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Bruno, Daniela, e Alicia Barreiro. "“DEMOCRACY IS PRIMARILY ACHIEVED THROUGH VOTING”: SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF ADOLESCENTS". Cadernos de Pesquisa 49, n.º 173 (setembro de 2019): 300–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/198053146573.
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Abstract Various studies have recently revealed that a political representation crisis is taking place worldwide. The aim of this study is understand the social representations of democracy showed in the narratives of Argentine adolescents (N=32) aged between 16 and 18 years. A semi-structured interview was used, which was based on Piaget’s clinical method. The results obtained show that adolescents represent democracy as a fundamental mechanism for the operation of the representative democratic regime and the inherent principles of this form of government. It is concluded that these ways of representing democracy seem to overshadow the possibility of regarding it as a system of government, that is, a broad political institution.
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Kemp, Linzi J., Megan Mathias e Maryam Raji. "Representative bureaucracy in the Arab Gulf states". International Journal of Public Sector Management 32, n.º 3 (8 de abril de 2019): 230–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijpsm-07-2017-0198.
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PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to apply the lens of representative bureaucracy (RB) to women’s representation at management level in governments and government-owned companies in Arab Gulf states (AGS), and to consider the implications for government stability, legitimacy and performance.Design/methodology/approachData were analysed of the numbers of men and women in management positions (8,936), of government and government-owned companies (846), for the six countries of the AGS. Analyses were conducted on the presence/absence of women in management for ten industry types.FindingsGovernments and government-owned companies in the AGS were identified as hybrid (public/private) institutions. Women were found to be underrepresented at management levels in public sector bureaucracy; women clustered in a narrow range of industries; all countries returned a high result of zero female managers in these industries.Research limitations/implicationsThis research is limited by data collected from a single source, “Eikon”, which is a commercial database. The implication of these results is a benchmark for future studies on women’s representation at management level in governments and government-owned companies of Arab Gulf countries.Practical implicationsThe practical implication of this study is for concerted government intervention to address gender inequality in management of governments and government-owned companies across the AGS.Originality/valueThis is the first study of RB in AGS and extends the theory of RB to a new geographical and cultural context. There is value in application of RB to government and government-owned companies as a regional form of hybrid public–private organisation.
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Mora, Cristina, Julie A. Dowling e Michael Rodríguez-Muñiz. "“Mostly Rich White Men, Nothing in Common”: Latino Views on Political (Under) Representation in the Trump Era". American Behavioral Scientist 65, n.º 9 (6 de março de 2021): 1180–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764221996768.
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The idea of U.S. democracy rests on the assumption that all citizens will see their issues and needs reflected in elected officials. Yet, historically this has not been the case, as racialized minorities have been excluded and systematically marginalized from the representative process. Today, nonwhite populations remain significantly underrepresented in federal and state governments. Although scholars have examined the effects and mechanics of ethnoracial political representation, less is known about how individuals from minoritized populations perceive and make sense of political (under)representation. Drawing on a novel data set of 71 in-depth interviews with Latinos in the Chicagoland area and the San Francisco Bay, this article examines Latino understandings of representation. Our findings show that respondents view Latinos and other “people of color” as largely underrepresented amid an exceedingly white federal government. Yet Latino sentiments on the issue go beyond race, as respondents contend that class and a record of experience advocating on behalf of immigrant and working-class communities also matters for feeling represented by elected officials. Our findings make a case for bridging the sociological literature on racialization and political theories on representation, and have implications for understanding broader notions of political belonging and government trust.
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Senina, A. V., e E. G. Turgenev. "ZEMSTVO INSTITUTIONS AS SOCIAL ELEVATORS: VERTICAL MOBILITY FROM ZEMSTVOS TO THE HIGHEST REPRESENTATIVE BODIES OF LEGISLATIVE POWER IN LATE IMPERIAL RUSSIA". Вестник Пермского университета. История 63, n.º 4 (2023): 161–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2023-4-161-177.
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In the early 20th century, zemstvos had the opportunity to take part in the discussion about the fate of the state through elections to the State Duma and the State Council. The connection between the system of representation at the state and local levels was already noted by contemporaries of the political reforms of the second half of the 19th – early 20th centuries. Zemstvo institutions can be considered as social elevators for the transition to the highest level of government. Previously, there was no strict criterion in historiography for assessing the representation of deputies from the zemstvo environment and studying their activities in parliament. The authors discovered that more than half of the members of the State Council were associated with the zemstvos, but they supported imperial power in making political decisions. However, the number of zemstvo deputies in the State Duma gradually increased, leading to a clear “zemstvo face” in the 3rd and 4th convocations. The most common channel of mobility was through elections to the State Duma with the status of a glasnyj of provincial zemstvo. Most deputies were elected from provinces where land management, modernization, and movement towards the rule of law was actively being pursued. While there was successful mobility between the zemstvo and parliament in the 1st and 2nd convocations, zemstvo representatives became less actively involved in the political decision-making process as the parliament evolved. By the 4th convoca-tion, the parliamentary sub-elite had risen to leading positions in the State Duma. The authors propose a solution to the question of the continuity and the possibility of an evolutionary path of development in Russian society of the imperial period. The paper addresses the possibility of turning zemstvos into “parliamentary courses” and the basis for all-Russian representation. The authors state that neither parliament nor zemstvos had the necessary fullness of state power. The existing system of relationships between various branches of government did not provide the neces-sary level of public administration and led to a crisis of power. Although zemstvo and parliamentary reforms opened up opportunities for the evolutionary path of sociocultural transformation and political modernization, they were ul-timately lost.
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Krause, Till. "‘Amerrrika ist wunderrrbarrr’: promotion of Germany through Radio Goethe’s cultural export of German popular music to North America". Popular Music 27, n.º 2 (maio de 2008): 225–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143008004042.
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AbstractMuch has been written about the cultural, social and political impact of German popular music within the country, but the role of German popular music outside of Germany has not been sufficiently examined. The research presented here is designed to investigate an example of Germany’s export of contemporary popular music as state-sponsored promotion of its national (pop) culture. San Francisco’s weekly radio programme Radio Goethe – The German Voice, which distributes popular music from German-speaking countries to English-speaking audiences, is explored. The main purposes of this programme are to portray a modern Germany to a foreign audience and to arouse interest in the country. The weekly 60-minute series began airing in 1996 and is sponsored by the German federal government. Radio Goethe is carried by over thirty college radio stations in the USA, Canada and New Zealand, and in 2004 the German creator and host of the series received a Federal Cross of Merit (Bundesverdienstkreuz) for his intercultural work. This article briefly documents the history of the series and critically examines the presentation, style and language of the music. The results of qualitative research on the meanings that listeners assign to the music – based on questionnaires and focus group interviews with American members of the show’s audience – are presented. This case study is framed within existing debates about the relationships between popular music, national identity, cultural representation, and state-supported music export. Data from interviews with the founder of the show and the cultural ambassador of Germany in San Francisco are analysed to clarify the goals of and assumptions behind the radio series.
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Jewiss, Jennifer L., e Daniel N. Laven. "Towards More Meaningful Evaluation of Cultural Heritage Programmes: Engaging Stakeholders Through Programme Modelling". Journal of Heritage Management 6, n.º 1 (25 de maio de 2021): 40–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/24559296211011126.
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Recently, cultural heritage scholars and practitioners have questioned how the field evaluates heritage initiatives. This article considers how a collaborative approach to evaluation may enhance heritage initiatives, particularly at critical developmental stages in their design and implementation. We explore how recent developments in evaluation theory and practice serve interests shared by heritage programme managers, funders and other stakeholders. In particular, programme modelling techniques have proven valuable for engaging a wide array of heritage stakeholders (including staff, funders and site owners). A programme model provides a graphic representation of how a programme is intended to achieve its goals. Programme models have become prevalent in other disciplines, and many government and philanthropic funders require their inclusion in funding proposals and progress reports. However, such models—and the collaborative, stakeholder-driven processes used to develop them—are largely absent from heritage studies. Examples from the US National Park Service ( https://www.nps.gov/aboutus/index.htm ) and Cultural Heritage without Borders-Albania ( http://chwb.org /) illustrate how these techniques serve important learning and evaluation needs identified by heritage programmes. These contrasting examples demonstrate how programme modelling can enhance programme design, communications and reflective practice among a cross-section of programmatic actors. The concluding discussion explores the implications of programme modelling for the future of heritage management.
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Mulugeta, Getaye. "The Matrix of Ethnic Federalism in Ethiopia in Protecting Internal Minority Rights: Examining Perceptions in Oromia Regional State". Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 9, n.º 1 (25 de fevereiro de 2022): 206. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/1050.
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This study aimed to analyze the matrix of ethnic federalism in protecting internal minority rights in Ethiopia via Goba and Robe towns as a case study at Oromia regional state. The post-1990s political formula of Ethiopia was designed considering all ethnolinguistic groups as inhabitants of their own defined territory. It seems that in the architecture of the constitution, there will be ethnic homogeneous states. But, the reality in the ground has shown that none of the units is purely homogenous due to economic migration, (re)settlement, villagization programs, and freedom of movement granted in the constitution. A mixed approach with a cross-sectional survey was used. Questionnaires, interviewees, focused group discussion, and document analyses were used as a primary data. Snowball and purposive sampling were used to select survey respondents. In both town administrations, a kin situation exists; there are constitutional and other legal frameworks gaps, inducing mistrust and tension between minorities and dominant groups, systematic segregation, denying fair and effective representation at levels of government. Therefore, adequately recognizing and legalizing the rights of internal minorities should be the prime duty of the region, establishing particular institutions mandated to protect internal minorities, and government should work on fostering people-to-people integration to reverse the looming mistrust.
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Gorostidi-Martinez, Haritz, Weimin Xu e Xiaokang Zhao. "A study of the Chinese consumers’ product-country image of Spain". Asia Pacific Journal of Marketing and Logistics 29, n.º 5 (13 de novembro de 2017): 947–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/apjml-12-2016-0250.
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Purpose As part of a cross-cultural research, the purpose of this paper is to provide further insights into the existing product-country image (PCI) of the Chinese consumers’ perceptions of Spain, its products, and its people, thereby providing an overall contemporary Spanish PCI within the Chinese market. Design/methodology/approach In total, 215 valid structured questionnaires were gathered throughout China. Following a pre-investigation of 259 usable questionnaires, a 52-item construct was drawn from the existing widely used PCI item scales, designing a structured PCI construct, covering: “country image,” “personal image,” “product image,” “general knowledge about Spain,” and “personal data.” Findings The study provides: a PCI pre-investigation research results as well as a literature review on PCI topic; research results for the five hypotheses concerning Chinese citizens’ view of Spanish product price, quality, technicality, inventiveness, and known brands view; descriptive statistics as well as result graphs for each of the covered PCI sections; our PCI construct variable correlations with the tested five product image variables; and general implications. Research limitations/implications Standardizing PCI longitudinal studies, as well as focusing on how the Spanish Government and private sector should determine the long-term criteria to facilitate a clearer representation of the Spanish PCI evolution within the Chinese market, is advised. Originality/value The current study intends to capture insights for Spain and other country’s public and private sector decision makers to better integrate market and non-market strategies. The results would further assist delineating strategies to avoid the liability of foreignness of Spanish organizations within China.
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Indah Mar’atus Sholichah, Dyah Mustika Putri e Akmal Fikri Setiaji. "Representasi Budaya Banyuwangi Dalam Banyuwangi Ethno Carnival: Pendekatan Teori Representasi Stuart Hall". Education : Jurnal Sosial Humaniora dan Pendidikan 3, n.º 2 (8 de junho de 2023): 32–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.51903/education.v3i2.332.
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This article aims to analyze the cultural representation of Banyuwangi in the Banyuwangi Ethno Carnival (BEC) using Stuart Hall's representation theory approach. The main concepts applied in this analysis are change and resistance, which are used to understand how cultural symbols are represented and interpreted in BEC. The data collection process was carried out through a literature study. Where the data obtained comes from the results of research and other people's scientific works that are studied and then developed. Data analysis was carried out by combining Stuart Hall's representation theory concepts with the findings found in the BEC program. The results of the analysis of the literature study show that BEC is an important vehicle for representing Banyuwangi's cultural identity through modifications of costumes, dances, music, and other performances. In addition, the media plays an important role in the spread and influence of these cultural representations. In the context of Stuart Hall's representation theory, change refers to the transformation of cultural symbols in BEC, while resistance describes the process of building cultural representations through interactions and agreements between BEC actors, government and society. Through this process, Banyuwangi's cultural identity is represented and interpreted in the BEC event. The implication of the results of this research is the need for continuous support in developing and promoting Banyuwangi culture through collaborative efforts between the government, cultural actors and the community. In this case, BEC can be an effective tool to strengthen and broaden understanding and appreciation of Banyuwangi's cultural identity
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Ivana Grace Sofia Radja e Leo Riski Sunjaya. "Representasi Budaya Jember dalam Jember Fashion Carnival: Pendekatan Teori Representasi Stuart Hall". WISSEN : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Humaniora 2, n.º 3 (11 de junho de 2024): 13–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.62383/wissen.v2i3.160.
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This article aims to analyze the representation of Jember culture in the Jember Fashion Carnival (JFC) using Stuart Hall's representation theory approach. The main concepts applied in this analysis are change and resistance, which are used to understand how cultural symbols are represented and interpreted in JFC. The data collection process was carried out through literature study. Where the data obtained comes from the results of research and scientific work of other people which is studied and then developed. Data analysis was carried out by combining the concepts of Stuart Hall's representation theory with the findings found in the JFC event. The results of the literature study analysis show that JFC is an important forum for representing Jember's cultural identity through costume modifications, dance, music and other performances. In addition, the media plays an important role in the spread and influence of these cultural representations. In the context of Stuart Hall's representation theory, change refers to the transformation of cultural symbols in the JFC, while resistance describes the process of building cultural representations through interactions and agreements between JFC actors, the government and society. Through this process, Jember's cultural identity is represented and interpreted in JFC events. The implication of the results of this research is the need for continuous support in developing and promoting Jember culture through collaborative efforts between the government, cultural actors and the community. In this case, JFC can be an effective means of strengthening and expanding understanding and appreciation of Jember's cultural identity.
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Krugler, John D., e David W. Jordan. "Foundations of Representative Government in Maryland, 1632-1715". William and Mary Quarterly 46, n.º 1 (janeiro de 1989): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1922417.
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Wells, Andrew. "Sinking Feelings: Representing and Resisting theTitanicDisaster in Britain, 1914–ca.1960". Journal of British Studies 52, n.º 2 (abril de 2013): 464–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2013.54.
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AbstractThe apparent lack of representations of theTitanicdisaster in Britain between the start of the First World War and the end of the 1950s was due, not to a lack of interest, but to active resistance to such representations. Shipping interests, the press, government, and the public all opposed portrayals of the catastrophe, but their opposition depended much on the medium by which the sinking was to be represented, on the broader international context, and on the nature and status of individual memories of the events of 1912. Questions of fact, fiction, national prestige, and the ethics of representation dominated the first half century of theTitanic's cultural history in the United Kingdom.
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Tracy, James D. ":Fiscal Crises, Liberty, and Representative Government, 1450-1789". Sixteenth Century Journal 40, n.º 1 (1 de março de 2009): 151–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/scj40541130.
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Connaughton, Brian F. "A Most Delicate Balance: Representative Government, Public Opinion, and Priests in Mexico, 1821––1834". Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 17, n.º 1 (2001): 41–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2001.17.1.41.
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This article studies the fragmentation of public opinion in Mexico in the years following Independence in the midst of a critical lack of legitimacy on the part of succesive governments. Those in power, appealing to public opinion as the supposed pillar of independent representative government, tried to gain control over the situation by means of coaction and persuasion. As they did so, they had to concern themselves with the sensitivities and political convictions of priests, whose actions might tip a fragile political equilibrium one way or the other by granting personal sanction and hypothetically religious validation to contingent political movements. Este artíículo aborda la problemáática de la fragmentacióón de la opinióón púública en Mééxico en los añños posteriores a la independencia, en medio de una críítica falta de legitimidad por parte de los gobiernos en turno. ÉÉstos, apelando a la opinióón púública que era el supuesto pilar de un gobierno representativo independiente,trataron de tomarcontrolde lasituacióón por diversos medios de coaccióón y de persuasióón.Alhacerlo,tuvieron que preocuparse por las sensibilidades y convicciones polííticas de los sacerdotes,cuyas acciones podííaninclinar la fráágil balanza políítica en un sentido u otro al otorgar su sancióón personal y una convalidacióón pretendidamente religiosa a un movimiento coyuntural.
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Slattery, Kate. "Drowning Not Waving: The ‘Children Overboard’ Event and Australia's Fear of the other". Media International Australia 109, n.º 1 (novembro de 2003): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0310900110.
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The last few years have been an awakening time for the people, communities and governments of the global village. Escalating problems in the Middle East, global economic uncertainty and an increase in asylum seekers, refugees and migration worldwide have reignited tensions involving boundaries and borders, both geographical and cognitive. One event which highlighted these tensions in Australia, and which was given much media coverage, was the ‘children overboard’ event in October 2001. Utilising a selection of print news coverage of the event, this paper explores how the ‘children overboard’ event demarcated national identities and spaces through the construction and representation of ‘good’ Australian citizens and ‘bad’ asylum seeker ‘others’. Specifically referring to ‘children overboard’ as an ‘event’, I seek to highlight the constructed and representational nature of ‘children overboard’ as a media story and political tool, one which promoted a continuing threat of ‘others’ to the nation in order to gain support for government policy and legitimize national security, and in so doing creating a model of Australian citizenship and identity based upon fear.
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Jafari, Belgheis Alavi, e Liza Schuster. "Representations of exile in Afghan oral poetry and songs". Crossings: Journal of Migration & Culture 10, n.º 2 (1 de outubro de 2019): 183–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/cjmc_00002_1.
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In our examination of the representations of exile in Afghan popular culture, we focus in particular on popular poetry and song lyrics in Farsi, one of the national languages of Afghanistan. This article concentrates on the voices of exiles, their self-representation and their descriptions of life far from their homeland. We argue that, in addition to offering catharsis and expressing collective suffering, the verses are also used to urge return and, more recently, to voice complaints to and about host societies, as well as to critique the Afghan government for its failures.
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McGarry, Aidan. "Roma as a political identity: Exploring representations of Roma in Europe". Ethnicities 14, n.º 6 (14 de novembro de 2014): 756–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796814542182.
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This article explores some of the myriad representations of Roma in Europe and argues that this proliferation makes it more difficult for policymakers to formulate coherent interventions, for academics to agree on a common conceptual language and for the majority to understand the inter-connected problems facing Roma communities. ‘Representations’ refers to how the community is understood by itself as well as by others. Whilst no community retains an uncontested image of itself and its identity, Roma communities have little or no control over how they are represented in the public sphere. Usually, representations of Roma originate and are sustained by non-Romani actors including international organisations, national governments and the majority. Of course, Roma communities have attempted to influence how they represent themselves externally to challenge negative stereotypes and internally, to raise a political consciousness and foster solidarity. Relatedly, the political representation of Roma is particularly important due to their weak political positioning in local, national and transnational contexts but also because it highlights the disparity between contested questions of who Roma are and devising policy interventions to address socio-economic and political exclusion. This article discusses a select number of prevalent Roma representations and links the representation of Roma identity to the public presence and agency of Romani communities.
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Knopff, Rainer. "The Triumph of Liberalism in Canada: Laurier on Representation and Party Government". Journal of Canadian Studies 26, n.º 2 (maio de 1991): 72–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/jcs.26.2.72.
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Ocskay, Gyula. "The list of phone numbers and the paradox of representation : Reflections on resilience in a cross-border context". Észak-magyarországi Stratégiai Füzetek 20, n.º 4 (2023): 61–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.32976/stratfuz.2023.36.
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The COVID-19 pandemic has generated unharmonised measures on behalf of the national governments without communicating with the local actors of the border areas, the representatives of the existing cross-border structures included. Against the conclusions of several studies discussing the topic, the author claims that, notwithstanding a few exceptions, the cross-border structures established so far all over Europe were not involved in the management of the extreme situation. Instead, these were the interpersonal contacts of border citizens and informal channels through which derogations of strict measures were achieved at the regional and national governments. The author finds the reason of this phenomenon in the ‘paradox of representation’ meaning the controversial procedure through which border areas gradually obtain the legal entity status but they lose their societal basis. To illustrate this procedure, the study refers to three communities of experts of network governance, and, through their theoretical models, it arguments that in parallel with the institutionalisation of crossborder cooperation, its participative aspects gradually weaken. The COVID-19 pandemic clearly showed in practice, how this process stabilised the territorial representation status of the cross-border structures while it emptied the participative platforms of the citizens therein.
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Verniaev, I. I. "ETHNIC REPRESENTATION IN THE ECONOMY, SELF-GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS OF KAZAN OF THE LATE IMPERIAL PERIOD". Вестник Пермского университета. История, n.º 3(58) (2022): 18–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2022-3-18-30.
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The article deals with the dynamics of ethnic representation in the economy, self-government and politics of Kazan in the late imperial period. With the development and integration of the urban economy, the dismantling of particular institutions and the formation of a unified urban self-government, the problem of participation and representation of ethno-confessional groups in these modern spheres became especially relevant. Methodologically, the Ethnic Representation Index (IER) is used to analyze the dynamics and compare the degree of participation of ethnic groups in various spheres. Its application avoids superficial assessments of the relations and the role of ethnic groups in urban institutions. Already in the late imperial period, the processes of gradual indigenization of the urban population began, in particular, the strengthening of the representation of Tatars and other ethnic groups of the region in the city. Differences in the representation of ethnic groups in the sectors of urban employment are revealed, and the presence of pronounced niches of economic specialization, determined by a combination of factors, is shown. The place of ethnic groups in the urban economy and employment was determined by the characteristics of their inherent cultural capital, skills, social ties in the city, region and at the interregional level. The conclusion is made about the relative balance of the Russian-Tatar representation in the city governance: underrepresentation in one aspect was compensated by overrepresentation in another. Taking into account the dynamics of the IER, the author analyzes the role of the ethno-confessional factor in urban policy, in the competition between various strategies of city management and in the choice of ways to consolidate the urban elite and mobilized interest groups.
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Turnbull, Daniel. "The Defeat of Popular Representation, December 1904: Prince Mirskii, Witte, and the Imperial Family". Slavic Review 48, n.º 1 (1989): 54–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2498685.
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Although Prince Peter Sviatopolk-Mirskii served as minister of the interior of Russia for only five months beginning on 25 August 1904, he nearly managed a volte-face in the government's relationship to society. The dimensions of his plans for reform during this crucial period have not been thoroughly explored. While his conciliatory attitude toward the zemstva is well known, less familiar is his intention to broaden civil liberties and anchor them firmly in the law, an intention expressed in a memorandum he submitted to Nicholas II on 23 November 1904. In that memorandum Mirskii recommended a whole range of measures designed to restore harmony between government and society— from the extension of basic civil liberties and the broadening of local zemstvo and municipal council authority to the curbing of the Okhrana regime and the restoration of proper legislative and administrative procedures within the government.
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Lestariyana, Reni Puspitasari Dwi, Handoyo Puji Widodo e Urip Sulistiyo. "Female Representation in Government-Mandated English Language Textbooks Used in Indonesian Junior High Schools". Sexuality & Culture 24, n.º 4 (28 de maio de 2020): 1150–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12119-020-09752-2.
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Abramson, Henry. "Jewish Representation in the Independent Ukrainian Governments of 1917-1920". Slavic Review 50, n.º 3 (1991): 542–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2499851.
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The experience of Ukrainian Jewry from 1917 to 1920 is a paradox in modern Jewish history. At the same moment that the leaders of the Ukrainian revolutionary movement extended unprecedented civil rights to Ukrainian Jews, pogromists operating in the name of that same movement brutally terrorized hundreds of Jewish communities with violence and robbery. This strange incongruity has not been satisfactorily addressed; studies of the period have either concentrated on the pogroms or focused on Jewish socialists in Ukrainian politics. Linguistic barriers and subsequent developments, notably the 1926 assassination of Symon Petliura, have further polarized an already dichotomous history. This article attempts to synthesize these two trends.
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Faccioli, Franca, e Lucia D’Ambrosi. "Gender in COVID-19 campaigns: An analysis of the Italian government communications". Journal of Italian Cinema & Media Studies 11, n.º 2 (1 de março de 2023): 293–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jicms_00180_1.
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The gender studies approach of this contribution addresses the issue of communication in the Italian government’s response to COVID-19. In the past, the government had often focused its communication on the promotion of political activities, with stereotypical representations of men and women instead of a culture of communication based on the concept of ‘civil servant’ with a gender lens. This article ponders whether methods of disseminating information and representing the pandemic are driven by innovative models of communication that advocate for a gender-conscious approach. Using a qualitative analysis, this contribution examines the government’s communication campaigns during the pandemic and inquires if and how the narrative of the pandemic has impacted the representation of gender. We analyse public service advertisements on television and in the digital media. Our results show distinct features of and issues with mainstream and social media storytelling strategies.
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Bodrova, О. А., e I. А. Razumova. "Modern technologies in representation and preservation of the Kola Sami ethnic culture". VESTNIK ARHEOLOGII, ANTROPOLOGII I ETNOGRAFII, n.º 1(52) (26 de fevereiro de 2021): 172–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.20874/2071-0437-2021-52-1-16.
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The paper is based on the latest comprehensive study of representations of the Sami people in Murmansk Region. The aim of the article is to describe and analyse the representations, which are considered as a product of the sociocultural practices which use specific technologies. The latter are regarded as methods and tools of practices aimed at preservation of ethnic culture, including its construction. The subject of this study is textual, visual, objective and animated forms of representations of the Sami culture, as well as interactive and other tech-nologies for imaging and branding of Murmansk Region, preservation of cultural heritage of the Sami, and market-ing of regional and ethnic products. For the first time, regional sociocultural practices of actualization and conser-vation of the tangible and intangible heritage have been analyzed using materials of the Kola Sami culture. The study involved ethnographic field research methods, content analysis of regional printed and network media, de-scription of expositions of the regional ethnographic museums, Sami private collections and archives. The analy-sis was based on the framework of constructivism methodology of ethnic studies, actor-network theory, sociology of things and memory studies. It has been determined that museums and mass media appear as collective au-thors of representations. The main commissioner of the technologies of representation and preservation of ethnic and cultural heritage of the Kola Sami of Murmansk Region is the regional government, which uses public and media practices as a managerial tool for the economic and social development of the Region. In the context of development of the ethnocultural tourism, the Sami historical and cultural heritage acts as a very attractive touris-tic resource which requires new sociocultural technologies, such as various forms of visualization and objectifica-tion of ethnic cultural elements, museumification and commercialization of material objects, symbolization and branding of the Sami culture. Sami self-presentations dominate in modern public space and discourse since 2010. At the same time, heteroethnic presentations demonstrate sustainable linguistic modes to describe and to portray Kola Sami people. Construction of cultural models results in reformatting of the Sami ethnic culture, changes of functionality of its elements, and appearance of new ethnocultural forms.
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Hall, Jay. "Editorial". Queensland Archaeological Research 13 (1 de dezembro de 2002): ii. http://dx.doi.org/10.25120/qar.13.2002.63.
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This 13th issue of QAR contains an edited collection of conference papers concerning archaeological work in southeast Queensland. Unlike most such volumes, which normally represent the outcome of a conference or conference session, this one was actually planned before the conference was conceived. Aware that well over a decade had passed since an issue of QAR had been devoted to this archaeologically-industrious part of Queensland (Volume 5), I had been considering another for 2001 or2002 that could provide a vehicle for publishing accumulated knowledge locked up in theses and reports. However, it wasn’t until early in 2001 and a meeting with Sean Ulm over morning coffee at ‘Wordsmith, The Writer’s Cafe’ on the UQ campus that the volume (and its conference link) began to emerge as a reality. At that meeting Sean proposed a symposium dedicated to southeast Queensland archaeology that assembled a varied cross-section of researchers from diverse segments of the discipline in order to share new information and to stimulate future research. Needless to say I was in total accord with this initiative as it provided an excellent staging ground for the collection of papers I had been seeking – and much more. Thus, Sean and I agreed to join forces in the convening of the symposium as well as the editing of its proceedings and went off to our respective schools to seek seeding funds. We also sent out a call for papers and set about arranging a date and venue.The symposium, ‘Recent Archaeological Research in Southeast Queensland’, was held on 28 September 2001, at Women’s College on the UQ campus. Over the course of this day 12 papers were delivered on a wide range of topics including molecular archaeology, stone and bone artefact analysis, historical archaeology, palaeoenvironmental studies, cultural resource management and regional syntheses of spatio-temporal patterning and change in the regional archaeological record. The symposium was well attended, the papers were well received and the discussion was full and often lively. While most delegates were drawn from the University of Queensland as expected, we were pleased at the strong representation from the local archaeological consulting community and several government authorities as well as staff and students from the University of New England, the University of Melbourne and Southern Cross University.For various reasons, not all the symposium papers could be published in this volume. Nevertheless, the seven titles in this issue are fairly representative of the whole in demonstrating a significant change in the local archaeological community and its focus over the 14 years since Volume 5 was published. They reflect a general trend away from a focus on basic field-based research towards higher-order synthesis and explicit testing of models generated by previous research (McNiven; Ulm) and detailed analyses employing new technology (Rowland and Connolly; Francis; Hlinka et al.). Several papers point to an expansion of scholarly interest in historical archaeology not represented in the 1988 volume (Rains and Prangnell; Prangnell). Thus, while a relatively disparate collection in terms of topics, the group represents the current shape and direction of archaeological activity in this region of Queensland at the beginning of this century. As such it may one day be used as a comparative benchmark in the assessment of the history of our discipline, at least in this part of the world.The great success of this symposium is owing to the various and generous contributions of funds, time and expertise. Thus, many thanks go to the School of Social Science and the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies Unit at the University of Queensland for funding and administrative support as the symposium’s joint sponsors. Women’s College is applauded for its modern and inmate lecture theatre and its superb catering service. Congratulations and thanks go out to all the presenters and other symposium attendees for their contribution and support. As co-editors of this collection of symposium papers, Sean and I sincerely thank the score of individuals from a dozen institutions who have anonymously acted as referees for the submitted manuscripts and to Tony Eales who enhanced many of the submitted illustrations. Finally, as QAR editor, my sincere thanks to Sean Ulm for taking the lion’s share of the load on this issue.Jay Hall – Editor
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Liu, Shan-Jan Sarah, e Lee Ann Banaszak. "Do Government Positions Held by Women Matter? A Cross-National Examination of Female Ministers' Impacts on Women's Political Participation". Politics & Gender 13, n.º 01 (19 de julho de 2016): 132–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x16000490.
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Current research shows that female legislators serve as role models for women. Understudied is how and the extent to which female ministers inspire women to participate in politics. We argue that with their high visibility and greater ability to influence policy, female ministers also serve as role models, but their influence differs depending on the form of political engagement. Using the World Values Survey and additional national-level variables, we employ multilevel modeling techniques to explore how women in the cabinet influence various forms of women's political engagement. We find that the proportion of women in the cabinet has a stronger effect on participation than the proportion of women in parliament. All else being equal, a higher proportion of women in the cabinet increases women's conventional participation (voting and party membership), petition signing, and engagement in peaceful demonstrations, but it does not influence women's participation in strikes or boycotts. Our findings add to current studies of women's political representation, in which ministerial representation is often underexplored or not differentiated from parliamentary representation, and help distinguish various forms of participation. Future research should consider examining a wider variety of women's political roles in other areas of the political arena.
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Snowden, Collette. "‘I'm Alright, Thanks’: Non-Conformity and the Media Framing of Social Inclusion". Media International Australia 142, n.º 1 (fevereiro de 2012): 64–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1214200109.
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The concept of social inclusion generally is discussed as an ideal to which there is no opposition, and to which policy and practices in society necessarily must be directed. This article discusses how current notions of social inclusion in policy, academic and media discourses are related to historical representations of social disadvantage. It also discusses how social inclusion policies and ideas in Australia accord with cultural values and ideals of egalitarianism, but conflict with the values of non-conformity and anti-authoritarianism celebrated in the national identity. It examines how the media framing of social inclusion is influenced by the received understanding and historic representation of social inclusion, as well as how media representations of non-conformity in Australia are framed by a mythology of Australian journalists and journalism as larrikins and non-conformist. It argues that while media framing of social inclusion frequently reflects and promotes the dominant perspective as constructed by government and academic discourses, Australian media reporting is able at times to provide a positive alternative to the homogenising and bureaucratic view of social inclusion by championing and celebrating non-conformity and anti-authoritarianism.
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Mazzuca, Sebastián, e James A. Robinson. "Political Conflict and Power Sharing in the Origins of Modern Colombia". Hispanic American Historical Review 89, n.º 2 (1 de maio de 2009): 285–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2008-085.
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Abstract After a long period of chaos, political order in Colombia emerged in the mid-1900s. This transition was driven by a change in the institutional allocation of political power. After the Thousand Days’ War, Colombia’s two parties agreed to share power by means of a new set of electoral rules. The incomplete vote, the cornerstone of the new electoral rules, was a strategic concession by the Conservative government to the Liberal opposition. In exchange for permanent representation in the legislatures, Liberals abandoned military insurrection as a political strategy. Transition to proportional representation was completed in 1929 with the introduction of the quotient rule. The quotient rule was also a concession from the government. However, it was not driven by Liberalism’s potential military power but by the institutional power that Liberalism had accumulated since the first concession.
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Mattes, Robert, e Shaheen Mozaffar. "Legislatures and Democratic Development in Africa". African Studies Review 59, n.º 3 (dezembro de 2016): 201–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2016.83.
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Abstract:Afrobarometer data collected three decades after Joel Barkan’s pioneering survey of rural Kenyans confirm his insights that voters stress MPs’ linkage roles in terms of representation (carrying views upward to the capital) and constituency service (bringing goods downward from national government) over their institutional roles (lawmaking and oversight). And, contrary to conventional wisdom, they prefer collective goods for the constituency over private goods. An African Legislatures Project survey of 822 MPs in seventeen countries revealed, however, that MPs misinterpret this as a demand for material goods and development and underappreciate the demand for representation, prompting—among other things—the adoption of controversial Constituency Development Funds.
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Gordon, Scott Paul. "Yoked by Violence: The Paxton Boys, Representation, and a “humble Petition”". Journal of Early American History 11, n.º 2-3 (11 de novembro de 2021): 169–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-11020013.
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Abstract A 1764 manuscript petition, a “humble Petition” from Lancaster County, differs substantially from the published Remonstrance that has been taken to represent the views of the Paxton Boys, who murdered 20 Native Americans in Lancaster County and attempted to destroy 140 more in the Philadelphia Barracks. The Remonstrance, which began with a Whiggish demand for increased legislative representation for frontier counties, has led historians to describe the Paxton Boys as frontier democrats who marched on Philadelphia to present grievances to the provincial government. The “humble Petition,” however, has little interest in legislative representation. It resembles the Declaration that defiantly defends the murders and threatens more. The “humble Petition,” then, enables us to reposition the Remonstrance as an expression of political elites—an early entry in the pamphlet war that followed the murders—who appropriated the Lancaster County murders to adjust power in Pennsylvania by means of the 1764 elections.
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Shanahan, Fiona. "Flying Below the Radar". Public History Review 28 (9 de julho de 2021): 22–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/phrj.v28i0.7452.
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Australian government administrators and private enterprise took full advantage of the opportunities made possible by civil aviation in Australia’s Northern Territory. Yet, there is a common perception among Territorians that there is more on display and known about the defence aviation heritage of the Territory. Considering the long-term impact civil aviation has had on Territorians and their way of life, this paper queries this representation of its aviation past. This is achieved through a heritage audit, alongside an exploration of primary and secondary historical resources, and other forms of presentation. This paper highlights existing gaps in the representation of civil aviation heritage in the Northern Territory and suggests a way forward so that this significant historical narrative is not forgotten.
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Esarey, Justin, e Leslie A. Schwindt-Bayer. "Women’s Representation, Accountability and Corruption in Democracies". British Journal of Political Science 48, n.º 3 (26 de janeiro de 2017): 659–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123416000478.
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At the turn of the twenty-first century, an important pair of studies established that greater female representation in government is associated with lower levels of perceived corruption in that government. But recent research finds that this relationship is not universal and questions why it exists. This article presents a new theory explaining why women’s representation is only sometimes related to lower corruption levels and provides evidence in support of that theory. The study finds that the women’s representation–corruption link is strongest when the risk of corruption being detected and punished by voters is high – in other words, when officials can be held electorally accountable. Two primary mechanisms underlie this theory: prior evidence shows that (1) women are more risk-averse than men and (2) voters hold women to a higher standard at the polls. This suggests that gender differences in corrupt behavior are proportional to the strength of electoral accountability. Consequently, the hypotheses predict that the empirical relationship between greater women’s representation and lower perceived corruption will be strongest in democracies with high electoral accountability, specifically: (1) where corruption is not the norm, (2) where press freedom is respected, (3) in parliamentary systems and (4) under personalistic electoral rules. The article presents observational evidence that electoral accountability moderates the link between women’s representation and corruption in a time-series, cross-sectional dataset of seventy-six democratic-leaning countries.
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Akirav, Osnat. "Women's Leadership in Local Government". Review of European Studies 13, n.º 1 (18 de fevereiro de 2021): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v13n1p77.
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In the last two decades the number of women involved in politics locally and nationally has increased. Nevertheless, there is limited empirical work investigating the increase in the number of female candidates for the position of mayor. To fill this gap in the literature, we conducted interviews with 57 of the 72 female candidates for mayor in Israel before the October 2018 elections, and 37 of the 72 female candidates for mayor after the election. In addition, we interviewed 11 male candidates and men elected as mayors after the election, as well. On the individual level with regard to political ambition, we found that there are four components whose synergy results in more women being encouraged to run for mayor: mentoring, information, networking for women and training. We called this model the MINT model, which has emerged from the interviews conducted with the candidates. On the societal level, it is important to increase public awareness of the importance of gender representation and hence, voting for women to be mayors.
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Donnar, Glen. "A Support Withdrawn: ‘Spain's 9/11’ and Australian Newspaper Framing". Media International Australia 130, n.º 1 (fevereiro de 2009): 39–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0913000106.
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This study represents an attempt to redress the neglect of academic research into coverage of the Madrid train bombings through a content analysis of major Australian newspapers in the immediate aftermath (12–21 March 2004). It quantifies a sudden and significant shift in representation from a ‘support for Spain’ news frame following the bombings to a ‘criticism of Spain’ frame following the Spanish national election result only three days later. Australian newspapers made support for a terrorised Spain conditional on a politics of representation marked by the ‘war on terror’ as a master frame, and served to reflect the political interests and sponsored interpretation of government sources. The moral implications of this withdrawal of support for the Spanish cannot be under-estimated, for it suggests that Australian newspapers were prepared to contribute to an ‘erosion’ of compassion for recent victims of terrorism.
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Carney, Josh. "Resur(e)recting a Spectacular Hero:Diriliş Ertuğrul, Necropolitics, and Popular Culture in Turkey". Review of Middle East Studies 52, n.º 1 (abril de 2018): 93–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2018.6.
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AbstractThe hugely popular proto-Ottoman television serialResurrection Ertuğrul(Diriliş Ertuğrul, 2014–) is the culmination of a series of attempts by Turkish government broadcaster TRT to produce a historical drama in line with the values of the governing AKP. Far from being confined to the television screen,Resurrectionis called upon by the government for multiple extra-textual engagements with the public. This essay traces some of the ways in which the serial has been used instrumentally by the AKP, blurring traditional distinctions between entertainment and official (state sanctioned) history, and intervening in political discourse. It first introduces the notion of prescriptive activation to describe the extra-textual use of media texts by those in power for political ends. Next, it examines the trappings of death that surround Resurrection, suggesting that the serial partakes in a representational necropolitics that fetishizes death for the nation. Finally, it explores the stakes of such representation, turning to a case in which text-inspired and literal necropolitics converge.
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Martin, Geoffrey. "The Consequences of Some Angry Re-Tweets: Another Medium is the Message". Review of Middle East Studies 53, n.º 2 (28 de novembro de 2019): 259–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2019.42.
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AbstractMost research on the Gulf states focuses on oil and its impact on state power. The literature on rentier theory almost unanimously agrees that oil rents buy off citizens and lead to socio-political stagnation. Massive protests and government attempts to address citizen demands in Kuwait between 2011 and 2013 call into question that narrative. Since those protests, the Kuwaiti government has taken steps to increase its representation of public officials and accessibility in the public sphere, including by expanding the government's presence on Instagram. How have Kuwaiti citizens voiced their opinions to government accounts? And how has the government responded to online criticism?This essay looks at the pattern of interactions between the state and Kuwaiti citizens on Twitter and Instagram using a content analysis of government accounts. The findings raise questions about the validity of the payoff thesis and understandings of consent and acquiescence. My analysis illustrates that there is a public dialogue that moves beyond the rigid structure of state and society by which the literature has traditionally understood Gulf rentier societies.
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Kabakchieva, Petya. "From Representative to Anti-Civic Populist Democracy?" Southeastern Europe 44, n.º 2 (20 de julho de 2020): 208–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763332-04402005.
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This article analyses the emergence and development of different forms of civil society in Bulgaria from the late 1980s to the present day, focusing on ngos and the large anti-government protests in 1989–1991, 1997, and 2013–2014. It shows that civil society has been developing in ebbs and flows, its main actors having alt-civic and fake doubles: nationalist movements and fake counter-protests. Recent developments indicate a clear trend of transition from representative to direct democracy, which coincides with the populist orientation of most parties. This coincidence is dangerous because populist parties, following the romantic tradition, reinvented the figure of “the people” as traditionalistic, nationalistic, and conservative. “Civil society,” seen as “alien,” was constructed as an enemy of “the people.” The author argues that defending the pluralistic values of civil society against the thus-invented “people,” is the main challenge to democracy in Bulgaria today.
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Beltrán, Cristina. "RACIAL PRESENCE VERSUS RACIAL JUSTICE". Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 11, n.º 1 (2014): 137–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x14000034.
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AbstractIn the realm of electoral politics, a growing number of women, African Americans, and Latinos now serve at the highest levels of government. For many Americans, the bipartisan presence of representatives who are people of color and/or women is proof that we live in a “post-feminist” and “postracial” era in which institutions are now fundamentally fair and accessible. Rather than assuming that racial presence is synonymous with racial justice, this essay turns to aesthetic theory to advocate for a new understanding of presence—not as proof that racial or gender justice has been achieved but as a kind of beauty that is experienced as a form of visible certitude. Drawing on the work of Hannah Pitkin, alongside writings on descriptive representation for Latinos and African Americans, this essay stresses the importance of judgment, arguing that on questions of social justice, a racially diverse elite is simultaneously ethically valuableandpolitically indeterminate.
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Yoder, Jennifer A. "“Revenge of the East”?" German Politics and Society 38, n.º 2 (1 de junho de 2020): 35–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2020.380202.
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This article examines the ways the Alternative for Germany (AfD) has claimed to supply eastern voters with important elements of political representation that they demand. Rather than seeking “revenge,” which would suggest voting purely out of protest against a government or policy, the evidence examined in this article suggests that some voters in the East support the AfD to express something else. The reactions of some of the other political parties in the wake of recent elections suggest that they have begun to pay more attention to their roles in the electorate and to the various dimensions of political representation.
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Van Bockhaven, Vicky. "Leopard-men of the Congo in literature and popular imagination". Tydskrif vir Letterkunde 46, n.º 1 (8 de novembro de 2017): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2309-9070/tvl.v.46i1.3465.
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The Anyoto leopard-men, a society from eastern Congo, operated between approximately 1890 and 1935. Until now the history of the leopard-men has inspired representations of Central Africa as a barbaric and disorderly place, and the idea that a secret association of men attacked innocent people and ate their limbs remains dominant in western culture. Since the early 20th century this image has been rather faithfully perpetuated in colonial ethnography and official reports and in popular representations of Africa. The Anyoto costumes in the collection of the Royal Museum for Central Africa have in particular inspired leopard-men iconography in western sources until today. There are certain striking similarities between western fictional literature on the Anyoto society and the factual sources, such as eyewitness reports from colonists and missionaries. Both share the historically rooted and culturally-specific representation of people from outside their own areas. In Europe there has been a long tradition of representing heathens and non-Europeans as being half man, half beast and behaving like animals, including eating their own species. Such cultural predispositions have stood in the way of understanding the real purposes of this society. Anyoto men’s activities were a way of maintaining local power relations, performing indigenous justice in secret and circumventing colonial government control.
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Özdoğan, Günay Göksu, e Büşra Ersanlı. "Obstacles and opportunities: recent Kurdish struggles for political representation and participation in Turkey". Southeastern Europe 35, n.º 1 (2011): 62–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633311x545689.
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AbstractHaving gone through different phases of political action and facing various forms of suppression by the state, the Kurdish movement from 1990's persisted in establishing legal parties despite recurrent bans by the Constitutional Court. In the 2007 national elections DTP (after its ban the BDP) running as independent candidates formed a group in the Parliament which was followed by an extensive regional representation in eastern and southeastern Turkey in local elections of 2009. At the three levels of political activity (parliament, local government, civil society) the extent of women's presence exceeds well over the general percentage in Turkey while various civil society organizations at both the national and regional levels lend support for extension of minority/human rights. Although the new legal and political reforms as of early 2000's in line with Turkey's bid for accession to the EU have opened up a new venue for legitimization of Kurdish identity and recognition of various cultural, civil and cultural rights, strictness of the electoral law impedes fair representation and certain discriminatory attitudes and practices still persist in the civil and military bureaucracy, mass media and political parties in contention. Whether Kurdish participation in Turkey's politics will fare in 'normal' terms in the future is largely dependent on Turkey's democratization process in which the Kurdish politicians' claims to function as a non-regional Turkey party constitute an important but only one of the impacting factors, e.g., rehabilitation of the PKK, decentralization and empowerment of local government, extension of human rights, and a non-exclusionary definition of Turkish identity.
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Cohen, Jean L. "The Self-Institution of Society and Representative Government: Can the Circle be Squared?" Thesis Eleven 80, n.º 1 (fevereiro de 2005): 9–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513605049122.
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Kállai, Péter. "Preferential Roma Representation in the Hungarian Parliament is Obstructed by the Fidesz Government?" European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online 20, n.º 1 (6 de novembro de 2021): 263–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116117-02001012.
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In the approach to the 2022 elections in Hungary, ORÖ, the National Roma Self-Government, was supposed to draw up their national minority list but failed to do so before the deadline. This paper argues that this is not just the result of serious political disagreements within the Roma community, but the outcome of different external effects as well. The paper unfolds the two major modes of influence which effect the parliamentary representation of Roma. First, there are institutional constraints hindering the autonomous decision-making processes of the relevant bodies. As the competitive element of elections is pushed down to the level of national self-government, the whole process is more vulnerable to external influences. Second, these institutional weaknesses are complemented by personal bonds and pressures coming from the Fidesz government. Thus, the paper concludes that the system is intended to serve electoral clientelism and as such limits the ‘effectiveness’ of minority representation in Hungary, especially in the case of Roma.
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Chrisman, Laura. "The Sight, Sound, and Global Traffic of Blackness inBlood Diamond". African Studies Review 55, n.º 3 (dezembro de 2012): 123–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000202060000723x.
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Abstract:This article explores the representation of Africa in director Edward Zwick's 2006 filmBlood Diamond, examining in particular the ways in which the film's liberal-humanitarian orientation works to demonize black African communities, nationalisms, and governments while constituting a white and largely American subject as the center of ethical value. The article also examines the film's account of diamond consumption as a global phenomenon, and considers the ways in which sound and vision operate to devalue black diasporic as well as black continental African subjects.
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Dhuhri, Saifuddin. "SOCIAL ENGINEERING THROUGH EDUCATION LAW A comparative analysis of cultural policies between the Dutch and Indonesian central Government". PETITA: JURNAL KAJIAN ILMU HUKUM DAN SYARIAH 4, n.º 1 (29 de julho de 2019): 86–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/petita.v4i1.12.
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Studies on art education and culture are a continuing concern within academicians and politicians. Although extensive research has been carried out on the fields, few studies exist, which concern about the use of art education for cultural hegemony. This study concerns about Acehnese culture and identity. During the time of colonisation, imperialist scholar; Snouck Hurgronje had used cultural resources as the instrument to instil false cultural identity for the interest to take control over Aceh. Stepping on the Dutch’s colonialising policies, the central government of Indonesia has, as argued, used art curriculum as a hegemonic media for similar interests. This article discusses the case of art education in Acehnese by analysing the content of the text books recommended by the central government. This work is to demonstrate the representation of Acehnese cultural identity in the “Art and Culture” curriculum of schools in Aceh. I employ Freire, Hall, Apple, and Giroux thoughts to formulate the framework of this article. The aim of this paper is to understand the mechanism of the art curriculum used to nationalise local people and to uncover the scheme of cultural hegemony in Acehnese schools, Indonesia. This work significantly contributes toward understanding the relation between cultural hegemony and education
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Semyonov, Alexander M. "Imperial parliament for a hybrid empire: Representative experiments in the early 20th-century Russian Empire". Journal of Eurasian Studies 11, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2020): 30–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1879366520902868.
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This article argues that the history of Russian constitutional and parliamentary reform in the early 20th century can be cast in a new light in view of the global transformation of political life under the challenge of imperial diversity and mass politics. The article points out that imperial diversity as a challenge to democratic government was not unique to the Russian Empire. The character of the Russian Empire was marked by peculiarities; it was shaped by composite and hybrid imperial space, which placed the challenge of imperial diversity at the center of political practices and imaginaries. The article traces the history of political reform in the Russian Empire in the early 20th century focusing on the reform of the Sejm of the Grand Duchy of Finland and the novel practices and political imaginaries of imperial diversity in the first and second State Duma. The exploration of the history of the constitutional reform in the Russian Empire of early 20th century demonstrates that rather than being absolute antagonists to representative government, Russian imperial politics and traditions of imperial sovereignty nested possibilities of compromise and redefinition of political solidarity in the space of diversity.
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Donnelly, Laura. "Producing Space and Locality Through Cultural Displays". Space and Culture 20, n.º 1 (1 de agosto de 2016): 81–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1206331216643784.
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The cultural complexity—and potential for identity building—of museums and cultural displays can be potentially powerful spaces of cultural negotiation; in a postcolonial or diasporic setting, the production of locality through cultural displays can serve as a home surrogate (albeit temporarily) for deterritorialized peripheral subjects. However, when these productions (whether they be museums, festivals, or other events of representation) are commoditized and sponsored by socially dominant groups (such as the French government), so that outsiders (nondiasporic people, i.e., the general public) can consume them, what kinds of interactions and clashes can take place? This article aims to answer this question, through the examination of space in a French Antillean festival in Paris: Rue Créole, illustrating the production of locality in Rue Créole through the spatial construction of the venue, and then by examining the production of space and its implications in the festival’s musical performances. Ultimately, I argue that in postcolonial situations, socially produced space can result in polyrhythmic, performatively doubled ensembles and that this in itself is a mark of colonial relation.
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Çarkoğlu, Ali, e Ilgaz Ergen. "The Rise of Right-of-Center Parties and the Nationalization of Electoral Forces in Turkey". New Perspectives on Turkey 26 (2002): 95–137. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600003721.
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Two frequently discussed issues in Turkish electoral studies concern the instability and geographical cleavages in electoral preferences. Turkish voters are not strongly identified with political parties and frequently vote for different parties due primarily to patronage distribution. Their vote is also strongly influenced by parochial ties. Despite various regulations in electoral laws, such as a minimum 10 percent nationwide support for representation in the Parliament, which makes representation of smaller parties in the legislature difficult, fractionalization of electoral support continuously increased over the last two decades. Consequently, formation of stable governments became more and more difficult.
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Masroori, C. "Mirza Ya'qub Khan's Call for Representative Government, Toleration and Islamic Reform in Nineteenth-Century Iran". Middle Eastern Studies 37, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2001): 89–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714004368.
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