Literatura científica selecionada sobre o tema "Race relations – political aspects – history"

AbstractVölkisch, racist, and essentialist constructions of religious belief flourished in the first half of the twentieth century. After 1933, debates on Germanness in the German Youth Movement, and among intellectuals, artists, and state functionaries helped shape the politics of national socialist (NS) institutions. Discussions that sought to ground religious experience in scientific and historical evidence, drew on a combination of the phenomenology of religion, speculations about the nature of primordial belief, biological and historical evolutionism, and race theory. The author examines the formation of a discourse in which knowledge about India was selected from the academic discipline of Indology and relocated to suit the positions of the contributors to the debate. Essentially, the field reproduced aspects of religion that emphasized confessionalism, rationality, nationalism, the arts, science, and ritual in relation to modernity.

The discipline of political science should be uniquely placed to understand the role of racism in politics and policy. However, the history of the discipline indicates that the study of racism and discrimination has been marginalized, despite the centrality of race in politics and societal relations. In this chapter, I examine more closely the history of political science and race since the discipline was founded in the late 1800s. The way that race has been handled in my own discipline provides lessons for other disciplines, particularly those in the social sciences, but it is also an indicator of how society has dealt with issues of race over time. We are entering an era of greater awareness of the role of racism in the development of policy and politics, and it is clear that the lack of diversity in political science has had a major impact of the types of research that has been done over time and in many ways the quality of that research was impacted by the lack of taking into account racial biases.

Chapter 1 provides background for understanding the contentious interethnic relations explored in the book. It details Miami’s turbulent Jim Crow history, the historical forces that brought Cubans to Miami, and the clashes that would arise between white Anglos, Cubans, and African-Americans. The chapter illustrates how racist forces and ideologies of worthy citizenship imposed a strict separation between the categories of “African-American” and “Cuban,” and “black” and “white” in Miami, despite the actual heterogeneity of people placed in these categories. The chapter argues that three dominant race-making frames involved in the creation of worthy citizenship, traditionally utilized by whites to divide themselves from groups of color, become useful for racialized groups when they are faced with political, economic, and social instability. Using the case of Miami, the chapter illuminates how histories of white colonial and settler domination, and ideologies that justify such domination, are connected to interethnic conflict writ large.

This chapter examines the controversy's real or assumed moral and political aspects. Moral repugnance inflected the scientific judgments of Oppenheimer's General Advisory Committee, triggering discussion of the relative moral significance of thermonuclear bombing, the use of the atomic bomb, and the mass urban bombing campaigns of 1942–1945. More immediate concerns centered on the impact a decision to develop thermonuclear weapons might have on the pattern of international relations. Given a paucity of intelligence, the effects on the Soviet Union's own weapons program, and thereby on the United States' vulnerability, could only be guessed at. The chapter thus considers if the development of the Super would restore the status quo ante-1949 or lead to a thermonuclear arms race and ultimate stalemate—or even the end of the world.

The premise of this chapter is the elucidation of a different ontology of global politics and order of the nineteenth century. International relations theory takes for granted a largely ahistorical state-centric ontology, which reifies a specific Eurocentric state and state system as the embodiment of global politics. Instead this chapter focuses on an alternative ontology of race, racial hierarchy, and racial difference as significant for defining the content of an imperial global politics and order. The chapter places into context the emergence of scientific racism and social Darwinism as key intellectual elements in defining a political imaginary that influenced the politics of difference and violence. The chapter shows that this intellectual history reveals a global order that was fundamentally racialized and that global violence was understood and practiced as race war.

In classical Hollywood films set in Hawai‘i, Native Hawaiians are often depicted as part of the landscape and as a backdrop for stories of Anglo visitor romance. After statehood, many of these stories thematize intimacies of Native Hawaiian and haole to depict the incorporation of the islands to the continental U.S. By the “multicultural” 1990s, Anglo and Native Hawaiian contact in popular culture is depicted as fraught and inflected with many of the political quandaries related to Native Hawaiian rights and sovereignty issues. And Hollywood shaped continental attitudes not only about “race” on the islands but how complex political questions might be addressed. Storylines about Native and haole—non-Native, foreign, or white—intimacies are understood through “mixed race” narratives and a history of mixed race relations on the continent. These stories work through and shape social attitudes about the political and cultural relationship of the islands to the continent, that is, rather than representing a harmonious and utopic racial future, Hawai‘i is seen as entrenched in the mainland’s racial past. And this past is abstracted from local contexts. In these films, remedies for racialized inequities derive entirely from a mainland politics of race.

Abstract Social History Since The 1960s Has Become The Liveliest field of American history. Historians have been using evidence about class, race, ethnicity, and gender to gain insight into Americans’ everyday lives—their work and leisure, their culture and ideology, their relations with one another and with the political and economic systems under which they have lived. From that research have come new perspectives that have increased our understanding of the American past—especially the past lives of blacks, women, ethnic minorities, and blue-collar workers.

Abstract In this chapter the authors draw together the threads of previous chapters to reflect on issues of contemporary race relations in the United States. The authors connect their own experiences with American society and history, reflecting on current challenges and prospects for hope with respect to racial issues in the United States. Seagrave reflects on his experience as a scholar of the American Founding and American political thought. Shonekan provides commentary on the controversy at the University of Missouri over the statue of Thomas Jefferson. The authors comment on the relationship between African American civil rights and other contemporary rights movements. Martin Luther King Jr. is highlighted as a source for promising guiding principles on issues of race.

In this chapter Deborah Beckel reconsiders historians' analyses of the Knights of Labor in Gilded Age North Carolina. Based on new research, it reframes interpretations of labor's role in the rise of Populism. Reevaluating race, class, gender, and power relations within and among the Knights of Labor, Farmers' Alliance, and People's Party movements, it shows how black and white men and women, including Ellen Williams, shaped interracial, cross-class, and cross-gender activism. It reexamines the ways that grassroots African-American leaders communicated with state and national leaders, including Marion Butler, Elias Carr, and John Hayes. The chapter rethinks the roles of the Knights of Labor and the Republican Party in North Carolina's fusion coalition. It reassesses the meanings of the Republican-Populist political victories of the 1890s.

The article is devoted to the analysis of political aspects of international protection of refugees and internally displaced persons in the system of international relations. If we look at our recent history, we can see that in fact, in the modern system of international relations, the factors that determine the international protection of refugees and internally displaced persons are political elements, political causes and threats, as well as international political and military security. Therefore, the article touches on the issue of ensuring both the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan and the violated rights of refugees and internally displaced persons through counter-attack operations of Azerbaijan in September-November 2020.

The history of built environment reflects the rise and fall of political systems, their conflicts, social contradictions and ultimately, the state of being of particular civic societies over time. Former symbols of power, such as ancient monuments, palaces and churches still express their symbolic, economic, cultural and political value which constituted in different ages the motivation for their being. Today these are replaced by new symbols of contemporary economic forces which through skyscrapers express global tendency and power shifts. While such edifices are recognizable embodiments of power and political systems of their time, less visible, yet equally potent, are the shifts and voids in power relations. To fully comprehend the role of architecture in expressing and supporting power structures, it is important to question the concept of architecture as a mere act of presence (construction) and consider instead the void and its complementary aspects: absence, erasure and ideological need for demolition, as expressions of power. This paper considers power within the parameters of void, which extend beyond the notion of “tabula rasa” that has characterized many urban transformations. By considering the emblematic case of Via dell’ Impero, analyzing various ‘iconic’ works of architecture for their role in expressing power of institutions and individuals, and identifying dispersion as an underhanded way of exercising power, this paper proposes a more complex reading of urban transformations. It offers moments of reflection and a shift in research focus in terms of how the void is used today to express and support present power relations.

The global integration demands a theoretical understanding and characterization of anti-crisis management. On the one hand, it is associated with changes, which not only create opportunities, but also raise a number of difficulties, and on the other - with the necessity of a concept, combining different approaches. The globalization has various dimensions. It is the subject of discussion by the researchers of many scientific fields - sociology, economics, geography, politics, international relations, culture, technique and technology, history, demographics and more. The definitions of the specialist of policy and international relations are interpreted as a accelerating and improving transnational nature of the relationship between the partners and establishment an international order with help of the UN and other international organizations. The anti-crisis management is a relatively new area of scientific knowledge. In the process of globalization, changes in economic, political, social and spiritual environment, there are expanding opportunities but also pose serious constraints to its theoretical study and practical application. This paper examining with some aspects of the anti-crisis management in the process of global integration. Clarified are the main requirements for anti-crisis management as a system, as a set of mechanisms and processes, specific technologies and management styles. It discusses factors that determine the effectiveness of anti-crisis management. There is substantiating necessity of interpretation on the need for new specific features in management thinking.

In his book The Long Truce (Spence Publishing, 2001) the late A. J. Conyers argues that tolerance, as practiced in western democracies, is not a public virtue; it is a political strat- egy employed to establish power and guarantee profits. Tolerance, of course, seemed to be a reasonable response to the religious wars of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, but tolerance based upon indifference to all values except political power and materialism relegated ultimate questions of meaning to private life. Conyers offers another model for tolerance based upon values and resources already resident in pre-Reformation Christianity. In this paper, we consider Conyer’s case against the modern, secular form of tolerance and its current practice. We examine his attempt to reclaim the practice of Christian tolerance based upon humility, hospitality and the “powerful fact” of the incarnation. Furthermore, we bring the late Conyers into dialog with Fethullah Gülen, a Muslim scholar, prolific writer and the source of inspiration for a transnational civil society movement. We explore how both Conyers and Gülen interpret their scriptures in order to fashion a theology and politi- cal ideology conducive to peaceful co-existence. Finally, because Gülen’s identity has been formed within the Sufi tradition, we reflect on the spiritual resources within Sufi spirituality that make dialog and toleration key values for him. Conyers locates various values, practices and convictions in the Christian message that pave the way for authentic toleration. These include humility, trust, reconciliation, the interrelat- edness of all things, the paradox of power--that is, that strength is found in weakness and greatness in service—hope, the inherent goodness of creation, and interfaith dialog. Conyers refers to this latter practice as developing “the listening heart” and “the open soul.” In his writings and oral addresses, Gülen prefers the term hoshgoru (literally, “good view”) to “tolerance.” Conceptually, the former term indicates actions of the heart and the mind that include empathy, inquisitiveness, reflection, consideration of the dialog partner’s context, and respect for their positions. The term “tolerance” does not capture the notion of hoshgoru. Elsewhere, Gülen finds even the concept of hoshgoru insufficient, and employs terms with more depth in interfaith relations, such as respect and an appreciation of the positions of your dialog partner. The resources Gülen references in the context of dialog and empathic acceptance include the Qur’an, the prophetic tradition, especially lives of the companions of the Prophet, the works of great Muslim scholars and Sufi masters, and finally, the history of Islamic civilization. Among his Qur’anic references, Gülen alludes to verses that tell the believers to represent hu- mility, peace and security, trustworthiness, compassion and forgiveness (The Qur’an, 25:63, 25:72, 28:55, 45:14, 17:84), to avoid armed conflicts and prefer peace (4:128), to maintain cordial relationships with the “people of the book,” and to avoid argumentation (29:46). But perhaps the most important references of Gülen with respect to interfaith relations are his readings of those verses that allow Muslims to fight others. Gülen positions these verses in historical context to point out one by one that their applicability is conditioned upon active hostility. In other words, in Gülen’s view, nowhere in the Qur’an does God allow fighting based on differences of faith. An important factor for Gülen’s embracing views of empathic acceptance and respect is his view of the inherent value of the human. Gülen’s message is essentially that every human person exists as a piece of art created by the Compassionate God, reflecting aspects of His compassion. He highlights love as the raison d’etre of the universe. “Love is the very reason of existence, and the most important bond among beings,” Gülen comments. A failure to approach fellow humans with love, therefore, implies a deficiency in our love of God and of those who are beloved to God. The lack of love for fellow human beings implies a lack of respect for this monumental work of art by God. Ultimately, to remain indifferent to the conditions and suffering of fellow human beings implies indifference to God himself. While advocating love of human beings as a pillar of human relations, Gülen maintains a balance. He distinguishes between the love of fellow human beings and our attitude toward some of their qualities or actions. Our love for a human being who inflicts suffering upon others does not mean that we remain silent toward his violent actions. On the contrary, our very love for that human being as a human being, as well as our love of those who suffer, necessitate that we participate actively in the elimination of suffering. In the end we argue that strong resonances are found in the notion of authentic toleration based on humility advocated by Conyers and the notion of hoshgoru in the writings of Gülen.

The article explores Polish-Ukrainian relations, in particular, the Ukrainian question, on the pages of the journal “Sprawy Narodowośсiowe” during 1931-1935. The authors emphasize that the millennia-long history of Polish-Ukrainian relations contains many complex, contradictory, and sometimes tragic pages. The situation of the Ukrainian national minority in interwar Poland, particularly in the first half of the 1930s, was challenging. The article proves that the editorial board of the “Sprawy Narodowośсiowe” journal (which was the governing body of the institute researching national issues, established in 1921, and first published in 1927) was examining the theoretical aspects of the national question in Poland during the first half of the 1930s and carefully analyzing the lives of national minorities, including Ukrainian minority. The heading “Ukrainians” in the “National minorities in Poland” category was the largest in terms of content. This indicates that the journal’s editorial board considered the resolution of the Ukrainian question to be a priority. The editors informatively and prudently informed readers about the activities of Ukrainian political parties (except for the underground Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists) and the most important public organizations. The article proves that the magazine generally advocated the idea of Polish-Ukrainian understanding, but remained loyal to Polish state interests. The magazine aimed to study the sentiments of Ukrainian society and identify the trends in the development of these sentiments. The article also substantiates that the journal was not a government mouthpiece since the national policy did not demonstrate a desire to fairly address the national issue. Key words: Polish-Ukrainian relations, history of interwar Poland, history of Ukraine, national issue, journal «Sprawy Narodowościowe».