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Artigos de revistas sobre o assunto "Right-wing extremists – history"
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Dauster, Manferd. "Parliaments versus Raising Extremist Member of Parliament". Bratislava Law Review 5, n.º 1 (30 de junho de 2021): 27–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.46282/blr.2021.5.1.213.
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(Right-wing) extremism is on the rise across the continent. Propaganda and other activities affect European societies and parliaments. Extremists do not stop their activities in front of parliaments’ buildings. As far as extremist performance within parliaments is concerned, parliaments may react to them using measures of order, as provided for by their Rule Books but cannot apply them to harmful activities outside the parliament in the ordinary (political) arena. Parliamentarian means of defence appear inadequate and at the end not efficient to defend our representative democracies. By comparing the present German constitutions in perspective of the German constitutional history, the article seeks to find „sharper armoury“ for parliamentary defence. In conclusion, some consideration is given to constitutional amendment providing parliaments with the authority to expel the unruly Members of Parliament.
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MULLOY, DARREN. "Conversing with the Dead: The Militia Movement and American History". Journal of American Studies 38, n.º 3 (dezembro de 2004): 439–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875804008734.
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If one forgets the past, he will not be prepared for the future.The Militia of MontanaYES! TODAY JUST AS YESTERDAY.The Michigan MilitiaWhen the militia movement emerged in the United States during the mid 1990s its members were widely seen as simply the latest practitioners of what Richard Hofstadter famously called “the paranoid style in American politics.” There was much comfort to be had in this characterization. It fitted the militia movement into a long-standing model for understanding right-wing extremism in American life, one in which the principal characteristics of such extremism were readily understood: conspiratorial, Manichean, absolutist – if not apocalyptic – and, of course, paranoid. The problem with this approach, though, is that it tends to discourage any examination of mainstream culture's role in the creation or sustaining of those defined as extremists. It downplays the extent to which the pool of ideological resources employed by the extreme right exists not just on the margins of American life, but also in the very fabric of the American ideology. Little attempt is made to explore the extent to which the ideas and beliefs of these “extremists” are related to, and are drawn from, key periods in US history: from the American Revolution, the period of the constitutional settlement or the settling of the American West, for example. Yet such ideas and beliefs are absolutely central to how groups like the militias see themselves and the world around them.
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Khrishkevich, Tatiana. "Right-wing Extremist Organizations of Modern Germany: Attempts to Revise History as a Threat to Social Cohesion". Metamorphoses of history, n.º 23 (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.37490/mh2022235.
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The article presents an analysis of the activities of right-wing extremist organizations in Germany aimed at revising the results of the Second World War. Historical revisionism has become a central place of propaganda for German legal extremism since the 1970s. Its goal is not to generate new scientific knowledge, but to be aimed solely at an ideologically motivated rethinking of historical facts. They present events, creating the impression of an unbiased study of a historical source in a little-informed community. In accordance with their worldview, right-wing extremists deny the guilt of Germany in unleashing the Second World War, transferring it to the victorious powers. In modern Germany, the number of supporters of neo-Nazi groups has increased, which is a blow to social cohesion. In order to counteract this, significant work is being carried out by the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution, the police and other State structures. A special role is being played by research activities. In 2020 A research institute of social cohesion was established on the basis of eleven higher educational institutions and research institutions. It is a structure funded by the Federal Ministry of Education and Research, located in ten different lands. Almost 200 scientists from different research teams are developing practical proposals that will help solve the social problems of our time, using empirical research and large-scale comparisons. Among the topics that are analyzed and become the basis for the development of practical proposals, the themes of conflict, polarization and populism, as well as anti-Semitism and hate crimes occupy a prominent place.
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de Bromhead, Alan, Barry Eichengreen e Kevin H. O'Rourke. "Political Extremism in the 1920s and 1930s: Do German Lessons Generalize?" Journal of Economic History 73, n.º 2 (23 de maio de 2013): 371–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050713000302.
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We examine the impact of the Great Depression on the share of votes for right-wing extremists in elections in the 1920s and 1930s. We confirm the existence of a link between political extremism and economic hard times as captured by growth or contraction of the economy. What mattered was not simply growth at the time of the election, but cumulative growth performance. The impact was greatest in countries with relatively short histories of democracy, with electoral systems that created low hurdles to parliamentary representation, and which had been on the losing side in World War I.
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Parthe, Kathleen. "The Empire Strikes Back: How Right-Wing Nationalists Tried to Recapture Russian Literature". Nationalities Papers 24, n.º 4 (dezembro de 1996): 601–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999608408472.
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This article attempts to reconstruct the khod myshleniia (thought process) of the ultra-nationalist, ultra-conservative camp, not just because it is interesting in and of itself but also because of the way that some of their ideas, concerns, and ways of seeing Russia and the world are shared by a growing number of people in the middle of the political spectrum. The extremists' ideas about russifikatsiia may not spread very far, but russkost' is a powerful and attractive concept.
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Marshall, Jonathan. "U.S. Cold War Policy and the Italian Far-Right: The Nixon Administration, Republican Party Operatives, and the Borghese Coup Plot of 1970". Journal of Cold War Studies 25, n.º 1 (2023): 138–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01124.
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Abstract The Nixon administration's attempt to promote a military coup in Chile after the election of a far-left president in September 1970 is a well-documented example of U.S. officials’ willingness do whatever was needed to curtail Soviet influence in the Third World. Drawing on declassified White House documents and records of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency, this article examines the parallel but largely unknown story of U.S. dealings with right-wing extremists in one of the founding members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, Italy, at around that same time. In December 1970, far-right activists in Italy staged an abortive coup that was intended to prevent further gains by Italy's leftist parties. The article draws on new and widely forgotten sources to examine the background and involvement of two private U.S. operatives for the Republican Party who were closely aligned with senior coup plotters in Italy. Their involvement with Italian neo-fascists should raise concerns about the dangers of private meddling in foreign policy and the potential for private actors to create misperceptions about critical U.S. government policies.
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Dauda, Kazeem Oluwaseun. "Islamophobia and Religious Intolerance: Threats to Global Peace and Harmonious Co-Existence". QIJIS (Qudus International Journal of Islamic Studies) 8, n.º 2 (31 de dezembro de 2020): 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/qijis.v8i2.6811.
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<p>Recent events show that there are heightened fear, hostilities, prejudices and discriminations associated with religion in virtually every part of the world. It becomes almost impossible to watch news daily without scenes of religious intolerance and violence with dire consequences for societal peace. This paper examines the trends, causes and implications of Islamophobia and religious intolerance for global peace and harmonious co-existence. It relies on content analysis of secondary sources of data. It notes that fear and hatred associated with Islām and persecution of Muslims is the fallout of religious intolerance as reflected in most melee and verbal attacks, anti-Muslim hatred, racism, xenophobia, anti-Sharī'ah policies, high-profile terrorist attacks, and growing trends of far-right or right-wing extremists. It reveals that Islamophobia and religious intolerance have led to proliferation of attacks on Muslims, incessant loss of lives, wanton destruction of property, violation of Muslims’ fundamental rights and freedom, rising fear of insecurity, and distrust between Muslims and non-Muslims. The paper concludes that escalating Islamophobic attacks and religious intolerance globally had constituted a serious threat to world peace and harmonious co-existence. Relevant resolutions in curbing rising trends of Islamophobia and religious intolerance<strong> </strong>are suggested.</p><p> </p>
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Kil'dyushov, Oleg. "Between the Ethos of Science and “Vice Squad”: Max Weber as Polеmicist". Sotsiologicheskoe Obozrenie / Russian Sociological Review 22, n.º 2 (2023): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1728-192x-2023-2-71-84.
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The article deals with the uniquely specific public profile of Max Weber, who, on the one hand, entered the history of social thought as a staunch supporter of the value-free scientific work, and on the other hand, was a passionate polemicist ready to cause a public scandal even for a minor occasion. At the outset, Weber’s ambivalent understanding of the ethos of modern science as a methodically-controlled search for objective knowledge of the world at the edge of the scientist’s self-denial and free from the influence of extra-scientific motives is pointed out. In so doing, the paradoxical combination in Weber’s anthropology of science of the imperatives of analytical sobriety and passionate loyalty to one’s “daemon” is recorded. It has been argued that his ambivalence was a specific trait of the classicist of German and world sociology, combining his titanic personality with the extremes of a scholarly hermit and a world celebrity with a reputation for unbalanced scandals. Following then are the judgments about the eminent social thinker made by representatives of opposing political currents, both right-wing conservatives and left-wing extremists. On the basis of a number of high-profile scandals that became known to the scientific and general public in early-20th century Germany, the mechanism of Weber’s involvement in conflicts with various opponents at the personal and institutional level is demonstrated. The practical significance for Weber himself of his scientific-theoretical and methodological principles, which became canonical for the self-understanding of the modern scholarly profession, is questioned. Finally, the passionate controversy surrounding Weber’s famous work Protestant Ethics and the Spirit of Capitalism is analyzed, reconstructed on the example of historian F. Raphael’s critique and the response of Weber’s First Anticritique.
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Hung, Jochen. "“Bad” Politics and “Good” Culture: New Approaches to the History of the Weimar Republic". Central European History 49, n.º 3-4 (dezembro de 2016): 441–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938916000625.
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More than thirty years ago, Eberhard Kolb commented that the vast wealth of research on the history of the Weimar Republic made it “difficult even for a specialist to give a full account of the relevant literature.” Since then, the flood of studies on Weimar Germany has not waned, and by now it is hard even to keep track of all the review articles meant to cut a swath through this abundance. Yet the prevailing historical image of the era has remained surprisingly stable: most historians have accepted the master narrative of the Weimar Republic as the sharp juxtaposition of “bad” politics and “good” culture, epitomized in the often-used image of “a dance on the edge of a volcano.” Kolb, for example, described “the sharp contrast between the gloomy political and economic conditions … and the unique wealth of artistic and intellectual achievement” as “typical of the Weimar era.” Detlev Peukert, arguably the most innovative scholar of Weimar history, criticized this historical image but, at the same time, declared this dichotomy “an integral feature of the era.” The latest example can be found in the work of Eric D. Weitz, who summarizes the fate of Weimar Germany as “the striving for something new and wonderful encountering absolute evil,” juxtaposing the “sparkling brilliance” of modernist masters like Bertolt Brecht, Thomas Mann, and Bruno Taut with “the plain hatred of democracy” of Weimar's right-wing extremists. This contrasting of politics and culture is a narrative device that only makes sense, however, from our contemporary vantage point of Western liberal democracy and from our understanding of progressive art. This retrospective interpretation is not in itself the problem—after all, historians can never really escape their own historical contexts. It becomes problematic, however, when it is treated not as an interpretation but as historical fact. Weimar Germans certainly would not have shared this narrative wholeheartedly: many would not have subscribed to the depiction of their time as a never-ending parade of political breakdowns and economic disasters. Even more would have rejected the view of the Berlin-based avant-garde as a sign of progressive achievement—if they had ever had the chance to see its representative works in the first place. The sharp distinction between “bad” Weimar politics and “good” Weimar culture not only fails to do justice to the way many of these Germans perceived their time but also keeps us from understanding how closely intertwined these two spheres were in the Weimar Republic. Thus, rather than giving an overview of the latest additions to Weimar historiography, this review essay looks at how recent publications have questioned—or conformed to—this dominant narrative.
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Süß, Walter. "Right‐wing extremism in the GDR". Debatte: Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe 1, n.º 2 (janeiro de 1993): 95–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09651569308454468.
Texto completo da fonteTeses / dissertações sobre o assunto "Right-wing extremists – history"
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Benowitz, June Melby. "Grace Wick : portrait of a right-wing extremist". PDXScholar, 1988. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3789.
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"Grace Wick: Portrait of a Right-Wing Extremist" is a biography of an American woman who lived between 1888 and 1958. Wick grew up in a small midwestern town, but as a young woman broke away from small town tradition by moving to the city to pursue a career as an actress in the theater and in silent movies. In the course of her acting career she traveled across North America and had the opportunity to associate with people from all walks of life. As an actress, she was able to achieve an autonomy enjoyed by few women during the 1910s and early 1920s. She also developed into a political activist, organizing campaign rallies for candidates, crusading to extend women's freedom, and was an active participant in mainline politics. However, as a middle-aged woman during the late 1930s, Wick developed a narrow focus on life, becoming involved with right-wing, pro-America organizations. By the 1940s she had become outspoken against immigrants and Jews and was actively distributing nativist, anti-Semitic propaganda. The thesis poses and suggests answers to the question of why a woman who had spent a number of years in the city, and in a career which afforded her the opportunity to gain a cosmopolitan view of the world, followed a course toward nativism and right-wing extremism in her later years.
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DAMHUIS, Koen Henricus Bernardus. "Roads to the radical right : understanding different forms of electoral support for radical right-wing parties in France and the Netherlands". Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/60251.
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Defence date: 14 December 2018Examining Board: Prof. Stefano Bartolini, European University Institute; Prof. Mark Bovens, Utrecht University; Prof. Daniel Gaxie, University Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne (Co-supervisor); Prof. Hanspeter Kriesi, European University Institute (Supervisor)
The aim of this dissertation is to shed new light on the electoral support for radical rightwing parties (RRP). Whereas most existing investigations assume a form of causal homogeneity, the starting point of this research project is based on what I call electoral equifinality : the coexistence of multiple causal paths leading towards different forms of support for the same political party. In order to discern and understand different forms of RRP support, the study takes both the supply and the demand side into account. Regarding the supply side, I link cleavage theory and conflict sociology to the Laclauian notion of equivalence , arguing that the electoral appeal of RRP relies on their capacity to coherently unify a multiplicity of heterogeneous demands along the same main antagonism: national versus foreign. Following Weber’s and Parkin’s thoughts on social closure, I theorize that this nativist core conflict is invoked according to a specific tripartite structure, which, to my knowledge, has remained quite unnoticed in the existing literature. In accordance with this theory, a new dataset is developed (n = 1,378), based on the tweets of Le Pen and Wilders, to compare the political supply of their parties in terms of forms of closure, reference groups and issue categories. Pertaining to the demand side, a sequential mixed methods design is followed, focusing quantitatively on the structural heterogeneity within RRP constituencies along three dimensions within a Bourdieusian framework of social space: social characteristics (who); political preferences (why) and political interest (how). Subsequently, the second qualitative research step is based on life history interviews with 125 RRP voters in France and the Netherlands, leading to a typology of radical right support. Taken together, these findings contribute to a more fine-grained understanding of RRP support in Western Europe and open up theoretical and empirical perspectives for future research.
Livros sobre o assunto "Right-wing extremists – history"
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Jiménez, José Luis Rodríguez. La extrema derecha española en el siglo XX. Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 1997.
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Nieto, Rafael. Sin miedo a nada ni a nadie: Blas Piñar, Vox y los "nuevos patriotas". Buitrago de Loyola, Madrid-España: SND Editores, 2019.
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Biacchessi, Daniele. Ombre nere: Il terrorismo di destra da piazza Fontana alla bomba al Manifesto. Milano: Mursia, 2002.
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Casals, Xavier. Ultrapatriotas: Extrema derecha y nacionalismo de la guerra fría a la era de la globalización. Barcelona: Crítica, 2003.
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Inuzuka, Akira. Uyoku no ringo: Kinjirareta shisō no keifu o nomikudasu tame ni = The apple of the right. Tōkyō: Shakai Hyōronsha, 1999.
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François, Richard. Les anarchistes de droite. 2a ed. Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1997.
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Biacchessi, Daniele. Ombre nere: Il terrorismo di destra da piazza Fontana alla bomba al Manifesto. Milano: Mursia, 2002.
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Kenkyūkai, Uyoku Mondai. Uyoku no chōryū. Tōkyō: Tachibana Shobō, 2006.
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Orella, José Luis (Orella Martínez), author, ed. Breve historia del neofascismo y de la derecha radical: Europa Occidental. Santiago de Chile: Akhilleus Ediciones, 2017.
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Jesse, Eckhard, e Gerhard Hirscher. Extremismus in Deutschland: Schwerpunkte, Vergleiche, Perspektiven. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2013.
Encontre o texto completo da fonteCapítulos de livros sobre o assunto "Right-wing extremists – history"
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Perry, Barbara, e Ryan Scrivens. "Tracing the History of Right-Wing Extremism in Canada". In Right-Wing Extremism in Canada, 23–57. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-25169-7_2.
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Fischer von Weikersthal, Felicitas. "Section commentary: Right-wing extremism, the question of power, and multiple entanglements". In A Transnational History of Right-Wing Terrorism, 91–96. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003105251-6.
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Kruglanski, Arie W., David Webber e Daniel Koehler. "Deradicalization in Germany". In The Radical's Journey, 39–58. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190851095.003.0003.
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The purpose of Chapter 3 is to elucidate the deradicalization and counter-extremism approaches that have been used in Germany. Relative to other countries, Germany has had a sustained history of involvement in efforts to rehabilitate extremists (right wing and other) that could serve as models for similar efforts worldwide. These tactics are often referred to as countering violent extremism (CVE). The chapter is divided into sections discussing the history of CVE in Germany, constraints and difficulties encountered by the German CVE enterprise, assessment of the success of CVE efforts in Germany, and anticipated developments within the field.
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Kruglanski, Arie W., David Webber e Daniel Koehler. "Extremism Rising". In The Radical's Journey, 1–7. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190851095.003.0001.
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In Chapter 1, the reader is introduced to the current context within which right-wing extremism in Europe occurs. The chapter begins with a discussion of the changing political and economic environments within Europe and the United States that have increased the appeal and expression of right-wing views over the past decade. Issues discussed include ramifications of globalization, refugee migration into Europe, populism, the electoral success of right-wing parties, and the history of national socialism in Germany. The actual extent of right-wing militancy is juxtaposed to the relatively modest concern expressed toward right-wing, relative to Islamic extremism. Finally, the reader is introduced to the specific conceptual approach taken by the authors in examining German right-wing extremism.
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Brennan, T. Corey. "Eradication of Fasces and Epilogue". In The Fasces, 198–218. Oxford University PressNew York, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197644881.003.0012.
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Abstract The defeat of the Axis powers in 1945 occasioned a comprehensive purge of the Nazi swastika emblem, and sent the image of the fasces sharply in retreat—even in the United States, where soon after war’s end it was dropped from the long-established (since 1916) 10-cent piece. However, Italy developed no master plan to address its now-ubiquitous Fascist symbols. Indeed, by 1953, its national Olympic committee was touting Rome’s former Foro Mussolini as an ideal site for the 1960 Summer Games. And once it won its bid, it made only a belated and feeble effort (quickly abandoned) to mitigate the effect of the hundreds of fasces embedded in the mosaic walkway that led to the principal stadium, which are still intact today. That said, in the post–World War II era—with the exception of a provocative twinned public sculpture (2001) on university campuses in Paisley (Scotland) and Princeton (New Jersey)—no one has been putting up new fasces in public art. However, the fasces’ long history, with all its twists and turns from antiquity through Fascist reimagining and then into present-day unfamiliarity, has given an opening to contemporary right-wing extremists searching for a symbol that is potent, but not widely provocative at first glance.
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Kruglanski, Arie W., David Webber e Daniel Koehler. "Right-Wing Extremism in Germany". In The Radical's Journey, 8–38. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190851095.003.0002.
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Chapter 2 provides an overview of German right-wing extremism. A history of German right-wing extremism is first discussed, tracing the formation of right-wing political parties and militant groups in this country in the post–World War II period. Critical periods and events are highlighted, including, among others, the reunification of East and West Germany and the current “refugee crisis.” The chapter describes important groups and organizations that operate or have operated within the right-wing milieu over the last decades. These groups include political parties, subcultural groups, and organizations that have committed terrorist attacks. These latter groups are discussed in terms of their formation, terrorist actions, and consequences.
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Mizruchi, Mark S., e Raul Gălan. "The Trump Phenomenon and Right-wing Extremism". In Business and Populism, 39–58. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192894335.003.0002.
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Abstract Drawing on the history of populism in the US, we examine the extent to which Donald Trump exhibited populist characteristics as both a candidate in 2016 and as president. Although American populism in the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries was primarily a left-wing movement (at least in terms of economic policy), it became associated with the far-right of the political spectrum after World War II. Distinguishing between economic and cultural populism, we argue that Trump, in his 2016 campaign, drew on both versions, speaking for the average American against privileged elites, but also demonizing immigrants, Muslims, and (less overtly) certain racial and ethnic minorities. Once in office, however, Trump abandoned his economic populism, governing as a conventional contemporary Republican by supporting tax cuts for corporations and the wealthy, businesses and banks at the expense of consumers, and employers at the expense of workers. We conclude with a discussion of the role of big business in Trump’s rise, and the role of business in analogous situations in the UK and Germany.
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Tripodi, Francesca Bolla. "Make Old Ideas Seem New". In The Propagandists' Playbook, 151–79. Yale University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300248944.003.0008.
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This chapter considers the effectiveness of keyword curation and strategic signaling to methodically and habitually amplify extremist concepts that were once considered to be justified human rights atrocities. Blurring the boundaries of mainstream conservatism by normalizing extremist ideas has serious consequences for the public's understanding of civil rights and racial equity. Research also found that white supremacist ideas amplified by the right-wing information ecosystem fostered the practice of “othering” by extremist groups. The chapter focuses on race realism and white shift as white supremacist tropes that promise xenophobia through the valorization of violence, whiteness, Nazi ideology, and colonial history. It looks into how disinformation can contribute to radicalization by bolstering resentment and rewarding outrage.
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Cooke, Benson G. "An Overview of the Impact of Racial Hate and Its Manifestation of Homegrown Terrorism in America". In Violent Extremism, 203–22. IGI Global, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-7119-3.ch012.
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Since the 2008 election of the first African American President of the United States, Barack Obama, racial hatred has been on the rise. During the 2016 presidential election, right-wing extremist groups like the Ku Klux Klan and Ultra-Right groups have become more vocal resulting in civil rights organizations like the Southern Poverty Law Center reporting a significant rise in hate crimes and threats. Unfortunately, President Donald Trump helped to stoke the fears of these hate groups with his incendiary campaign rhetoric of hate mostly against immigrants. This chapter provides a historical overview of racial hate and its manifestation of homegrown terrorism in America. Additionally, this chapter examines how hatred and fear became the source of lynching and race riots in America from the 18th to the 21st century. Understanding the past and present history of hatred directed at racial, ethnic and gender groups can help to bring a factual and more truthful point of view that can help reduce the recurrence of homegrown terrorism.
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Frie, Roger. "Introduction". In Edge of Catastrophe, 1–18. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/9780197748800.003.0001.
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Abstract Reflecting on the contemporary growth of antisemitism and racial hatred, the author introduces the twentieth century public intellectual and psychoanalyst, Erich Fromm, who wrote extensively about the dangers of human destructiveness, racial narcissism and fascism. Yet until now, Fromm’s own family history of the Holocaust and the impact it had on him and his work has remained unexplored. The Holocaust correspondence in Fromm’s family is introduced and Fromm’s life as a German Jewish refugee who escaped Germany in 1934 is examined. The author brings his own German family history to bear and explains that the Nazi past obligates us to educate about the Holocaust and take a stand against right wing extremism. The author suggests that Fromm’s life and writings have much to teach us for the present moment.
Relatórios de organizações sobre o assunto "Right-wing extremists – history"
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Kenes, Bulent. NMR: A Nordic neo-Nazi organization with aims of establishing totalitarian rule across Scandinavia. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), abril de 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/op0008.
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Right-wing extremism and national socialism (Nazism) are not a new phenomenon in Sweden. White supremacists or neo-Nazis have a long history in the country. Nordic Resistance Movement (Nordiska motståndsrörelsen, NMR) rests on this century-long history of Swedish Nazi and Neonazi activism. Including racism, antisemitism, anti-immigration, and anti-globalisation stances with violent tendencies, NMR which aims to overthrow the democratic order in the Nordic region and establish a national socialist state, has become the primary force of white power in Sweden and other Nordic countries.
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HEFNER, Robert. IHSAN ETHICS AND POLITICAL REVITALIZATION Appreciating Muqtedar Khan’s Islam and Good Governance. IIIT, outubro de 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47816/01.001.20.
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Ours is an age of pervasive political turbulence, and the scale of the challenge requires new thinking on politics as well as public ethics for our world. In Western countries, the specter of Islamophobia, alt-right populism, along with racialized violence has shaken public confidence in long-secure assumptions rooted in democracy, diversity, and citizenship. The tragic denouement of so many of the Arab uprisings together with the ascendance of apocalyptic extremists like Daesh and Boko Haram have caused an even greater sense of alarm in large parts of the Muslim-majority world. It is against this backdrop that M.A. Muqtedar Khan has written a book of breathtaking range and ethical beauty. The author explores the history and sociology of the Muslim world, both classic and contemporary. He does so, however, not merely to chronicle the phases of its development, but to explore just why the message of compassion, mercy, and ethical beauty so prominent in the Quran and Sunna of the Prophet came over time to be displaced by a narrow legalism that emphasized jurisprudence, punishment, and social control. In the modern era, Western Orientalists and Islamists alike have pushed the juridification and interpretive reification of Islamic ethical traditions even further. Each group has asserted that the essence of Islam lies in jurisprudence (fiqh), and both have tended to imagine this legal heritage on the model of Western positive law, according to which law is authorized, codified, and enforced by a leviathan state. “Reification of Shariah and equating of Islam and Shariah has a rather emaciating effect on Islam,” Khan rightly argues. It leads its proponents to overlook “the depth and heights of Islamic faith, mysticism, philosophy or even emotions such as divine love (Muhabba)” (13). As the sociologist of Islamic law, Sami Zubaida, has similarly observed, in all these developments one sees evidence, not of a traditionalist reassertion of Muslim values, but a “triumph of Western models” of religion and state (Zubaida 2003:135). To counteract these impoverishing trends, Khan presents a far-reaching analysis that “seeks to move away from the now failed vision of Islamic states without demanding radical secularization” (2). He does so by positioning himself squarely within the ethical and mystical legacy of the Qur’an and traditions of the Prophet. As the book’s title makes clear, the key to this effort of religious recovery is “the cosmology of Ihsan and the worldview of Al-Tasawwuf, the science of Islamic mysticism” (1-2). For Islamist activists whose models of Islam have more to do with contemporary identity politics than a deep reading of Islamic traditions, Khan’s foregrounding of Ihsan may seem unfamiliar or baffling. But one of the many achievements of this book is the skill with which it plumbs the depth of scripture, classical commentaries, and tasawwuf practices to recover and confirm the ethic that lies at their heart. “The Quran promises that God is with those who do beautiful things,” the author reminds us (Khan 2019:1). The concept of Ihsan appears 191 times in 175 verses in the Quran (110). The concept is given its richest elaboration, Khan explains, in the famous hadith of the Angel Gabriel. This tradition recounts that when Gabriel appeared before the Prophet he asked, “What is Ihsan?” Both Gabriel’s question and the Prophet’s response make clear that Ihsan is an ideal at the center of the Qur’an and Sunna of the Prophet, and that it enjoins “perfection, goodness, to better, to do beautiful things and to do righteous deeds” (3). It is this cosmological ethic that Khan argues must be restored and implemented “to develop a political philosophy … that emphasizes love over law” (2). In its expansive exploration of Islamic ethics and civilization, Khan’s Islam and Good Governance will remind some readers of the late Shahab Ahmed’s remarkable book, What is Islam? The Importance of Being Islamic (Ahmed 2016). Both are works of impressive range and spiritual depth. But whereas Ahmed stood in the humanities wing of Islamic studies, Khan is an intellectual polymath who moves easily across the Islamic sciences, social theory, and comparative politics. He brings the full weight of his effort to conclusion with policy recommendations for how “to combine Sufism with political theory” (6), and to do so in a way that recommends specific “Islamic principles that encourage good governance, and politics in pursuit of goodness” (8).