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Artigos de revistas sobre o assunto "Race relations – political aspects – history"
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Phillips, Coretta, Rod Earle, Alpa Parmar e Daniel Smith. "Dear British criminology: Where has all the race and racism gone?" Theoretical Criminology 24, n.º 3 (12 de novembro de 2019): 427–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1362480619880345.
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In this article we use Emirbayer and Desmond’s institutional reflexivity framework to critically examine the production of racial knowledge in British criminology. Identifying weakness, neglect and marginalization in theorizing race and racism, we focus principally on the disciplinary unconscious element of their three-tier framework, identifying and interrogating aspects of criminology’s ‘obligatory problematics’, ‘habits of thought’ and ‘position-taking’ as well as its institutional structure and social relations that combine to render the discipline ‘institutionally white’. We also consider, briefly, aspects of criminology’s relationship to race, racism and whiteness in the USA. The final part of the article makes the case for British criminology to engage in telling and narrating racisms, urging it to understand the complexities of race in our subject matter, avoid its reduction to class and inequality, and to pay particular attention to reflexivity, history, sociology and language, turning to face race with postcolonial tools and resolve.
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Narayan, John. "British Black Power: The anti-imperialism of political blackness and the problem of nativist socialism". Sociological Review 67, n.º 5 (16 de abril de 2019): 945–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038026119845550.
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The history of the US Black Power movement and its constituent groups such as the Black Panther Party has recently gone through a process of historical reappraisal, which challenges the characterization of Black Power as the violent, misogynist and negative counterpart to the Civil Rights movement. Indeed, scholars have furthered interest in the global aspects of the movement, highlighting how Black Power was adopted in contexts as diverse as India, Israel and Polynesia. This article highlights that Britain also possessed its own distinctive form of Black Power movement, which whilst inspired and informed by its US counterpart, was also rooted in anti-colonial politics, New Commonwealth immigration and the onset of decolonization. Existing sociological narratives usually locate the prominence and visibility of British Black Power and its activism, which lasted through the 1960s to the early 1970s, within the broad history of UK race relations and the movement from anti-racism to multiculturalism. However, this characterization neglects how such Black activism conjoined explanations of domestic racism with issues of imperialism and global inequality. Through recovering this history, the article seeks to bring to the fore a forgotten part of British history and also examines how the history of British Black Power offers valuable lessons about how the politics of anti-racism and anti-imperialism should be united in the 21st century.
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Acharya, Amitav. "Before the “West”: Recovering the Forgotten Foundations of Global Order". Perspectives on Politics 20, n.º 1 (março de 2022): 265–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592721003601.
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During the past two decades, there have been growing calls for broadening the discipline of international relations (IR) by giving due recognition to the history, culture, ideas, and agency of non-Western states and societies. Several aspects of this trend are noteworthy. First, it originated from the growing dissatisfaction by non-Western scholars with the Western (US and European) dominance of the IR field, a dominance that obscures and marginalizes the past and recent contributions of other societies. As such, the primary voices challenging this dominance have been non-Western scholars, sometimes in collaboration with a few Western counterparts. These include not just scholars of postcolonialism and race, but also some working in the English School and constructivist and non-Western/post-Western traditions.
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Schulze, Frederik. "German Missionaries, Race, and Othering Entanglements and Comparisons between German Southwest Africa, Indonesia, and Brazil". Itinerario 37, n.º 1 (abril de 2013): 13–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115313000235.
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Recent approaches in global history and postcolonial studies have pointed to global aspects of colonialism and suggested that the history of colonialism should not be described just as a unidirectional history of power, because the reverberations of colonialism within the metropolis were also important. If we reflect further, we might ask not only if the metropolis and the colonies were entangled, but also if different colonial contexts had connections to one another. Pursuing this in the case of missionary activities, Rebekka Habermas recently demanded that scholars connect missionary history and global history so as to examine the global entanglements of the mission. She drew attention to missionary societies’ active on a global scale. It stands to reason that missionary societies, as global actors, pursued similar politics in different regions and, therefore, different regions and contexts were thereby connected. But is it possible to show direct entanglements between individual mission contexts? Can we explain certain practices and discourses in colonial situations better if we look at other regional contexts?In testing these questions, the case of the so-called “emigrant mission” (Auswanderermission), directed at Germans emigrants to Brazil by a sister organisation of the Protestant Rhenish Missionary Society, is instructive. Strangely, Habermas mentioned neither the Americas nor the emigrant mission when she proposed the analysis of global entanglements of the mission, as if there had been no missionary activities in the Americas. But it is exactly this kind of entanglement that seems most interesting, the entanglement between regions with apparently different histories. This paper tries to address this lacuna by asking if the history of the emigrant mission in Brazil can be linked with “normal” missionary contexts of, for example, missions directed at non-Europeans, in order to understand why certain discourses were circulating in Brazil. In this instance, the former German colony of Southwest Africa and the Indonesian islands of Sumatra and Nias serve as classical missionary examples, as the Rhenish Missionary Society was very active in these regions. In considering relations between German emigrants in Brazil, the German colony in Africa, and the German mission in a Dutch colony, one must remember that Brazil, although it figured very prominently in German colonial debates of the nineteenth century, was not a formal German colony.
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Regt, Marina de. "Legal and Practical Aspects of Participation by Women in Arab Societies". American Journal of Islam and Society 21, n.º 3 (1 de julho de 2004): 183–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v21i3.1789.
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Many Arab and Muslim countries have a long history of women’s activism.Depending on location and historical moment, women activists have drawninspiration from a wide array of sources, including both religious and seculardiscourses. In all cases, however, one main issue is how legal systemsand processes of legal reform on the one hand, and social relations andeveryday life on the other hand, relate to each other.At this conference, held in The Hague, The Netherlands, on March 4-5, 2004, the tensions between legal systems and social life were discussed.The conference was organized by the Arabic Dutch Women Circle (ANVK)in cooperation with the municipality of The Hague and the InternationalDialogues Foundation (IDF). The ANVK is a Dutch non-profit organizationdedicated to promoting cultural exchange between Dutch and Arabsocieties, and, in particular, between Dutch and Arab women. The ANVKorganizes conferences, meetings, debates, and exhibitions to stimulate dialogueand exchange.Among other things, the conference sought to clarify that class, ethnicity,political system, history, and cultural factors are of wider influence thanjust law or religious factors themselves. The constitutions of almost allArab and Muslim countries proclaim equal rights for all, regardless of race,sex, language, and religion. However, the implementation of these rights isoften a problem. By inviting a group of women activists and academicsfrom the Middle East, as well as representatives of various sectors of Dutchsociety and of the Arab and Muslim communities in The Netherlands, theconference also aimed at stimulating discussion about Arab women’s rightsand practices.The conference was chaired by Professor Annelies Moors, chair of theInternational Institute for the Study of Islam in the Modern World (ISIM)at the University of Amsterdam. The first day was open to the general publicand consisted of a plenary session in which four papers were presented, ...
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Farrell, Henry, e Margaret Levi. "Reducing the Transactional Value of Identity & Race". Daedalus 152, n.º 1 (2023): 168–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_01974.
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Abstract Grieve Chelwa, Darrick Hamilton, and Avi Green explain how existing accounts of capitalism systematically neglect racial identity group stratification. Their approach points to an important comparative dimension and two significant research agendas that could supplement their arguments. First would be to inquire into the role that equal respect plays in pushing back against stratification. Second would be to investigate how other aspects of social norms may have consequences too, perhaps drawing insights from a new body of research on racial stratification that draws upon Marxian and neoclassical economics.
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HUGHES, J. "Deconstructing the bomb: recent perspectives on nuclear history". British Journal for the History of Science 37, n.º 4 (dezembro de 2004): 455–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087404006168.
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John Canaday,The Nuclear Muse: Literature, Physics, and the First Atomic Bombs. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2000. Pp. xviii+310. ISBN 0-299-16854-9. £19.50.Septimus H. Paul,Nuclear Rivals: Anglo-American Atomic Relations 1941–1952. Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 2000. Pp. ix+266. ISBN 0-8142-0852-5. £31.95.Peter Bacon Hales,Atomic Spaces: Living on the Manhattan Project. Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1997. Pp. 448. ISBN 0-252-02296-3. £22.00.A decade after the end of the Cold War, the culture and technology of nuclear weapons had lost much of the overt sense of dread they once inspired. The decline in international tension following the end of the communist regimes of the Soviet bloc produced a massive shift in the ideology of the nuclear in the 1990s. The de-targeting and dismantling of large numbers of nuclear weapons and the demise of the threat of nuclear annihilation created new conditions both for international security and for the writing of nuclear history. With the declassification and release of large quantities of official documentation from the former adversaries, as well as the fiftieth anniversary of the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1995, a burst of histories of various aspects of the nuclear age have appeared over the last ten years, exploring not just the technopolitics, strategy and operational logistics of the Cold War and the arms race, but the cultural history of the nuclear age, its imagery, its architecture, its oppositional politics and its effects on the landscape, national and regional economies and cultures and indeed everyday life. At a time of global economic and political uncertainty and the emergent threat of capricious international terrorism and new nuclear proliferation, the apparent certainties of the Cold War now even evoke a certain nostalgia, and its artefacts and structures are being recast as ‘heritage’.
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Hearn, Jeff. "So What Has Been, Is, and Might Be Going on in Studying Men and Masculinities?: Some Continuities and Discontinuities". Men and Masculinities 22, n.º 1 (12 de março de 2019): 53–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1097184x18805550.
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Following introductory remarks on how the terms “masculinities” and “men” have been used differentially in recent critical studies on men and masculinities (CSMM), the article reviews some key aspects of CSMM - past, present and future. The diverse influences on CSMM have included various feminisms, gay studies, anti-imperialism, civil rights, anti-racism, green and environmental movements, as well as LGBTIQ+ movements, Critical Race Studies, Globalization/Transnational Studies, and Intersectionality Studies. In the present period, the range of theoretical and political approaches and influences on studies continues to grow, with, for example, queer, post-, post post-, new materialist, posthumanist, and science and technology studies, making for some discontinuities with established masculinities theory. In many regions, there are now more women working explicitly and long-term in the area, even if that is itself not new. CSMM have also become more geographically widespread, more dispersed, more comparative, international, transnational, postcolonial, decolonializing, globally “Southern”, global, globalized and globalizing; this diversifying feature is transforming CSMM. Key areas for future research are identified, including the relations of men and masculinities to: first, ecology, environment and climate change; second, ICTs, social media, AI, robotics and big data; third, transnational/global, transnational institutions and processes; and, fourth, nationalism, racism, authoritarianism, neo-fascism and political masculinism. Together, these make for a “lurking doom”. At the same time, there is a whole range of wider theoretical, methodological, epistemological and ontological questions to be taken up in CSMM much more fully in the future.
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Michener, Jamila, e Margaret Teresa Brower. "What's Policy Got to Do with It? Race, Gender & Economic Inequality in the United States". Daedalus 149, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2020): 100–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_01776.
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In the United States, economic inequality is both racialized and gendered, with Black and Latina women consistently at the bottom of the economic hierarchy. Relative to men (across racial groups) and White women, Black and Latina women often have less-desirable jobs, lower earnings, and higher poverty rates. In this essay, we draw attention to the role of the state in structuring such inequality. Specifically, we examine how public policy is related to racial inequities in economic positions among women. Applying an intersectional lens to the contemporary landscape of economic inequality, we probe the associations between public policies and economic outcomes. We find that policies have unequal consequences across subgroups of women, providing prima facie evidence that state-level decisions about how and where to invest resources have differential implications based on women's race and ethnicity. We encourage scholars to use aspects of our approach as springboards for better specifying and identifying the processes that account for heterogeneous policy effects across racial subgroups of women.
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Kozerska, Ewa, e Tomasz Scheffler. "Wojna w nauczaniu papieża Franciszka. Czy zmiana nauczania Kościoła katolickiego?" Krakowskie Studia z Historii Państwa i Prawa 16, n.º 3 (2023): 373–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844131ks.23.025.18389.
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War in the Teaching of Pope Francis: Is the Teaching of the Catholic Church Changing? The issues of “war” and “peace” are a constant aspect of Pope Francis’ teaching. The aim of this paper is to determine whether Francis’ stance on war is a continuation of the hitherto realistic view of this phenomenon found in the teaching of the Catholic Church or whether it has come closer to idealistic notions. The research focuses mainly on an exegesis of the statements of Jorge Mario Bergoglio (Pope Francis) and to a lesser extent an interpretation of his actions and omissions. We conclude that, in the case of the current pope’s teaching, we are dealing with a modification of the approach to war and peace adopted in the doctrine of the Roman Catholic Church, consisting in the formal acceptance of the idea of a „just war” combined, however, with the imposition of important limitations on it. Similarly to apologists of pacifist humanism, Francis demonstrates an optimistic belief in the possibility of building a world order without violence. Significantly, he attempts to combine the promotion of pacifist ideals with an appeal to Christian moral principles. This rather intellectually daring ideological juxtaposition, freely treating both historical circumstances and contemporary events, provides Francis with a starting point for analysing and assessing the current destabilisation of the world order in international relations. In our view, Francis assumes that the main contemporary sources of war lead to human exclusion (in various aspects of existence) and the degradation of nature. For Francis, therefore, the vindication of a state of peace and thus the unconditional abandonment of war depends directly on the quality of life of the human race and the connected capacity of the ecosphere. At the same time, Francis avoids recognising Russia as a state that has attacked another state (Ukraine). This, and the avoidance of drawing consequences from the assumption of man’s original sin-contaminated nature, makes Francis’ teaching on war internally incoherent.
Teses / dissertações sobre o assunto "Race relations – political aspects – history"
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Schneider, William Steven. "Music and Race in the American West". PDXScholar, 2017. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3674.
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This thesis explores the complexities of race relations in the nineteenth century American West. The groups considered here are African Americans, Anglo Americans, Chinese, Mexican Americans, and Native Americans. In recent decades historians of the West have begun to tell the narratives of racial minorities. This study adopts the aims of these scholars through a new lens--music. Ultimately, this thesis argues that historians can use music, both individual songs and broader conceptions about music, to understand the complex and contradictory race relations of the nineteenth century west.
Proceeding thematically, the first chapter explores the ways Anglo Americans used music to exert their dominance and defend their superiority over minorities. The second chapter examines the ways racial minorities used music to counter Anglo American dominance and exercise their own agency. The final chapter considers the ways in which music fostered peaceful and cooperative relationships between races. Following each chapter is a short interlude which discusses the musical innovations that occurred when the groups encountered the musical heritage of one another.
This study demonstrates that music is an underutilized resource for historical analysis. It helps make comprehensible the complicated relations between races. By demonstrating the relevance of music to the history of race relations, this thesis also suggests that music as a historical subject is ripe for further analysis.
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King, Marvin. "A Black/Non-Black Theory of African-American Partisanship: Hostility, Racial Consciousness and the Republican Party". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2006. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5264/.
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Why is black partisan identification so one-sidedly Democratic forty years past the Civil Rights movement? A black/non-black political dichotomy manifests itself through one-sided African-American partisanship. Racial consciousness and Republican hostility is the basis of the black/non-black political dichotomy, which manifests through African-American partisanship. Racial consciousness forced blacks to take a unique and somewhat jaundiced approach to politics and Republican hostility to black inclusion in the political process in the 1960s followed by antagonism toward public policy contribute to overwhelming black Democratic partisanship. Results shown in this dissertation demonstrate that variables representing economic issues, socioeconomic status and religiosity fail to explain partisan identification to the extent that Hostility-Consciousness explains party identification.
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Brownell, Josiah Begole. "Rhodesia's war of numbers : racial populations, political power, and the collapse of the settler state, 1960-1979". Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.528441.
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Bellay, Susan. "Pluralism and race/ethnic relations in Canadian social science, 1880-1939". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/NQ57503.pdf.
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Mosia, Serame R. "Post apartheid politics and issues of race : the views and position of political parties in South Africa on the crisis in Zimbabwe". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53554.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Race has been used as an instrument of domination and separation of the South African population for a long time. The dawn of the democratic dispensation in 1994marked a shift from the policy of racial separation to the creation of the non-racial democratic South Africa. However, political parties in this country have constantly re-politicised race in the post apartheid era mainly for political gain. The purpose of this study will be to describe, explain and analyse how political parties in South Africa use the crisis in Zimbabwe to racialise politics in this country. The study will show that the dilemma facing political parties in South Africa is that they cannot avoid focusing on racial issues. The focus is on four main political parties, the ANC, the PAC, the NNP and the DA. The study specifically looked at the following issues in Zimbabwe: the Land crisis, the 2003 March presidential elections and the economic crisis to see how they have influenced political discourse in South Africa. As anticipated, predominantly black parties have shown some empathy with Robert Mugabe's government, while predominantly white parties have called for a more confrontational measure against Mugabe's government. Nonetheless, this study found no conclusive evidence to suggest that the crisis in Zimbabwe has fuelled race conflict in this country. But that race is politicised by parties in South Africa for political gain.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In Apartheld-Suid-Afrika was rasse verskille gebruik as 'n instrument van onderdrukking en skeiding van die bevolking. Met die totstandkoming van demokrasie in 1994 het 'n verskuiwing van 'n rasse-beleid na 'n nie-rassige, demokratiese Suid-Afrika gelei. Politieke partye politiseer egter steeds ras in post-Apartheid Suid-Afrika vir politieke gewin. Die doel van hierdie studie is om te beskryf, verduidelik en te analiseer hoe politieke partye die krisis in Zimbabwe gebruik om politiek in Suid-Afrika steeds gebonde ras te hou. Hierdie studis al aandui dat politieke partye in Suid-Afrika nie die fokus van ras identiteite kan vermy nie. 'n Moontlike rede hiervoor is dat politieke partye in Suid-Afrika 'nsolidariteit met hul kiesers wil behou. Die studie fokus op vier van die mees prominente politieke partye in Suid-Afrika naamlik: ANC, PAC, NNP en die DA. Om elke party se stand-punt op hierdie onderwerp te verstaan, gaan die studie fokus op die volgende punte in Zimbabwe: grondhervorming, die 2003Presidensiële verkiesing en die impak wat die ekonomiese krisis in Zimbabwe op die politieke gebied gehad het. Soos verwag, het partye met histories oorheersende swart oortuigings empatie met Robert Mugabe se regering betoon. Mugabe word gesien as 'n slagoffer van onsimpatieke wit settelaars wat vasklou aan hul eertydse voorregte. Terwyloorwegende wit partye vra vir strenger optrede teenoor die regering van Robert Mugabe. Nie te min, het hierdie studie geen uitsluitende bewyse gevind wat aandui dat die krisis in Zimbabwe konflik rasse in Suid- Afrika aangespoor het nie. Dit is egter belangrik om in ag te neem dat die politisering van ras grootliks deur partye gebruik word om ondersteuning te werf.
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Premdas, Ralph R. "Religion and reconciliation in the multi-ethnic states of the Third World Fiji, Trinidad, and Guyana /". Thesis, McGill University, 1991. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/26969958.html.
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Kwoba, Brian. "The impact of Hubert Henry Harrison on Black radicalism, 1909-1927 : race, class, and political radicalism in Harlem and African American history". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:0b4a7787-ae07-4131-b051-be0edef5ffca.
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This thesis focuses on Hubert Henry Harrison (1883-1927), a Caribbean-born journalist, educator, and community organizer whose historical restoration requires us to expand the frame of Black radicalism in the twentieth century. Harrison was the first Black leader of the Socialist Party of America to articulate a historical materialist analysis of the "Negro question", to organise a Black-led Marxist formation, and to systematically and publicly challenge the party's racial prejudices. In a time of urbanization, migration, lynching, and segregation, he subsequently developed the World War I-era New Negro movement by spearheading its first organisation, newspaper, nation-wide congress, and political party. Harrison pioneered a new form of anti-imperialist, anti-capitalist, coloured internationalism. He also inaugurated the socio-cultural tradition of street corner speaking in Harlem, which formed the institutional basis for developing a wide-ranging, working-class, community-based, Black modernist intellectual culture. His people-centred and mass-movement-oriented model of leadership catalysed the rise to prominence of Marcus Garvey and the Garvey movement. Meanwhile, Harrison's African identity and epistemology positioned him to establish an African-centred street scholar tradition in Harlem that endures to this day. Despite Harrison's wide-ranging influence on a whole generation of Black leaders from W.E.B. Du Bois to A. Philip Randolph, his impact and legacy have been largely forgotten. As a result, unearthing and recovering Harrison requires us to rethink multiple histories - the white left, the New Negro movement, Garveyism, the "Harlem Renaissance" - which have marginalized him. Harrison figured centrally in all of these social movements, so restoring his angle of vision demonstrates previously invisible connections, conjunctures, and continuities between disparate and often segregated currents of intellectual and political history. It also broadens the spectrum of Black emancipatory possibilities by restoring an example that retains much of its relevance today.
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Treviño, González Mónica. "Race, hegemony, mobilisation : what roles for the state and for civil society? : the transformation of racial politics in Brazil". Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102219.
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An enduring puzzle of race relations in Brazil is that for most of the 20th century this topic was conspicuously absent from politics, in spite of deep-rooted inequalities between whites and non-whites. The ideology of "racial democracy" effectively depoliticised the issue until the late 1990s, when a wide-ranging programme of affirmative action policies for Afro-Brazilians was implemented.Beginning with the idea that the myth of racial democracy functioned as an ideological hegemony in the Gramscian sense, this dissertation seeks to explain the process through which public policies ceased to reflect this hegemonic ideology, and instead began to represent a counterhegemonic project. Contrary to traditional Gramscian analysis, I argue that a counterhegemonic project can be defended not only by civil society actors, but also by the state, and that the relative strength of counterhegemonic actors is often influenced by transnational factors. Indeed, I argue that when civil society actors lack the necessary strength to reach a leadership position in civil society that can counter the hegemonic order, a counterhegemonic confluence of civil society, state and transnational actors can produce this change.
An analysis of the evolution of racial politics in Brazil since the return of democratic rule in the 1980s demonstrates that such a confluence did indeed take place in Brazil, culminating at the United Nations World Conference Against Racism in Durban in 2001. A study of the implementation of admissions quotas for Afro-Brazilians in the state universities of Rio de Janeiro serves to confirm the importance of the contribution of the state and transnational actors, as well as to examine the limits of the confluence.
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Hehnke, Jennifer Marie 1978. "The politics of racial integration in the Seattle Public Schools: Discourse, policy, and political change, 1954-1991". Thesis, University of Oregon, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/10550.
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xiii, 302 p. : ill. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number.This study examines the role of narrative in racial integration politics in the Seattle Public Schools between 1954 and 1991. In 1978, the Seattle School District in coalition with civic actors implemented a mandatory student assignment desegregation policy, "The Seattle Plan," without a court order. A decade later, another similar coalition of actors came together to shift desegregation policy towards a "controlled choice" method of student movement. In 1991, with the support of the newly elected Democratic mayor, the foundation of desegregation was dismantled. In Seattle, the shifts in desegregation conflicts can be explained as the transposition of certain arrangements of ideas into policy and the concurrent shift in the arrangement produced by new alignments of actors able to find enough common ground to coalesce and make policy. This dissertation explores the complexity of ideas about racial equality and the oftentimes-surprising arrangements actors created. I analyze the way elected, elite, and non-elite actors at the local level talked about, interpreted, and re-interpreted questions of racial segregation, equality, and the role of the public schools and explore the amalgamations of ideas about race and schools that explain the unique development of policy in Seattle with a way to account for change relying on micro-political developments. I examine the discursive arrangements generated within these conflicts, the coalitions built around these ideas, and how the ideas were implemented as policy. I analyze a broad range of archival materials, newspaper accounts, and interviews with actors who were involved in these events.
Committee in charge: Gerald Berk, Chairperson, Political Science; Julie Novkov, Member, Political Science; Joseph Lowndes, Member, Political Science; James Mohr, Outside Member, History
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Zasimczuk, Ivan A. "Maxwell M. Rabb : a hidden hand of the Eisenhower administration in civil rights and race relations". Thesis, Manhattan, Kan. : Kansas State University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/753.
Texto completo da fonteLivros sobre o assunto "Race relations – political aspects – history"
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Sutherland, William. Beyond the politics of race: An alternative history of Fiji to 1992. Canberra: Dept. of Political and Social Change, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian Naional University, 1992.
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Folsom, James Elisha. Oral history interview with James Folsom, December 28, 1974: Interview A-0319, Southern Oral History Program Collection (#4007). [Chapel Hill, N.C.]: University Library, UNC-Chapel Hill, 2006.
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Browder, Glen. Stealth reconstruction: An untold story of racial politics in recent Southern history. Montgomery, AL: NewSouth Books, 2010.
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Cazenave, Noel A., e Noel A. Cazenave. The urban racial state: Managing race relations in American cities. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2010.
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Catholic Institute for International Relations., British Council of Churches e Kairos Theologians (Group). Challenge to the church., eds. The Kairos document: A theological comment on the political crisis in South Africa. 2a ed. London: Catholic Institute for International Relations, 1986.
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Baum, Bruce David. The rise and fall of the Caucasian race: A political history of racial identity. New York: New York University Press, 2006.
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T, Akinyele R., ed. Race ethnicity and nation building in Africa: Studies in inter-group relations. [Ibadan, Nigeria]: Rex Charles Publication in association with Connel Publications, 2003.
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Noll, Mark A. God and race in American politics: A short history. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2008.
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Goldfield, Michael. The color of politics: Race and the mainsprings of American politics. New York: New Press, 1997.
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interviewer, Bass Jack, Southern Oral History Program, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Documenting the American South (Project) e University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Library, eds. Oral history interview with Richard Arrington, July 18, 1974: Interview A-0001, Southern Oral History Program Collection (#4007). [Chapel Hill, N.C.]: University Library, UNC-Chapel Hill, 2006.
Encontre o texto completo da fonteCapítulos de livros sobre o assunto "Race relations – political aspects – history"
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Hannemann, Tilman. "Negotiating Germanness with Indian Religious History: Transfers of Academic Knowledge and Notions of völkisch Belief". In Palgrave Series in Asian German Studies, 221–52. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-40375-0_10.
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AbstractVölkisch, racist, and essentialist constructions of religious belief flourished in the first half of the twentieth century. After 1933, debates on Germanness in the German Youth Movement, and among intellectuals, artists, and state functionaries helped shape the politics of national socialist (NS) institutions. Discussions that sought to ground religious experience in scientific and historical evidence, drew on a combination of the phenomenology of religion, speculations about the nature of primordial belief, biological and historical evolutionism, and race theory. The author examines the formation of a discourse in which knowledge about India was selected from the academic discipline of Indology and relocated to suit the positions of the contributors to the debate. Essentially, the field reproduced aspects of religion that emphasized confessionalism, rationality, nationalism, the arts, science, and ritual in relation to modernity.
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"IMMIGRATION, RACE RELATIONS AND THE PLURAL SOCIETY". In Aspects of British Political History 1914-1995, 357–66. Routledge, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203991411-29.
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Givens, Terri E. "Political Science, International Relations, and the Normalization of White Supremacy". In The Roots of Racism, 16–30. Policy Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529209204.003.0002.
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The discipline of political science should be uniquely placed to understand the role of racism in politics and policy. However, the history of the discipline indicates that the study of racism and discrimination has been marginalized, despite the centrality of race in politics and societal relations. In this chapter, I examine more closely the history of political science and race since the discipline was founded in the late 1800s. The way that race has been handled in my own discipline provides lessons for other disciplines, particularly those in the social sciences, but it is also an indicator of how society has dealt with issues of race over time. We are entering an era of greater awareness of the role of racism in the development of policy and politics, and it is clear that the lack of diversity in political science has had a major impact of the types of research that has been done over time and in many ways the quality of that research was impacted by the lack of taking into account racial biases.
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Gosin, Monika. "Race Making". In The Racial Politics of Division, 33–56. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501738234.003.0002.
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Chapter 1 provides background for understanding the contentious interethnic relations explored in the book. It details Miami’s turbulent Jim Crow history, the historical forces that brought Cubans to Miami, and the clashes that would arise between white Anglos, Cubans, and African-Americans. The chapter illustrates how racist forces and ideologies of worthy citizenship imposed a strict separation between the categories of “African-American” and “Cuban,” and “black” and “white” in Miami, despite the actual heterogeneity of people placed in these categories. The chapter argues that three dominant race-making frames involved in the creation of worthy citizenship, traditionally utilized by whites to divide themselves from groups of color, become useful for racialized groups when they are faced with political, economic, and social instability. Using the case of Miami, the chapter illuminates how histories of white colonial and settler domination, and ideologies that justify such domination, are connected to interethnic conflict writ large.
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Young, Ken, e Warner R. Schilling. "Moral and Political Consequences". In Super Bomb, 71–86. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501745164.003.0005.
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This chapter examines the controversy's real or assumed moral and political aspects. Moral repugnance inflected the scientific judgments of Oppenheimer's General Advisory Committee, triggering discussion of the relative moral significance of thermonuclear bombing, the use of the atomic bomb, and the mass urban bombing campaigns of 1942–1945. More immediate concerns centered on the impact a decision to develop thermonuclear weapons might have on the pattern of international relations. Given a paucity of intelligence, the effects on the Soviet Union's own weapons program, and thereby on the United States' vulnerability, could only be guessed at. The chapter thus considers if the development of the Super would restore the status quo ante-1949 or lead to a thermonuclear arms race and ultimate stalemate—or even the end of the world.
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Barder, Alexander D. "Scientific Racism, Social Darwinism, and Global Racial Order". In Global Race War, 47–70. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197535622.003.0003.
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The premise of this chapter is the elucidation of a different ontology of global politics and order of the nineteenth century. International relations theory takes for granted a largely ahistorical state-centric ontology, which reifies a specific Eurocentric state and state system as the embodiment of global politics. Instead this chapter focuses on an alternative ontology of race, racial hierarchy, and racial difference as significant for defining the content of an imperial global politics and order. The chapter places into context the emergence of scientific racism and social Darwinism as key intellectual elements in defining a political imaginary that influenced the politics of difference and violence. The chapter shows that this intellectual history reveals a global order that was fundamentally racialized and that global violence was understood and practiced as race war.
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Fojas, Camilla. "Mixed-Race Hollywood, Hawaiian Style". In Beyond Ethnicity. University of Hawai'i Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.21313/hawaii/9780824869885.003.0004.
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In classical Hollywood films set in Hawai‘i, Native Hawaiians are often depicted as part of the landscape and as a backdrop for stories of Anglo visitor romance. After statehood, many of these stories thematize intimacies of Native Hawaiian and haole to depict the incorporation of the islands to the continental U.S. By the “multicultural” 1990s, Anglo and Native Hawaiian contact in popular culture is depicted as fraught and inflected with many of the political quandaries related to Native Hawaiian rights and sovereignty issues. And Hollywood shaped continental attitudes not only about “race” on the islands but how complex political questions might be addressed. Storylines about Native and haole—non-Native, foreign, or white—intimacies are understood through “mixed race” narratives and a history of mixed race relations on the continent. These stories work through and shape social attitudes about the political and cultural relationship of the islands to the continent, that is, rather than representing a harmonious and utopic racial future, Hawai‘i is seen as entrenched in the mainland’s racial past. And this past is abstracted from local contexts. In these films, remedies for racialized inequities derive entirely from a mainland politics of race.
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McPherson, James M. "Race and Class in the Crucible of War". In Drawn with The Sword, 87–98. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195096798.003.0006.
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Abstract Social History Since The 1960s Has Become The Liveliest field of American history. Historians have been using evidence about class, race, ethnicity, and gender to gain insight into Americans’ everyday lives—their work and leisure, their culture and ideology, their relations with one another and with the political and economic systems under which they have lived. From that research have come new perspectives that have increased our understanding of the American past—especially the past lives of blacks, women, ethnic minorities, and blue-collar workers.
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Shonekan, Stephanie, e Adam Seagrave. "The Road to the Future". In Race and the American Story, 74–116. Oxford University PressNew York, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197767689.003.0005.
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Abstract In this chapter the authors draw together the threads of previous chapters to reflect on issues of contemporary race relations in the United States. The authors connect their own experiences with American society and history, reflecting on current challenges and prospects for hope with respect to racial issues in the United States. Seagrave reflects on his experience as a scholar of the American Founding and American political thought. Shonekan provides commentary on the controversy at the University of Missouri over the statue of Thomas Jefferson. The authors comment on the relationship between African American civil rights and other contemporary rights movements. Martin Luther King Jr. is highlighted as a source for promising guiding principles on issues of race.
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Beckel, Deborah. "Southern Labor and the Lure of Populism". In Reconsidering Southern Labor History, 126–41. University Press of Florida, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9780813056975.003.0009.
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In this chapter Deborah Beckel reconsiders historians' analyses of the Knights of Labor in Gilded Age North Carolina. Based on new research, it reframes interpretations of labor's role in the rise of Populism. Reevaluating race, class, gender, and power relations within and among the Knights of Labor, Farmers' Alliance, and People's Party movements, it shows how black and white men and women, including Ellen Williams, shaped interracial, cross-class, and cross-gender activism. It reexamines the ways that grassroots African-American leaders communicated with state and national leaders, including Marion Butler, Elias Carr, and John Hayes. The chapter rethinks the roles of the Knights of Labor and the Republican Party in North Carolina's fusion coalition. It reassesses the meanings of the Republican-Populist political victories of the 1890s.
Trabalhos de conferências sobre o assunto "Race relations – political aspects – history"
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Nasirova, Kamala. "Theoretical analysis of political aspects of international protection of refugees and internally displaced persons". In Development of legal systems in Russia and foreign countries: problems of theory and practice. ru: Publishing Center RIOR, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/02061-6-192-200.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of political aspects of international protection of refugees and internally displaced persons in the system of international relations. If we look at our recent history, we can see that in fact, in the modern system of international relations, the factors that determine the international protection of refugees and internally displaced persons are political elements, political causes and threats, as well as international political and military security. Therefore, the article touches on the issue of ensuring both the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan and the violated rights of refugees and internally displaced persons through counter-attack operations of Azerbaijan in September-November 2020.
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Mancini, Francesco Maria, e Tanja Glusac. "Void of Power". In 24th ISUF 2017 - City and Territory in the Globalization Age. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/isuf2017.2017.6172.
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The history of built environment reflects the rise and fall of political systems, their conflicts, social contradictions and ultimately, the state of being of particular civic societies over time. Former symbols of power, such as ancient monuments, palaces and churches still express their symbolic, economic, cultural and political value which constituted in different ages the motivation for their being. Today these are replaced by new symbols of contemporary economic forces which through skyscrapers express global tendency and power shifts. While such edifices are recognizable embodiments of power and political systems of their time, less visible, yet equally potent, are the shifts and voids in power relations. To fully comprehend the role of architecture in expressing and supporting power structures, it is important to question the concept of architecture as a mere act of presence (construction) and consider instead the void and its complementary aspects: absence, erasure and ideological need for demolition, as expressions of power. This paper considers power within the parameters of void, which extend beyond the notion of “tabula rasa” that has characterized many urban transformations. By considering the emblematic case of Via dell’ Impero, analyzing various ‘iconic’ works of architecture for their role in expressing power of institutions and individuals, and identifying dispersion as an underhanded way of exercising power, this paper proposes a more complex reading of urban transformations. It offers moments of reflection and a shift in research focus in terms of how the void is used today to express and support present power relations.
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Emilova, Irena. "The Anti-Crisis Management in The Process of Global Integration". In G.I.D.T.P. 2019 - Globalization, Innovation and Development, Trends and Prospects 2019. LUMEN Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/lumproc/gidtp2022/05.
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The global integration demands a theoretical understanding and characterization of anti-crisis management. On the one hand, it is associated with changes, which not only create opportunities, but also raise a number of difficulties, and on the other - with the necessity of a concept, combining different approaches. The globalization has various dimensions. It is the subject of discussion by the researchers of many scientific fields - sociology, economics, geography, politics, international relations, culture, technique and technology, history, demographics and more. The definitions of the specialist of policy and international relations are interpreted as a accelerating and improving transnational nature of the relationship between the partners and establishment an international order with help of the UN and other international organizations. The anti-crisis management is a relatively new area of scientific knowledge. In the process of globalization, changes in economic, political, social and spiritual environment, there are expanding opportunities but also pose serious constraints to its theoretical study and practical application. This paper examining with some aspects of the anti-crisis management in the process of global integration. Clarified are the main requirements for anti-crisis management as a system, as a set of mechanisms and processes, specific technologies and management styles. It discusses factors that determine the effectiveness of anti-crisis management. There is substantiating necessity of interpretation on the need for new specific features in management thinking.
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Capes, David B. "TOLERANCE IN THE THEOLOGY AND THOUGHT OF A. J. CONYERS AND FETHULLAH GÜLEN (EXTENDED ABSTRACT)". In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/fbvr3629.
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In his book The Long Truce (Spence Publishing, 2001) the late A. J. Conyers argues that tolerance, as practiced in western democracies, is not a public virtue; it is a political strat- egy employed to establish power and guarantee profits. Tolerance, of course, seemed to be a reasonable response to the religious wars of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, but tolerance based upon indifference to all values except political power and materialism relegated ultimate questions of meaning to private life. Conyers offers another model for tolerance based upon values and resources already resident in pre-Reformation Christianity. In this paper, we consider Conyer’s case against the modern, secular form of tolerance and its current practice. We examine his attempt to reclaim the practice of Christian tolerance based upon humility, hospitality and the “powerful fact” of the incarnation. Furthermore, we bring the late Conyers into dialog with Fethullah Gülen, a Muslim scholar, prolific writer and the source of inspiration for a transnational civil society movement. We explore how both Conyers and Gülen interpret their scriptures in order to fashion a theology and politi- cal ideology conducive to peaceful co-existence. Finally, because Gülen’s identity has been formed within the Sufi tradition, we reflect on the spiritual resources within Sufi spirituality that make dialog and toleration key values for him. Conyers locates various values, practices and convictions in the Christian message that pave the way for authentic toleration. These include humility, trust, reconciliation, the interrelat- edness of all things, the paradox of power--that is, that strength is found in weakness and greatness in service—hope, the inherent goodness of creation, and interfaith dialog. Conyers refers to this latter practice as developing “the listening heart” and “the open soul.” In his writings and oral addresses, Gülen prefers the term hoshgoru (literally, “good view”) to “tolerance.” Conceptually, the former term indicates actions of the heart and the mind that include empathy, inquisitiveness, reflection, consideration of the dialog partner’s context, and respect for their positions. The term “tolerance” does not capture the notion of hoshgoru. Elsewhere, Gülen finds even the concept of hoshgoru insufficient, and employs terms with more depth in interfaith relations, such as respect and an appreciation of the positions of your dialog partner. The resources Gülen references in the context of dialog and empathic acceptance include the Qur’an, the prophetic tradition, especially lives of the companions of the Prophet, the works of great Muslim scholars and Sufi masters, and finally, the history of Islamic civilization. Among his Qur’anic references, Gülen alludes to verses that tell the believers to represent hu- mility, peace and security, trustworthiness, compassion and forgiveness (The Qur’an, 25:63, 25:72, 28:55, 45:14, 17:84), to avoid armed conflicts and prefer peace (4:128), to maintain cordial relationships with the “people of the book,” and to avoid argumentation (29:46). But perhaps the most important references of Gülen with respect to interfaith relations are his readings of those verses that allow Muslims to fight others. Gülen positions these verses in historical context to point out one by one that their applicability is conditioned upon active hostility. In other words, in Gülen’s view, nowhere in the Qur’an does God allow fighting based on differences of faith. An important factor for Gülen’s embracing views of empathic acceptance and respect is his view of the inherent value of the human. Gülen’s message is essentially that every human person exists as a piece of art created by the Compassionate God, reflecting aspects of His compassion. He highlights love as the raison d’etre of the universe. “Love is the very reason of existence, and the most important bond among beings,” Gülen comments. A failure to approach fellow humans with love, therefore, implies a deficiency in our love of God and of those who are beloved to God. The lack of love for fellow human beings implies a lack of respect for this monumental work of art by God. Ultimately, to remain indifferent to the conditions and suffering of fellow human beings implies indifference to God himself. While advocating love of human beings as a pillar of human relations, Gülen maintains a balance. He distinguishes between the love of fellow human beings and our attitude toward some of their qualities or actions. Our love for a human being who inflicts suffering upon others does not mean that we remain silent toward his violent actions. On the contrary, our very love for that human being as a human being, as well as our love of those who suffer, necessitate that we participate actively in the elimination of suffering. In the end we argue that strong resonances are found in the notion of authentic toleration based on humility advocated by Conyers and the notion of hoshgoru in the writings of Gülen.
Relatórios de organizações sobre o assunto "Race relations – political aspects – history"
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Kost, Stepan, e Tetiana Slotiuk. THE UKRAINIAN QUESTION ON THE PAGES OF THE JOURNAL “SPRAWY NARODOWOŚCIOWE” (1931-1935). Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, março de 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2024.54-55.12155.
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The article explores Polish-Ukrainian relations, in particular, the Ukrainian question, on the pages of the journal “Sprawy Narodowośсiowe” during 1931-1935. The authors emphasize that the millennia-long history of Polish-Ukrainian relations contains many complex, contradictory, and sometimes tragic pages. The situation of the Ukrainian national minority in interwar Poland, particularly in the first half of the 1930s, was challenging. The article proves that the editorial board of the “Sprawy Narodowośсiowe” journal (which was the governing body of the institute researching national issues, established in 1921, and first published in 1927) was examining the theoretical aspects of the national question in Poland during the first half of the 1930s and carefully analyzing the lives of national minorities, including Ukrainian minority. The heading “Ukrainians” in the “National minorities in Poland” category was the largest in terms of content. This indicates that the journal’s editorial board considered the resolution of the Ukrainian question to be a priority. The editors informatively and prudently informed readers about the activities of Ukrainian political parties (except for the underground Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists) and the most important public organizations. The article proves that the magazine generally advocated the idea of Polish-Ukrainian understanding, but remained loyal to Polish state interests. The magazine aimed to study the sentiments of Ukrainian society and identify the trends in the development of these sentiments. The article also substantiates that the journal was not a government mouthpiece since the national policy did not demonstrate a desire to fairly address the national issue. Key words: Polish-Ukrainian relations, history of interwar Poland, history of Ukraine, national issue, journal «Sprawy Narodowościowe».