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Artigos de revistas sobre o assunto "Radcliffe College. Class of 1968"

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Stewart, Abigail J., e Joan M. Ostrove. "Social Class, Social Change, and Gender". Psychology of Women Quarterly 17, n.º 4 (dezembro de 1993): 475–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.1993.tb00657.x.

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This article explores the implications of social class background in the lives of women who attended Radcliffe College in the late 1940s and in the early 1960s. Viewing social classes as “cultures” with implications for how individuals understand their worlds, we examined social class background and cohort differences in women's experiences at Radcliffe, their adult life patterns, their constructions of women's roles, and the influence of the women's movement in their lives. Results indicated that women from working-class backgrounds in both cohorts felt alienated at Radcliffe. Cohort differences, across social class, reflected broad social changes in women's roles in terms of the rates of divorce, childbearing, level of education, and career activity. There were few social class-specific social changes, but there were a number of social class differences among the women in the Class of 1964. These differences suggested that women from working-class backgrounds viewed women's marital role with some suspicion, whereas women from middle- and upper-class backgrounds had a more positive view. Perhaps for this reason, working-class women reported that the women's movement confirmed and supported their skeptical view of middle-class gender norms.
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Barratt, Will. "Review of Working-Class Students at Radcliffe College, 1940-1970: The Intersection of Gender, Social Class, and Historical Context". Journal of Student Affairs Research and Practice 47, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2010): 135–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1949-6605.6080.

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Carrie A. Kortegast e Florence A. Hamrick. "Working-Class Students at Radcliffe College, 1940–1970: The Intersection of Gender, Social Class, and Historical Contexts (review)". Review of Higher Education 33, n.º 3 (2010): 422–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rhe.0.0136.

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Redmond, Jennifer. "Working class students at Radcliffe College, 1940–1970: the intersection of gender, social class, and historical context, by Jennifer O’Connor Duffy". Gender and Education 22, n.º 6 (novembro de 2010): 706–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09540253.2010.519591.

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Stein, Gertrude, e Amy Feinstein. "The Modern Jew Who Has Given Up the Faith of His Fathers Can Reasonably and Consistently Believe in Isolation". PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 116, n.º 2 (março de 2001): 416–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2001.116.2.416.

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Gertrude stein wrote the twenty-five-page manuscript “the modern jew who has given up the faith of his fathers can reasonably and consistently believe in isolation” for a composition class at Radcliffe College in 1896, when she was twenty-two years old. The essay is distinctly occasional and reads like an early work. It is, nonetheless, one of the few known pieces in which Stein treats directly the question of Jewish identity and the only one to link that question to a specifically political description of the public sphere. The manuscript thus sheds a remarkable light on a number of the most contested questions in studies of Stein's life and works—the problem of her later protofascist political allegiances, of her sense of her exiled Americanness, and of her treatment of writing as an asemantic medium for sketching mobile identities.
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Stein, Gertrude, e Amy Feinstein. "The Modern Jew Who Has Given Up the Faith of His Fathers Can Reasonably and Consistently Believe in Isolation". Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 116, n.º 2 (março de 2001): 416–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/s0030812900105309.

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Gertrude stein wrote the twenty-five-page manuscript “the modern jew who has given up the faith of his fathers can reasonably and consistently believe in isolation” for a composition class at Radcliffe College in 1896, when she was twenty-two years old. The essay is distinctly occasional and reads like an early work. It is, nonetheless, one of the few known pieces in which Stein treats directly the question of Jewish identity and the only one to link that question to a specifically political description of the public sphere. The manuscript thus sheds a remarkable light on a number of the most contested questions in studies of Stein's life and works—the problem of her later protofascist political allegiances, of her sense of her exiled Americanness, and of her treatment of writing as an asemantic medium for sketching mobile identities.
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Cohen, Stephen D. "Walter Wilson Stothers (1946–2009)". Glasgow Mathematical Journal 52, n.º 3 (25 de agosto de 2010): 711–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017089510000534.

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Walter Wilson Stothers was born in Glasgow on 8 November 1946. A third (youngest) son, he had the identical name to his father. From childhood, however, he had always been known by his middle name ‘Wilson’, so that his father, a Glasgow GP, would never be referred to as ‘Old Walter’. His mother, as Jean Young Kyle, had herself graduated in Mathematics in 1927, a rare achievement for a woman at that time. After attending the local primary school 1952–1956, Wilson completed his primary education in the preparatory classes in Allan Glen's School, then a distinguished Glasgow boys school with a scientific emphasis, progressing to the secondary school in 1958 and ending by becoming Dux in 1964. He also played in the school rugby first XV. From 1964–1968 he was a student in the Science Faculty of Glasgow University. His original intention was to take Honours in Chemistry and, indeed, he won the Chemistry prize in his first year. But he excelled in all subjects, winning the Faraday medal in the Intermediate Honours (second year) class in Natural Philosophy (Physics). After that he concentrated on Mathematics and became the top student, gaining a First Class Honours degree, as well as the Cunninghame Medal and a Jack Scholarship to Peterhouse College, Cambridge (1968). Before commencing postgraduate studies he married Andrea Watson in September 1968. At Cambridge from 1968–1971 he studied for a Ph.D. in number theory under the supervision of Peter Swinnerton-Dyer and graduated in 1972 with the thesis Some Discrete Triangle Groups. By then he was becoming aware of the strange realm inhabited by mathematicians that he seemed to be entering. So when his Cambridge room-mate Bob Odoni, at a research meeting they were attending as postgrads, asked, ‘Wilson, do you realise that we are the only normal people here’, Wilson felt compelled to respond, ‘What makes you think that we are normal?’
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Eisenmann, Linda. "Jennifer O'Connor Duffy. Working-Class Students at Radcliffe College, 1940–1970: The Intersection of Gender, Social Class, and Historical Context. Lewiston, NY: The Edwin Mellen Press, 2008. 205 pp. Hardcover $109.95." History of Education Quarterly 49, n.º 3 (agosto de 2009): 382–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2009.00215.x.

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Latha, A., R. Ganesan e MadhanKumar M. "Analysis of Noise Pollution for an Educational Institution". ECS Transactions 107, n.º 1 (24 de abril de 2022): 12609–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1149/10701.12609ecst.

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Uncontrolled growth in urban traffic has led to the deterioration of environmental quality in terms of pollution. The purpose of this study was to predict the noise levels of Alagappa College of Technology (AC TECH) and the School of Architecture and Planning (SAP) in terms of traffic volume, vehicle speed, and road geometry definition, and to compare predicted noise levels with visual value and recommended appropriate noise reduction measures. Sound levels were recorded at 15 locations at Alagappa College of Technology and the School of Architecture and Planning. The highest noise levels in the class were 74.05 dB (A) and 72.91 dB (A). The highest noise levels in the hall were 72.71 dB (A) and 71.5 dB (A). The highest noise levels in the library were 63.54 dB (A) and 62.76 dB (A), not the permissible noise levels of 35-40 dB (A) in the hall and classrooms, and 40-45 dB (A) libraries depending on -IS 4954 (1968). In addition, the noise levels are also not within the permissible noise levels according to the Indian Ambient Noise Standards (CPCB 2000).
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Jajčević, Jasmin. "“Year of resolve” – Yugoslavia 1968: student demonstrations and Tuzla’s reactions". Historijski pogledi 2, n.º 2 (28 de outubro de 2019): 300–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2019.2.2.300.

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The protests that affected the student population in 1968 around the world did not go beyond Yugoslavia. The first Belgrade, and then the students of other Yugoslav universities, launched demonstrations and highlighted the demands for more equitable relations in society. Student demonstrations in Yugoslavia that erupted in June 1968, were a series of public demonstrations and strikes and other protest actions that took place at universities in Yugoslavia, with special emphasis on demonstrations of students from the Belgrade University. The year 1968 is a symbol of revolution and historical change in society, and student revolutionary mood, mini-revolution, demonstrations, riots and dissatisfaction spread from the United States to Europe, and from Paris through Prague to Belgrade, Zagreb, Ljubljana and Sarajevo. Student dissatisfaction was initiated by the inefficiency of the implementation of economic and social reform, and the decline in the standard of living not only of the broader strata of society, which had a negative impact on the student population. During the student mini-revolution, they were trying to gain for their ideals the working class, convincing them in equal interests and the only way to the desired goal, but without success. In this connection, this paper seeks to draw on the basis of the press (Oslobodjenje and Front Freedom) and letters and telegrams addressed to the Union of Students of the Belgrade University to demonstrate that the employees of the company and mine in the Tuzla region reacted to these student demonstrations in Belgrade, then the schools, college students and others. By holding a meeting of working collectives, choirs, then sending letters and telegrams, they condemned the actions of students, but also gave full support to Tito in building a self-managing socialist society.
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Livros sobre o assunto "Radcliffe College. Class of 1968"

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Radcliffe College. Class of 1968. Harvard-Radcliffe '68 thirtieth reunion questionnaire. [Cambridge, Mass.?: Harvard-Radcliffe Class of '68], 1998.

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Harvard College (1780- ). Class of 1968. Thirtieth anniversary report. Cambridge, Mass: Class Report Office, Harvard University, 1998.

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Harvard College (1780- ). Class of 1968. Fortieth anniversary report. Cambridge, [Mass.]: Class Report Office, Harvard University, 2008.

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Harvard College (1780- ). Class of 1968. Thirty-fifth anniversary report. Cambridge, Mass: Class Report Office, Harvard University, 2003.

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Harvard College (1780- ). Class of 1968. Twentieth anniversary report. Cambridge, Mass: Office of the University Publisher, 1988.

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Harvard College (1780- ). Class of 1968. Twenty-fifth anniversary report. Cambridge, Mass: Office of the University Publisher, 1993.

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College, Radcliffe, ed. Thirty-fifth anniversary report. Cambridge, [Mass: Class Report Office, Harvard University, 2000.

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Harvard College (1780- ). Class of 2001. Tenth anniversary report. Cambridge, [Mass.]: Class Report Office, Harvard University, 2011.

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Harvard College (1780- ). Class of 1967. Twentieth anniversary report. Cambridge, Mass: Office of the University Publisher, 1987.

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Harvard College (1780- ). Class of 1969. Thirtieth anniversary report. Cambridge, Mass: Class Report Office, Harvard University, 1999.

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Capítulos de livros sobre o assunto "Radcliffe College. Class of 1968"

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"Introduction". In A Wall Is Just a Wall, 1–24. Duke University Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/9781478025887-001.

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The introduction opens with an Inside-Out Prison Exchange class in 2019, a college course that brings undergraduate students inside prisons to study with incarcerated students. Reflecting on the rarity of such an encounter, the introduction argues that prisons walls have not always been impermeable, and that permeability has been both a vehicle for social control and a way for prisoners to resist such control. Following a description of a 1968 tour by “traveling ambassadors” from the Louisiana State Penitentiary at Angola, the introduction explains how clemency, conjugal visits, and furloughs help us understand changing ideas of risk and rehabilitation; allegiances across political categories; geography of prison practices across time and place; connections between penal practices and welfare policies; and prisoners’ sense of their own entitlements, relationships, and transformation.
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Hobson, Maurice J. "The Brawn of the Black Mecca and the Black New South". In The Legend of the Black Mecca. University of North Carolina Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469635354.003.0003.

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Chapter 2 focuses on the emergence of a feisty black lawyer named Maynard Holbrook Jackson Jr., who became Atlanta’s first black Vice-Mayor and subsequently Atlanta’s first black mayor. Jackson’s mayoral tenure marked the first of its kind in terms of black big city leadership and bolstered the black Mecca image. Jackson’s emergence was the fruition of caste and class within black Atlanta. He was a fifth generation Georgian, born into two of Atlanta’s prominent black families. As the grandson of prominent black Atlantans Andrew Jackson and John Wesley Dobbs, Jackson graduated Morehouse College at age 18 and went on to receive legal training in Durham, North Carolina. Jackson cut his teeth as a champion for the people and made headlines as the people’s politician with his quixotic 1968 run for the U.S. Senate against Senator Herman Talmadge. Jackson’s first term as mayor of Atlanta was full of political success. However, during his second term as mayor, many of his working class and poor black constituency felt as if he sacrificed them to play politics.
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Brint, Steven, e Jerome Karabel. "Designs for Comprehensive Community Colleges: 1958-1970". In The Diverted Dream. Oxford University Press, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195048155.003.0010.

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No analysis of the history of the community college movement in Massachusetts can begin without a discussion of some of the peculiar features of higher education in that state. Indeed, the development of all public colleges in Massachusetts was, for many years, inhibited by the strength of the state’s private institutions (Lustberg 1979, Murphy 1974, Stafford 1980). The Protestant establishment had strong traditional ties to elite colleges—such as Harvard, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Williams, and Amherst—and the Catholic middle class felt equally strong bonds to the two Jesuit institutions in the state: Boston College and Holy Cross (Jencks and Riesman 1968, p. 263). If they had gone to college at all, most of Massachusetts’s state legislators had done so in the private system. Private college loyalties were not the only reasons for opposition to public higher education. Increased state spending for any purpose was often an anathema to many Republican legislators, and even most urban “machine” Democrats were unwilling to spend state dollars where the private sector appeared to work well enough (Stafford and Lustberg 1978). As late as 1950, the commonwealth’s public higher education sector served fewer than ten thousand students, just over 10 percent of total state enrollments in higher education. In 1960, public enrollment had grown to only 16 percent of the total, at a time when 59 percent of college students nationwide were enrolled in public institutions (Stafford and Lustberg 1978, p. 12). Indeed, the public sector did not reach parity with the private sector until the 1980s. Of the 15,945 students enrolled in Massachusetts public higher education in 1960, well over 95 percent were in-state students. The private schools, by contrast, cast a broader net: of the nearly 83,000 students enrolled in the private schools, more than 40 percent were from out of state (Organization for Social and Technical Innovation 1973). The opposition to public higher education began to recede in the late 1950s. Already by mid-decade, a large number of urban liberals had become members of the state legislature, and a new governor, Foster Furcolo, had been elected in 1956 on an activist platform.
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