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Dębiński, Antoni, Magdalena Pyter e Michal Skřejpek. "Regulae Iuris: A Lasting and Universal Vehicle of Legal Knowledge". Białostockie Studia Prawnicze 27, n.º 4 (1 de dezembro de 2022): 49–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/bsp.2022.27.04.04.
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Abstract The article discusses the significance of Latin legal rules (regulae iuris, maximae iuris, dicta) for European legal culture. One of the areas explored by the authors is the relationship between the content of these rules and the language in which they were written down, i.e. Latin. Section one provides an overview of the origin, sources, and techniques of formulating legal rules by the jurisprudence of the ancient Roman state, with particular focus on the history of development of ius Romanum. After the dissolution of the Western Roman Empire (476 AD), the Church became the custodian of the values embedded in Roman law in Western Europe. Not only did she treasure precious scrolls containing ancient legal wisdom for the future generations but also implemented many Roman regulations in her internal legal system, as expressed in the paroemia Ecclesia vivit lege romana. This issue is addressed in section two. An important vehicle of disseminating the Roman legal thought, including its paroemias, was the Latin language. The ancient Romans contributed to its increasing circulation through rapid political expansion. Over time, Latin also elevated to the rank of the language of the Western Church. Because of that, it continued to prevail, also as a durable carrier of legal knowledge. This phenomenon is discussed in section three. The last section covers some facets of the use, application, and impact of Latin legal rules on modern legal science.
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Bisanswa, Justin. "Roman africain et totalité". Revue de l'Université de Moncton 37, n.º 1 (7 de novembro de 2007): 15–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/016706ar.
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Résumé Se fondant sur l’examen des romans africains produits des origines à nos jours, la contribution analyse la relation entre le roman africain et le phénomène de la totalité. À la suite du contexte tumultueux de son émergence, le roman africain traduit une grande ambition de totalité qui s’exprime à travers la volonté d’édifier quelque chose de grand comme d’atteindre à une vérité. Il contient une masse importante d’informations qui fait penser à l’inflation médiatique contemporaine, amenant à cribler l’espace de la représentation qui entre en concurrence avec un réel expansionniste et se démultipliant. Mais le réalisme abouti du roman africain est animé par une extraordinaire énergie figurative et scripturale, et il n’y a pas deux romans qui soient semblables. Parmi les stratégies utilisées, on reconnaîtra que la digression égare le texte en des détails et des détours, rendant ainsi compte d’un roman qui s’est développé par dilations successives.
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Valentinova, Dorothea. "Iustitia and Corruptio in Liber Constitutionum sive Lex Gundobada". Studia Ceranea. Journal of the Waldemar Ceran Research Centre for the History and Culture of the Mediterranean Area and South-East Europe 12 (30 de dezembro de 2022): 215–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.12.35.
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After 476, Flavius Gundobadus, King of the Burgundians (473–516), sought ways and means to consolidate and strengthen his power, including through legal regulation of the relations between the Burgundians themselves, on the one hand, and between the Burgundians and the Gallo-Romans, on the other. Thus, Liber Constitutionum sive Lex Gundobada was issued, the main purpose of which is the legal regulation of the complex relations in the kingdom, through a codification of the preserved customary law – an embodiment of tribal traditions, practices, and customs, with reasonable use of Roman legal ideas, notions, and norms.
The translation and analysis of selected provisions from Lex Gundobada in this paper show the extent to which the Burgundians perceived, received, adopted, and adapted some of the most valuable Roman legal and moral rules and principles, especially the Roman concepts of iustitia and corruptio, and how the rights of both the Burgundians and the Romans were regulated and protected through them.
Lex Burgundionum is part of a series of legal Barbarian codes, compiled, adapted, published, and applied in the Barbarian regna between the 5th and 9th centuries. These codes are one of the significant and true sources for the historical reconstruction of the socio-political, socio-cultural, and legal-administrative transition from the late Roman Empire to the German kingdoms and early medieval Europe. They manifest how historically the arena of clashes, confrontations, and wars between Romanitas and Barbaritas gradually became a contact zone of legal reception, of cultural, legal, and socio-political influences, from which a new world will be born, a successor to the old ones, and a new legal system – the Romano-Germanic one.
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Marcus, Joel. "The Circumcision and the Uncircumcision in Rome". New Testament Studies 35, n.º 1 (janeiro de 1989): 67–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500024504.
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In a recently-published article, P. Stuhlmacher has outlined three major contemporary theories of the occasion of Paul's letter to the Romans: 1) Romans is addressed to a specific situation within the Roman community itself, 2) it is composed primarily with Paul's forthcoming delivery of the collection to Jerusalem in mind, and 3) it emerges from a convergence of the first two motivations. While not wishing to deny that the Jerusalem trip was a preoccupation of Paul as he composed Romans (see Romans 15. 25, 30–32), I intend in this study to strengthen the Roman side of the equation, first by surveying a range of arguments about the Roman situation as it relates to the letter, then by suggesting a new approach to the question.
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Lapyrenok, Roman. "The Political and Economic Origins of the Roman Revolution". Journal of Economic History and History of Economics 22, n.º 2 (7 de junho de 2021): 222–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-2488.2021.22(2).222-245.
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The paper considers some economic and legal aspects of the struggle for the public land in Late Republican Rome. This period is one of the most controversial in ancient history; it brought many significant changes to the socio-economic and political life of Rome and contributed much to its transformation from Republic to Principate. Nevertheless, there is no special paper examining the competition between the Romans and Italians for the ager publicus populi Romani which started with the agrarian reform of Tiberius Gracchus in modern historiography. The first episode ended after the enactment in 111 B.C. of the lex agraria, when a large amount of public land was brought into private hands by its Roman possessors. A further part of the ager publicus populi Romani was still public and remained in hands of the socii. The logic of historical process, the economic changes of the second century B.C. which led Rome from Republic to Principate, demanded the formation of a new class of landowners. The latter would be the basis of the political system of the Roman Empire instead of the nobilitas; its political power would be based on private ownership of land. This was impossible without the full privatization of public land, and it is logical that the struggle for the ager publicus populi Romani was not ended in 111 B.C. Only after privatization of that land, which was possessed by the allies, the agrarian question in Rome could be fully resolved. The latter problem is of crucial importance for the further history of Rome, because it not only caused the Social War but also radically changed both the social structure and the political balance within Roman society during the last decades of the Republic.
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Burton, Paul J. "Roman Imperialism". Brill Research Perspectives in Ancient History 2, n.º 2 (11 de abril de 2019): 1–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25425374-12340004.
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Abstract Rome engaged in military and diplomatic expansionistic state behavior, which we now describe as ‘imperialism,’ since well before the appearance of ancient sources describing this activity. Over the course of at least 800 years, the Romans established and maintained a Mediterranean-wide empire from Spain to Syria (and sometimes farther east) and from the North Sea to North Africa. How and why they did this is a source of perennial scholarly controversy. Earlier debates over whether Rome was an aggressive or defensive imperial state have progressed to theoretically informed discussions of the extent to which system-level or discursive pressures shaped the Roman Empire. Roman imperialism studies now encompass such ancillary subfields as Roman frontier studies and Romanization.
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Salway, Benet. "What's in a Name? A Survey of Roman Onomastic Practice from c. 700 B.C. to A.D. 700". Journal of Roman Studies 84 (novembro de 1994): 124–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300873.
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Perusal of over a thousand years of the fasti of the Romans' eponymous magistracy is sufficient to demonstrate that Roman onomastic practice did not stand still. Why, then, is there a tendency to see the system of three names (tria nomina, i.e. praenomen, nomen gentilicium, and cognomen) as the perfection and culmination of the Roman naming system rather than as a transitory stage in an evolutionary process? The simple answer is probably that usage of the tria nomina happens to be typical of the best documented class in one of the best documented, and certainly most studied, eras of Roman history — the late Republic and early Empire. This perspective tends to pervade discussion of post-classical developments, the basic outline of which is clear from a glancing comparison of the Prosopographia Imperii Romani, which catalogues eminent persons of the first to third centuries A.D., with the Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, covering the fourth to seventh. The difference in their very organizational structure betrays the change since, while the entries in PIR are classified alphabetically by nomen, those of PLRE are arranged by last name, usually cognomen. The major problem requiring explanation is why the nomen gentilicium, the central element of the classical tria nomina, should have been displaced by the cognomen as the one most consistently attested element.
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Fentress, Elizabeth, Teresa Clay, Michelle Hobart e Matilda Webb. "Late Roman and medieval Cosa I: the arx and the structure near the Eastern Height". Papers of the British School at Rome 59 (novembro de 1991): 197–230. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246200009715.
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COSA TARDO ROMANO E MEDIEVALE I: L'ARCE E LA STRUTTURA NELLA PARTE NORD-ORIENTALE DELLA CITTAL'obiettivo degli scavi è di ricontrollare e datare l'insediamento post-romano a Cosa alla luce dei recenti studi sulla ceramica tardo-romana e medievale. Due aree sono state esplorate sull'Arce: la prima a nord della porta principale e la seconda a ovest del tempio D. Infine, una torre posta al di sopra delle mura romane nella parte nord-orientale dell città è stata parzialmente messa in luce.Sull'Arce si può ricostruire un'occupazione di epoca Bizantina: l'insieme comprendeva quartieri di abitazione all'interno del tempio, con un granaio, un fienile e stalle adiacenti. Si tratta probabilmente di una mansio, fortificata dopo un incendio nel VI secolo. Invece, la torre scavata nella zona nord-est della città romana testimonia una presenza medievale. Si tratta di una struttura tondeggiante irregolare che si appoggia alle mura romane guardando il Portus Cosanus. Potrebbe essere interpretata come base per una catapulta, datata verso l'inizio del XIV secolo.
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Bartsch, Shadi. "Roman Literature: Translation, Metaphor & Empire". Daedalus 145, n.º 2 (abril de 2016): 30–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00373.
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The Romans understood that translation entails transformation. The Roman term “translatio” stood not only literally for a carrying-across (as by boat) of material from one country to another, but also (metaphorically) for both linguistic translation and metaphorical transformation. These shared usages provide a lens on Roman anxieties about their relationship to Greece, from which they both transferred and translated a literature to call their own. Despite the problematic association of the Greeks with pleasure, rhetoric, and poetic language, the Roman elite argued for the possibility of translation and transformation of Greek texts into a distinctly Roman and authoritative mode of expression. Cicero's hope was that eventually translated Latin texts would replace the Greek originals altogether. In the end, however, the Romans seem to have felt that effeminacy had the last laugh.
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Rabello, Alfredo Mordechai. "Civil Jewish Jurisdiction in the Days of Emperor Justinian (527–565): Codex Justinianus 1.9.8." Israel Law Review 33, n.º 1 (1999): 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700015892.
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The extent to which the Roman government which had conquered the Land of Israel (Palaestina) as well as large areas outside of it (collectively termed the Roman Empire) permitted Jewish courts to rule in matters regarding Jews is a question which has attracted relatively little attention. In his fundamental book Les Juifs dans l'Empire Romain the renowned scholar Jean Juster sums up the situation of the Jewish judiciary as such: “After the fall of Jerusalem, the Jews continued to bring their cases not only before Jewish judges (whom it was possible to define as arbiters) but even before actual Jewish courts authorized to judge according to Jewish law and granted authority to do so by the Romans. The Jewish court received the status of a regular court the moment one of the Jewish sides submitted a claim to it, thereby effectively preventing the submission of the case to a rival non-Jewish court. The Jewish court thus received the authority to summon the defendant, to force him to appear, and to ensure that its rulings would be enforced. Its rulings would be recognized by the Roman authorities as coming from legitimate judicial authority”.
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Belfiglio, Valentine J. "Control of epidemics in the Roman army: 27 B.C. - A.D. 476". International Journal Of Community Medicine And Public Health 4, n.º 5 (24 de abril de 2017): 1387. http://dx.doi.org/10.18203/2394-6040.ijcmph20171745.
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During the Roman Empire thousands of soldiers were exposed to communicable diseases. The Romans forged a military medical system that surpassed the medical systems of most of their enemies. Under the principles of immediacy and expectancy, the Roman medical staff salvaged and returned to duty many sick and wounded soldiers as rapidly as possible. The selection of and training of healthy legionnaires, hygiene and sanitation and immediate medical care emphasized that the timing of care after diagnosis is as important as the quality of care. The Romans were the first army in history to employ medical corpsmen, field hospitals and triage. The Roman efficacy in combat medicine may be one of the least appreciated aspects of the ability of the Roman army to help create and maintain an empire.
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Bence, Erika. "21TH CENTURY INTERPRETATION OF „A 19TH CENTURY” HUNGARIAN CRIME NOVEL". Годишњак Филозофског факултета у Новом Саду 47, n.º 1 (26 de dezembro de 2022): 315–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/gff.2022.1.315-332.
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Roman Roberta Milbahera Léleknyavalyák [Duševne boljke] – Ili o prirodi samoubistva i drugih sredstava usmrćivanja, objavljen 2018. godine, sebe definiše kao kriminalistički roman napisan krajem 1860-ih, u formi tog doba. Prihvatajući ovu samorefleksiju, istraživanje prikazano u ovoj studiji predstavlja savremeni mađarski književni poduhvat za naknadnu rekonstrukciju žanrova i načina govora prethodnih vekova, upoređujući tako Milbaherov roman u kontekstu romana nastalih pod tim uticajima (Trilogija Testvériség [Bratstvo] Lasla Martona, istorijski roman Marije Vasađi Pokolkerék [Pakleni točak]). Uz sve ovo, postavlja nekoliko modela svoje interpretacije: ispituje i mogućnosti da se tumači referencijalno, kao psihološki i kao kriminalistički roman.Komparativna istraživanja daju odgovore ne samo na pitanja žanrovske konstrukcije interpretiranog romana, već i na razumevanje mađarske detektivske priče 19. veka i njenog uticaja na druge žanrove, kao i promišljanje prisustva ovog žanra u savremenoj nastavi književnosti.
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Whalin, Douglas C. "A note reconsidering the message of Heraclius’ silver hexagram, circa AD 615". Byzantinische Zeitschrift 112, n.º 1 (1 de fevereiro de 2019): 221–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bz-2019-0011.
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Abstract The hexagram was first minted during the darkest days of the final Roman-Persian War (602-628) when Roman fortunes were at their lowest. As a result, commentators have read the coin’s novel inscription, Deus Adiuta Romanis (God, help the Romans) as evidence for the ’stressful and desperate’ state of the empire. This paper presents the case that reading the coin alongside evidence for popular military practices instead paints a picture of the Roman state apparatus deftly manipulating mass propaganda. For the Romans in the 610s, these new coins signalled not defeatism but defiance and the promise of victory.
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CHEBINI, Sabrina. "La Numidia Post-massinissiana: la lotta di potere e le guerre giugurtine. Come Roma riuscì a sopprimere la minaccia giugurtina?" ALTRALANG Journal 3, n.º 01 (31 de julho de 2021): 90–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.52919/altralang.v3i01.105.
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ABSTRACT: With the Third Punic War, Scipio Emiliano had settled the African question, constituting a province which still had good relations with the kingdom of Numidia ruled by Massinissa, whose politics had attracted Roman merchants and businessmen to Africa, romans and italics. attracted by African riches, Rome was therefore grateful for the relations it had with Numidia. the kingdom after the death of Massinissa had passed to the eldest son Mecipsa, on the latter's death, the kingdom was disputed by the three main heirs, among them, the most unscrupulous was Giugurta, adopted son of Mecipsa, thus a long struggle for supremacy broke out. This article deals with the period of the Roman conquest in North Africa, with particular dedication to the period post- Massinissa and the analysis of the politico-social scenario of Numidia. What role did Giugurta play? How did Rome respond to this threat?
RIASSUNTO: Con la terza guerra punica, Scipione Emiliano sbarcò sul territorio di Cartagine, dopo questa grandiosa vittoria, l’Africa del Nord divenne provincia romana, Roma e Numidia avevano sempre mantenuto buoni rapporti, infatti la politica di Massinissa aveva atterrato in Africa commercianti e uomini d’affari, romani ed italici attratti dalle ricchezze africane, dunque Roma era contenta dei rapporti che interattiva con la Numidia, il regno dopo la morte di Massinissa era passato al figlio maggiore Mecipsa, alla morte di quest’ultimo, il regno fu conteso dai tre principali eredi, tra i quali il più spregiudicato era Giugurta, figlio adottivo di Mecipsa, scoppiò cosi una lunga lotto per la supremazia. Nel presente articolo sono trattati i momenti della conquista romana in Nord-Africa, con particolare dedizione al periodo post-massinissiano e all’analisi dello scenario politico-sociale della Numidia. Quale il ruolo giocato da Giugurta ? Come Roma rispose a tale minaccia?
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Atabik, Ahmad. "CLASH OF WEST AND EAST CIVILIZATIONS IN QUR’AN INTERPRETATION". ADDIN 11, n.º 1 (18 de maio de 2017): 243. http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/addin.v11i1.2222.
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This article describes the clash of west and east civilizations from the perspective of the Qur’an interpretation. As is well known that the Qur’an reveals a clash of civilizations between the West which is represented by the Roman and the east are Persian. The clash occurred for many years. This war began with the triumph of Persians, the Qur’an clearly interpreted that nine years later the Roman defeat the Persian. Roman Empire which is meant by ar-Rum is the Kingdom of Eastern Roman centered in Konstantinopel, not the Western Roman kingdom centered in Rome. The West Roman kingdom, before the events, recounted in this verse occurs has collapsed in 476 CE. The Romans are Christians (people of the scripture), and the Persians religion Majusi (idolaters).
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Delgado Delgado, José Antonio. "Caput in iecore non fuit. La ‘cabeza’ de los cónsules por la salvación de la República". ARYS: Antigüedad, Religiones y Sociedades, n.º 14 (16 de maio de 2018): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/arys.2017.3987.
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Resumen: Los dioses de Roma eran tenidos por los romanos como sus conciudadanos y sus intereses se identificaban plena y totalmente con los de la ciudad. A ellos les correspondía el papel de guías y consejeros de las acciones de los hombres, particularmente de los hombres de estado. Cuando la guerra alteraba el curso natural de la vida cívica y amenazaba la paz social, las divinidades tomaban las riendas de la situación previniendo a los romanos de las grandes y graves calamidades que se avecinaban y advirtiendo de los esfuerzos extraordinarios que habrían de hacer para acometerlas y minimizar sus efectos. En el curso de determinadas campañas militares contra pueblos extranjeros o en periodos de disputa por el liderazgo político, los dioses consideraron que la preservación de Roma pasaba por el sacrificio de sus cónsules. Su anuncio venía ‘impreso’ en el hígado de una víctima animal y su sentido fatídico afectaba al destino personal de los principales magistrados del estado. Este signum se reconocía en la ausencia de la cabeza del hígado (caput iecoris) del animal sacrificado. La investigación de los once casos conocidos bajo la República –entre ellos los del propio Julio César– y el estudio de la naturaleza del signum mortis son los objetivos principales de este trabajo.Abstract: The Gods of Rome were regarded by the Romans as their fellow citizens and their interests were fully and completely identified with those of the city. Their role was to serve as guides and counsellors on the actions of the men, particularly the statesmen. When war altered the natural course of civic life and threatened the social peace, the gods took over control of the situation, preventing the Romans from the major and serious calamities that were looming and warning of the extraordinary efforts that they would have to make in order to tackle them and minimize their effects. In the course of certain military campaigns against foreign peoples or during periods of struggle for political leadership, the gods considered that the key to preserving Rome was through sacrificing their consuls. Such announcement came ‘imprinted’ on the liver of an animal to be sacrificed and its fatal end affected the personal fate of the chief magistrates of the state. This signum was recognized in the absence of the ‘head’ of the liver (caput iecoris) of the animal sacrificed. Research on the eleven known cases in the Republic— including that of Julius Caesar himself—and the study of the nature of the signum mortis are the main objectives of this paper.Palabras clave: Historia de Roma, Roma republicana, magistrados romanos, cónsules de Roma, Religión romana, adivinación pública romana, extispicina, miedo.Key words: Roman History, Roman Republic, Roman magistrates, Roman consuls, Roman Religion, Roman public divination, Extispicy, fear.
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Décuré, Nicole. "Les femmes et la religion dans le roman policier féminin amméricain des années 1980". Notes de recherche 3, n.º 2 (12 de abril de 2005): 149–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/057610ar.
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Quelle place la religion occupe-t-elle dans le roman policier écrit par les anglo-saxonnes? Même si le roman policier se préoccupe peu des questions de religion, il demeure un roman à caractère moralisateur. Ce genre littéraire, aux États-Unis, a été longtemps dominé par les hommes, ce qui n'est pas le cas pour le roman anglais. Toutefois, les féministes américaines écrivent de plus en plus de romans policiers. Quoique religion et femmes soient souvent antinomiques, cette fiction peut mettre en scène des femmes qui ont des préoccupations religieuses. Le roman policieraméricain reflète la place de la religion dans la vie des femmes et des féministes.