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Artigos de revistas sobre o tema "Public welfare – canada – history"

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Publicado: 25 de julho de 2024

Última modificação: 31 de julho de 2024

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1

Watts, Rob. "Family allowances in Canada and Australia 1940–1945: A comparative critical case study". Journal of Social Policy 16, n.º 1 (janeiro de 1987): 19–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279400015713.

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ABSTRACTWhilst quantitive and ‘positivist’ modes of comparative social policy can reveal significant structural factors involved in the making of welfare states, they too often ignore the role of human agency, intention and political processes. A critical-historical comparative case study of the introduction of ‘child endowment’ and of ‘family allowances’ respectively in Australia (1941) and in Canada (1944) reminds us of the interplay between structural constraints and human agency in the history of welfare states. Detailed analysis suggests that institutionalised arrangements in Australia after 1905 to resolve capital-labour conflict via arbitral and wage fixation mechanisms put the question of the adequacy of wages in meeting family needs and with it proposals for child endowment onto the public agenda as early as 1920. In Canada the absence of such mechanisms, and alternative welfare arrangements to deal with family welfare, combined to keep such proposals off the public agenda. After 1939 the development of ‘war economies’ in Australia and Canada created common contradictions for governments, trying to maintain both industrial peace and anti-inflation policies, which the introduction of family allowances in both countries were attempts to resolve. Consideration is also given to a range of political problems and contexts in both countries which this particular policy measure attempted to deal with.

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2

Orlans, F. Barbara. "Animal Pain Scales in Public Policy". Alternatives to Laboratory Animals 18, n.º 1_part_1 (novembro de 1990): 41–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026119299001800107.1.

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Pain scales classify the severity of pain inflicted on laboratory animals from little or none up to severe. A pain scale as part of public policy serves beneficial purposes that promote animal welfare. It can be used to educate people about the two alternatives of refinement and replacement, and the need to reduce animal pain. Furthermore, a pain scale has practical applications: 1) in review procedures for animal welfare concerns; 2) in developing policies on the use of animals in education; and 3) as a basis for collecting national data on animal experimentation, so that meaningful data can be collected on trends in reduction and control in animal pain. So far, only a few countries (including Sweden, the Netherlands, Canada and New Zealand) have adopted pain scales as part of their public policy. Most countries, including the United States, have not yet done so. The history of the development and adoption of pain scales by various countries is described and the case is presented for wider adoption of a pain scale in countries not currently using one.

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3

WHITE, LINDA A. "Ideas and the Welfare State". Comparative Political Studies 35, n.º 6 (agosto de 2002): 713–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414002035006004.

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This article examines the legacy of American and Canadian welfare state development to explain surprisingly comparable levels of child care provision. It highlights the ironies of policy history while demonstrating the importance of ideas as independent causal factors in the development of public policies and the effect of their institutionalization on future policy development. Maternalist, nativist, and eugencist imperatives led U.S. governments to intrude in areas normally considered part of the private sphere and led to the adoption of policies to respond to a perceived decline primarily of the White population. These policies provided a normative and institutional basis for future government involvement in child care funding and programs, even after the conditions that led to the original policies changed. In Canada, the lack of large-scale entrenchment of similar ideas constrained an otherwise more interventionist government and made it more difficult for child care policies to find governmental and societal acceptance.

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4

Restrepo-Espinosa, Helena. "La promoción de la salud: de los griegos a la Carta de Ottawa: ¿Un nuevo campo de acción de la Salud Pública?" Anales de la Academia de Medicina de Medellín 20, n.º 1 (30 de março de 2024): 45–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.56684/ammd/2024.1.06.

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This article reviews the history of principles, concepts, and applications that fall under Health Promotion (HP), an important component of the field of Public Health. It begins with the proposals and hygiene concepts of the Greeks to promote healthier populations, extending the review through various centuries to the Declaration known as the Ottawa Charter, from 1986. This charter resulted from the first International Conference on Health Promotion held in Ottawa, Canada, with the participation of the World Health Organization (WHO), the Ministry of Health and Social Welfare of Canada, and the Canadian Public Health Association. This declaration is considered of utmost importance as it defined the terms, concepts, and strategies for the application and development of the “new Health Promotion.” Health Promotion requires Healthy Public Policies and intersectoral collaboration.

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5

Elson, Peter R., Jean-Marc Fontan, Sylvain Lefèvre e James Stauch. "Foundations in Canada: A Comparative Perspective". American Behavioral Scientist 62, n.º 13 (20 de maio de 2018): 1777–802. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764218775803.

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From a Canadian perspective, this article provides a comparative historical and contemporary overview of foundations in Canada, in relation to the United States and Germany. For the purposes of this analysis, the study was limited to public or private foundations in Canada, as defined by the Income Tax Act. As the Canadian foundation milieu straddles the welfare partnership model that characterizes German civil society and the Anglo-Saxon model of the United States, Canadian foundations as a whole have much in common with the foundation sector in both countries. Similarities include the number of foundations per capita, a similar range in size and influence, a comparable diversity of foundation types, and an explosion in the number of foundations in recent decades (although the United States has a much longer history of large foundations making high-impact interventions). This analysis also highlights some key differences among larger foundations in the three jurisdictions: German foundations are generally more apt to have a change-orientation and are more vigorous in their disbursement of income and assets. U.S. foundations are more likely to play a welfare-replacement role in lieu of inaction by the state. Canadian foundations play a complementary role, particularly in the areas of education and research, health, and social services. At the same time, there is a segment of Canadian foundations that are fostering innovation, social and policy change, and are embarking on meaningful partnerships and acts of reconciliation with Indigenous Peoples in Canada.

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6

MacLennan, Anne. "Charity and Change: Montreal English Protestant Charity Faces the Crisis of Depression". Articles 16, n.º 1 (19 de agosto de 2013): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1017942ar.

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The depression of the 1930s forced private and public charities across Canada to adapt to new circumstances. The crisis was particularly acute for the Montreal Council of Social Agencies, a minority English Protestant organization in a city reluctant to accept any responsibility for public services. The Council was forced to assume the burden of relief services for its community. The abrupt and long term disruptions in the operations of the Council caused by the Depression forced it to reevaluate and reassess its role in social services. Consequently, the Montreal Council of Social Agencies tried to compel municipal, provincial and federal governments to play larger roles in welfare work to relieve immediate and future problems. Most importantly, the Montreal Council of Social Agencies was guided through the 1930s by the principles of the Charity Organization Society, which were retained and reinforced rather than weakened by this crisis.

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7

Song, Dennis. "Analysis on differences in Canada and China's official attitude and perception on their minority nationalities". American Research Journal of History and Culture 6, n.º 1 (27 de novembro de 2020): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.21694/2379-2914.20008.

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The government’s perceptions and attitudes of their ethnic minorities are in close relation with the ethnic minorities’ welfare policies, and also affect the public’s perception of ethnic minorities. Therefore a government’s definition and attitudes are crucial to maintaining national stability. For instance, Canada is a multi-nation state, comprising multiple ethnic groups in one country, with the two most influential as the French-Canadians and the English-Canadians. French and English Canadians are majority ethnic groups while there are many other minority ethnic groups such as the First Nations. The People’s Republic of China is also a multi-nation state, although the biggest ethnic group, the Hans, comprise 98% of the entire population.11 Although all nations have their own cultural cognition - common descent, history, culture, and language - both Canada and China have their own unique definition for their minority nations: Canada’s minority nations are the Aboriginal People of Canada 22, and China’s minority nations are the 55 officially recognized ethnic groups other than the Han people. This essay aims to compare the official perceptions and attitudes of ethnic minorities in China and Canada, hoping to clarify the relationship between ethnic minorities and mainstream ethnic groups, and help the general public to understand them, hence promoting harmonious societal development.

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8

Sawchuk, Peter. "Austerity and On-the-job Vocational Learning". International Journal of Adult Vocational Education and Technology 4, n.º 3 (julho de 2013): 44–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijavet.2013070105.

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This article seeks to contribute to an understanding of questions regarding on-the-job vocational learning, power, and technological change in the context of dynamic notions of knowledge economy and contemporary public sector austerity in the West based on a “mind in political economy” approach inspired by the Cultural Historical Activity Theory tradition. It draws on recently completed analysis of public sector human services work (welfare benefits delivery work in Ontario, Canada) based on a seven year mixed-methods study (learning life-history interviews n=75; survey n=339). It seeks to explain the emergence of difference between the on-the-job vocational learning of newcomers and veteran workers. The conclusion suggests that structural changes to economies, sectors and organizations, often revolving around new forms of advanced technology, may initiate a process of contestation, appropriation, accommodation and consent that must be actively accomplished by inter-generational dynamics amongst workers within activity.

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9

McQuaid, Robyn J., Flint D. Schwartz, Cindy Blackstock, Kim Matheson, Hymie Anisman e Amy Bombay. "Parent-Child Separations and Mental Health among First Nations and Métis Peoples in Canada: Links to Intergenerational Residential School Attendance". International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, n.º 11 (4 de junho de 2022): 6877. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph19116877.

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First Nations children are over 17 times more likely to be removed from their families and placed in the child welfare system (CWS) than non-Indigenous children in Canada. The high rates of parent-child separation have been linked to discriminatory public services and the Indian Residential School (IRS) system, which instigated a multi-generational cycle of family disruption. However, limited empirical evidence exists linking the IRS to subsequent parent-child separations, the CWS, and mental health outcomes among First Nations, Inuit, and Métis populations in Canada. The current studies examine these relationships using a nationally representative sample of First Nations youth (ages 12–17 years) living in communities across Canada (Study 1), and among First Nations and Métis adults (ages 18+ years) in Canada (Study 2). Study 1 revealed that First Nations youth with a parent who attended IRS had increased odds of not living with either of their biological parents, and both IRS and not living with biological parents independently predicted greater psychological distress. Similarly, Study 2 revealed that First Nations and Métis adults with familial IRS history displayed greater odds of spending time in the CWS, and both IRS and CWS predicted elevated depressive symptoms. The increased distress and depressive symptoms associated with parent-child separations calls for First Nations-led interventions to address the inequities in the practices of removing Indigenous children and youth from their families.

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10

Batchelor, Daud Abdul-Fattah. "Integrating Islamic Principles and Values into the Fabric of Governance". ICR Journal 5, n.º 3 (15 de julho de 2014): 351–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v5i3.387.

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Important Islamic principles and values in governance are identified from the Qur’an, Sunna and the essential Shariah objectives (Maqasid al-Shari’ah). The principles (vicegerency, rule of law, justice, social welfare, separation of powers, accountability, consultation, obedience, public participation, inclusiveness, equality, dignity, hisbah or enjoining the good and forbidding the evil, limiting money politics, and ensuring a free, independent media, and peace and security) have considerable bearing on the structure of government institutions and in ensuring good governance, while the values (trustworthiness, transparency, cooperation towards good, moderation, eagerness for knowledge, frugality and valuing time, and good neighbourliness) relate more to the moral qualities required by rulers, leaders and government officers alike. The proposed process of integrating these into governance is based on a systems thinking approach which acknowledges that governance works in a systemic framework. It also stresses the modern discipline of change management but points out that both it and a systems approach were already applied most successfully by Prophet Muhammad [pbuh]. Working examples, which can be adapted for use in Muslim countries for government departments and civic society have been identified from Canada and Malaysia, respectively.

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11

Harell, Allison, Stuart Soroka e Kiera Ladner. "Public opinion, prejudice and the racialization of welfare in Canada". Ethnic and Racial Studies 37, n.º 14 (11 de novembro de 2013): 2580–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2013.851396.

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12

LIGHTMAN, ERNIE, ANDREW MITCHELL e DEAN HERD. "Cycling Off and On Welfare in Canada". Journal of Social Policy 39, n.º 4 (19 de abril de 2010): 523–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279410000279.

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AbstractInternationally, traditional approaches to social assistance (welfare) have increasingly been replaced with ‘active’ labour market policies. Alongside other industrialised countries, Canada embraced this shift, with its emphasis on the ‘shortest route’ to paid employment.There has been little research on the outcomes of these dramatic changes in Canada, especially longer term. This article explores the post-welfare labour market experiences of people who were on social assistance in Canada in 1996. It uses the longitudinal micro-data files of the Survey of Labour and Income Dynamics (SLID) from Statistics Canada, which tracks a panel of recipients over five years. We examine the mixing of work and welfare, the transition from welfare to work, and selected labour market indicators – primarily hours of work and wages – that those in receipt of social assistance face in assuming paid work.Those leaving welfare for work face precarious employment opportunities. Leavers earn lower wages, work fewer hours and consequently have lower annual earnings than non-recipients. Over time the gap narrows but remains significant, even after six years. Returns to welfare are frequent. Overall, even after six years most social assistance recipients remained marginalised in the periphery of the labour market.

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13

Stevenson, Allyson. "Child Welfare, Indigenous Children and Children’s Rights in Canada". Revista Direito e Práxis 10, n.º 2 (junho de 2019): 1239–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/2179-8966/2019/40639.

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Abstract In Canada, Indigenous children have been removed from their families and communities for residential schooling and for adoption and fostering by the state. These historic and ongoing policies have contributed to a general lack of awareness and respect for the rights of Indigenous children as children, as well as Indigenous rights bearers. This paper examines the ways in which historic Indigenous transracial adoption projects acted as a means of public education for ignorance, and argues there is an urgent need for increased public and academic attention to Indigenous children’s rights as both universal children’s rights and Indigenous rights.

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14

Wharf, Brian, Ivan Bernier, Andrée Lajoie e Andree Lajoie. "Family Law and Social Welfare Legislation in Canada". Canadian Public Policy / Analyse de Politiques 13, n.º 2 (junho de 1987): 244. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3550648.

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15

O'Connor, Julia S., Joe Hudson e Burt Galaway. "Child Welfare in Canada: Research and Policy Implications". Canadian Public Policy / Analyse de Politiques 22, n.º 2 (junho de 1996): 192. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3551916.

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16

Dick, Lyle. "Public History in Canada: An Introduction". Public Historian 31, n.º 1 (2009): 7–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2009.31.1.7.

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17

Comacchio, Cynthia, e Nancy Christie. "Engendering the State: Family, Work, and Welfare in Canada". American Historical Review 106, n.º 2 (abril de 2001): 556. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2651650.

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18

Sutton, Tara. "Income inequality and support for redistributive policies in Ontario: Who gets what, where, how, and who cares?" SURG Journal 9, n.º 1 (9 de abril de 2017): 14–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.21083/surg.v9i1.3804.

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Income inequality has risen steadily in Canada over the last three decades, and particularly in Ontario, where it has grown at a faster rate. While the public response to this growth remains unclear, policy responses to address the issue have largely failed. To date, the literature remains divided as to the nature of the relationship between income inequality and support for redistributive policies such as welfare spending. This article argues, however, that where a relationship exists between income inequality and public support for welfare spending, it is a negative one. This negative relationship is in part due to perceptions of deservingness and factors explained by institutionalism. Even if support for governmental action to address income inequality is considerable both in Ontario and in the rest of Canada, support for governmental welfare spending is low. These findings point toward a public that is largely unresponsive to the problem of growing income inequality in Ontario. The results have implications for the development of policies to address inequality effectively, both in Ontario and in the rest of Canada.

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19

Lightman, Ernie, e Allan Irving. "Restructuring Canada's Welfare State". Journal of Social Policy 20, n.º 1 (janeiro de 1991): 65–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279400018481.

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ABSTRACTThis paper highlights the development of the welfare state in Canada to its peak in the mid-1960s, and then traces the retreat from that height. While federalism and the complex relations between Ottawa and the provinces clearly represent a complicating factor, the paper argues that the fiscal crisis of the state has been the primary influence in the decline. As a major trading economy, Canada could not be immune from the onset of worldwide monetarism, though its effects were felt relatively late. Canadian monetarism has been marked by high taxes, an unwillingness/inability to cut government spending, and a singular absence of the anti-welfare state rhetoric of Reaganomics or Thatcherism. Neo-liberal outcomes are still likely to emerge, however, though they will be couched in market language and the need to be competitive internationally, particularly after the 1988 Free Trade Agreement with the United States.

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20

Garton, Stephen, e Margaret E. McCallum. "Workers' Welfare: Labour and the Welfare State in 20th-Century Australia and Canada". Labour / Le Travail 38 (1996): 116. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25144094.

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21

Ritter, Leonard, e Patricia B. Curry. "Regulation of Pesticides in Canada". Toxicology and Industrial Health 4, n.º 3 (julho de 1988): 331–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/074823378800400305.

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Pesticides are registered in Canada under the authority of the Pest Control Products Act (PCP), administered by the Department of Agriculture. The Department of Agriculture calls upon various federal departments, including Health & Welfare Canada, to provide expert advice on hazards which may be associated with the use of the product. The Department of Health and Welfare requires and reviews a range of toxicological studies to assess potential health hazards which may be associated with exposure to the chemical. Studies required include acute, sub-acute, chronic, reproduction, teratology and metabolism. In addition, exposure studies are also required to provide estimates of anticipated human exposure during typical field use of the chemical In summary, the various steps involved in the registration of pesticides will be discussed and the relationship between the predictive toxicology as determined through animal testing and exposure estimates for estimating hazard will be shown.

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22

Xavier de Carvalho, Miguel Mundstock. "Animal Welfare and Pig Factory Farming in Ontario, Canada (1950s – Present)". Journal of Agricultural Studies 8, n.º 4 (15 de outubro de 2020): 482. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jas.v8i4.17594.

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This article explores the inception and development of pig factory farming in Ontario, Canada, since the 1950s to date, focusing on animal welfare dimensions. The study showed that although the term “animal welfare” was not well-known until the 1980s, discussions on cruelty and abnormal animal behaviour begun in the early days of factory farms. The article also delves into tensions between the humane movement and the agribusiness sector in Ontario. The article further sheds light on the social context that eventually led to an alliance in support of a conservative, incomplete notion of animal welfare between these former opponents. The article posits that as opposed to supporting the abolition of factory farming, the concept of animal welfare became central to implementing limited reforms in factory farming to convince the public and to marginalize discordant voices while concurrently expanding pig and other animal production worldwide.

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23

Mowat, David, e David Butler-Jones. "Public Health in Canada: A Difficult History". HealthcarePapers 7, n.º 3 (15 de março de 2007): 31–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.12927/hcpap..18755.

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24

Wright, Peter M. "Building Canada: a history of public works". Canadian Journal of Civil Engineering 17, n.º 5 (1 de outubro de 1990): 871–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/l90-099.

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25

Csiernik, Rick. "Labour Welfare in Canada: An Examination of Occupational Assistance". Journal of Workplace Behavioral Health 24, n.º 1-2 (19 de maio de 2009): 147–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15555240902849073.

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26

Cook, Nigel, Marina Von Keyserlingk e Jennifer Walker. "The evolution of dairy cattle welfare". American Association of Bovine Practitioners Conference Proceedings, n.º 56 (10 de maio de 2024): 46–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.21423/aabppro20238846.

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In this article we discuss the evolution of dairy cattle welfare, the approaches being taken to improve welfare in other countries and the recent changes that have been taking place in the U.S. and Canada. The role of the veterinarian as a leader in the animal welfare discussion is addressed, along with the growing list of concerns for the dairy industry in maintaining public trust, and the changes that we predict are needed in current auditing procedures.

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27

Garton, Stephen, e Margaret E. McCallum. "Workers' Welfare: Labour and the Welfare State in 20th-Century Australia and Canada". Labour History, n.º 71 (1996): 116. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27516451.

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28

Pimpare, Stephen. "Toward a New Welfare History". Journal of Policy History 19, n.º 2 (abril de 2007): 234–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2007.0012.

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Histories of American welfare have been stories about the state. Like Walter Trattner's widely read From Poor Law to Welfare State, now in its sixth edition, they have offered a narrative about the slow but steady expansion and elaboration of state and federal protections granted to poor and working people, and have usually done so by charting increases in government expenditures, by documenting the institutionalization of welfare bureaucracies, and by tracing rises or declines in poverty, unemployment, and other aggregate measures of well-being. This has been the case even in more critical accounts that emphasize that American social welfare history is not a story just of progress, such as Michael Katz's In the Shadow of the Poorhouse. These narratives have emphasized programs, not people (whether it is the poorhouse, the asylum, and mother's pensions, or the more recent innovations of national unemployment insurance, Social Security, AFDC and TANF, and Medicare and Medicaid). In the investigations of the welfare state that dominate academic research, the content and timing of government policy itself has served as the dependent variable, while the independent variables have been a congeries of interests, institutions, and policy entrepreneurs. Our attention has been focused upon what government has done, why it was done, and what the effects were as measured in official data.

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29

Smardon, Bruce. "The Federal Welfare State and the Politics of Retrenchment in Canada". Journal of Canadian Studies 26, n.º 2 (maio de 1991): 122–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/jcs.26.2.122.

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30

Moscovitch, Allan, e Jim Albert. "The Benevolent State: The Growth of Welfare in Canada". Labour / Le Travail 21 (1988): 332. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143007.

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Kessler-Harris, A. "Women and Welfare: Public Interventions in Private Lives". Radical History Review 1993, n.º 56 (1 de abril de 1993): 127–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-1993-56-127.

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32

Torres, Lynn Sharon. "Institutionalized Childcare in Canada, Sweden, and Finland and Womenâ€™s Health: The Intersection of Welfare State with Cultural Beliefs". Critical Studies: An International and Interdisciplinary Journal 13, n.º 1 (24 de maio de 2017): 37–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.51357/cs.v13i1.130.

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This study considers how the role of culture and the structure of public policies relating to the care industry influence the choices both a society and women make regarding the provision and uptake of institutionalized childcare.Â This paper looks at how the welfare state and cultural beliefs of a society towards womenâ€™s roles in Canada, Sweden and Finland shapes these issues.Â Based on the welfare state models developed by Esping-Andersen (1990, 1999) and cultural models by Pfau-Effinger (2005) a three-way classification of family models is developed to consider the variations in uptake and attitude towards institutionalized childcare in Canada, Sweden and Finland.Â This paper finds it is not only public policy that influences the uptake of institutionalized childcare, but that culture is an important factor that is often overlooked.Â Based on the three types of care models I argue that the relationship between cultural values and institutional arrangements are multifactorial and conclude that culture is an important driving factor in the development and uptake of welfare state policies.Â

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BENOIT, ELLEN. "National Health Insurance and Health-Based Drug Policy: An Examination of Policy Linkages in the USA and Canada". Journal of Social Policy 33, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2004): 133–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279403007219.

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For more than 50 years the United States and Canada maintained illegal-drug policies that followed the same course: a long period of punitive prohibition followed by moderation and an emphasis on drug abuse as a public health problem. Then in the 1980s, the USA reverted to a punitive model while Canada increased its commitment to a health-based approach. Why this divergence after following the same path for so long? In this paper I argue that one factor was Canada's adoption of national health insurance, which guaranteed universal access to health care, including addiction treatment. As the country's most popular policy it was protected against budget cuts during a period of welfare-state retrenchment in the 1980s. In the USA, on the other hand, public health insurance was limited to the elderly and the poor, and addiction treatment services were isolated and stigmatized. Thus the public health side of drug policy was poorly positioned to resist welfare cutbacks and ascendant criminal-justice interests. The experiences of the USA and Canada have implications for policy reformers and for the study of how institutional interests cross policy domains.

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Banting, Keith G. "Is There a Progressive's Dilemma in Canada? Immigration, Multiculturalism and the Welfare State". Canadian Journal of Political Science 43, n.º 4 (dezembro de 2010): 797–820. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423910000983.

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Abstract. There is a widespread fear in many western nations that ethnic diversity is eroding support for the welfare state. This article examines such fears in the Canadian context. In-depth analysis of public attitudes finds remarkably little tension between ethnic diversity and public support for social programs in Canada. At first glance, then, the country seems to demonstrate the political viability of a multicultural welfare state. But this pattern reflects distinctive features of the institutional context within which public attitudes evolve. The Canadian policy regime has forestalled tension between diversity and redistribution by diverting adjustment pressures from the welfare state, absorbing some of them in other parts of the policy regime, and nurturing a more inclusive form of identity. These institutional buffers are thinning, however, potentially increasing the danger of greater tension between diversity and redistribution in the years to come.Résumé. On craint généralement dans de nombreux pays occidentaux que l'immigration et la diversité ethnique de plus en plus grande soient en train d'éroder l'appui accordé à l'État-providence. Cet article porte sur de telles inquiétudes au sein du Canada. Une analyse approfondie des attitudes du public dévoile qu'il existe remarquablement peu de tension entre la diversité ethnique et l'appui du public à l'endroit des programmes sociaux du Canada. À première vue, le pays semble donc démontrer la viabilité politique d'un État-providence multiculturel. Mais cette tendance reflète les traits distinctifs du contexte institutionnel au sein duquel évoluent les attitudes du public. Le régime de politiques canadiennes fait échec à la tension entre la diversité et la redistribution en soustrayant de l'État-providence diverses pressions d'ajustement et en favorisant une forme d'identité plus inclusive. Certains de ces mécanismes de tampon institutionnels disparaissent progressivement, ce qui peut accroître le danger d'une tension accrue entre la diversité et la redistribution dans les années à venir.

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Parry, Geraint. "Welfare State and Welfare Society". Government and Opposition 20, n.º 3 (1 de julho de 1985): 287–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1985.tb01085.x.

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‘CRISIS? WHAT CRISIS?’, THE CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER was reported to have replied to a question concerning the alleged crisis in sterling. In the case of the welfare state it might seem that the appropriate response would be ‘Which crisis? ’ since there are several on the menu - fiscal crisis, legitimacy crisis, crisis of ungovernability . Left, Right and Centre have become convinced that there is a crisis. This is after a period of history which had seen an unprecedented rise in the standard of living of the vast majority of the population living in what are normally regarded as welfare states.

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MARSTON, GREG, e LYNDA SHEVELLAR. "In the Shadow of the Welfare State: The Role of Payday Lending in Poverty Survival in Australia". Journal of Social Policy 43, n.º 1 (11 de outubro de 2013): 155–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279413000573.

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AbstractA defining characteristic of contemporary welfare governance in many western countries has been a reduced role for governments in direct provision of welfare, including housing, education, health and income support. One of the unintended consequences of devolutionary trends in social welfare is the development of a ‘shadow welfare state’ (Fairbanks, 2009; Gottschalk, 2000), which is a term used to describe the complex partnerships between state-based social protection, voluntarism and marketised forms of welfare. Coupled with this development, conditional workfare schemes in countries such as the United States, Canada, the UK and Australia are pushing more people into informal and semi-formal means of poverty survival (Karger, 2005). These transformations are actively reshaping welfare subjectivities and the role of the state in urban governance. Like other countries such as the US, Canada and the UK, the fringe lending sector in Australia has experienced considerable growth over the last decade. Large numbers of people on low incomes in Australia are turning to non-mainstream financial services, such as payday lenders, for the provision of credit to make ends meet. In this paper, we argue that the use of fringe lenders by people on low incomes reveals important theoretical and practical insights into the relationship between the mixed economy of welfare and the mixed economy of credit in poverty survival.

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Ingram, Darcy. "Beastly Measures: Animal Welfare, Civil Society, and State Policy in Victorian Canada". Journal of Canadian Studies 47, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2013): 221–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/jcs.47.1.221.

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Marcuse, Edgar K. "POOR CHILDREN IN RICH COUNTRIES". Pediatrics 83, n.º 6 (1 de junho de 1989): A46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1542/peds.83.6.a46.

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The industrial countries in the world have a higher standard of living than at any time in history, but within the wealthy countries, there are still a number of children who live in poverty. The United States, which is the wealthiest country of six studied (Australia, Canada, Sweden, United States, United Kingdom, West Germany), had the highest poverty rate among children and the second highest poverty rate among families with children. From 1970 to 1987, the poverty rate for children in the United States increased from 15 to 20%. . . Child poverty rates vary enormously by the structure of the child's family. In every country [of the six studied], child poverty rates are at least twice as high, and usually much higher, in single-parent families than in two-parent families. . . . Perhaps the most striking figures are those that show the percentage of all children and of all poor children who are living in families with incomes below the 75% of the US poverty line. Here we find that US poor children are the worst off of children in any country [of the six studied] including Australia, with almost 10% existing at an income level at least 25% below the official US poverty standard. . . .In the United States, black families with children are particularly economically disadvantaged relative to white (non-black and non-Hispanic) families. The poverty rates among black children are three times as high as the rates of white children. Poverty rates of Hispanic children in the United States are double those of white children as well, But the poverty rate of US white children is still 11.4%. . .higher than the poverty rate of all children in [the] other [five] countries except Australia. . . Heterogeneity does matter; poverty rates are different for different populations and US poverty rates are high, due in part to its social and ethnic diversity. But this diversity does not matter enough to explain fully the high poverty of US children in general or even white children in particular. . . . One of the reasons why many children in the United States are poor is that 27% of all poor families with children and 23% of single-parent families receive no public income support. . . . In every other country, at least 99% of both types of families that were defined as poor by the Us poverty line definition receive some type of income support. . . . All the countries, except the United States, have child allowances that reach at least 80% of poor children. . . . Another reason why the United States does less well . . . is because the poverty gap is larger in the United States. . . . The larger the poverty gap, the more income is needed to remove a family from poverty. And the United States, which has the biggest gap for these families, provides the least income support per family. . . . Every country's welfare and other tax transfer programs reflect their own cultural and social philosophies. . . . Any change in the tax and transfer policies must be done within the national context of the country's social philosophy. But international comparisons of the poverty of today's children raise long-term questions. To the extent that poverty of children is related to poverty as adults, the quality of our future work force may be affected by the present poverty of our children. And the poverty of our children today may affect our long-term competitiveness with other wealthy countries who tolerate much less child poverty than does the United States.

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Kuhnle, Stein. "Turning Point for the European Social Model?" Current History 109, n.º 725 (1 de março de 2010): 99–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2010.109.725.99.

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Hum, Derek, e Shirley B. Seward. "The Future of Social Welfare Systems in Canada and the United Kingdom". Canadian Public Policy / Analyse de Politiques 14, n.º 4 (dezembro de 1988): 443. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3550416.

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Herd, Dean. "Rhetoric and retrenchment: ‘common sense’ welfare reform in Ontario". Benefits: A Journal of Poverty and Social Justice 10, n.º 2 (junho de 2002): 105–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.51952/cqiq1894.

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The adoption of the Canadian Health and Social Transfer (CHST) in 1995 signified a dramatic change in the philosophy and practice of welfare in Canada, creating the space for provincial workfare experiments. This article explores the operation of one such experiment – Ontario Works (OW) – which has been hailed as a success in the face of dramatic caseload declines. Rather than a successful welfare to work strategy, however, closer analysis suggests that these reductions owe more to the concrete regulatory functions of workfare – reducing welfare services and tightening eligibility requirements – in the context of a favourable local economy. Reform in Ontario, therefore, exposes a number of wider issues arising out of the ongoing welfare–workfare transition; namely, the increasing micro-regulation of poor people’s lives, the rise of local experiments and the impact of increased policy transfer and learning.

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42

Raphael, Dennis, Morris Komakech, Toba Bryant e Ryan Torrence. "Governmental Illegitimacy and Incompetency in Canada and Other Liberal Nations: Implications for Health". International Journal of Health Services 49, n.º 1 (31 de agosto de 2018): 17–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020731418795136.

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The welfare state literature on developing nations is concerned with how governmental illegitimacy and incompetency are the sources of inequality, exploitation, exclusion, and domination of significant proportions of their citizenry. These dimensions clearly contribute to the problematic health outcomes in these nations. In contrast, developed nations are assumed to grapple with less contentious issues of stratification, decommodification, and the relative role of the state, market, and family in providing economic and social security, also important pathways to health. There is an explicit assumption that governing authorities in developed nations are legitimate and competent such that their citizens are not systematically subjected to inequality, exploitation, exclusion, and domination by elites. In this article, we argue that these concepts should also be the focus of welfare state analysis in developed liberal welfare states such as Canada. Such an analysis would expose how public policy is increasingly being made in the service of powerful economic elites rather than the majority, thereby threatening health. It would also serve to identify means of responding to these developments.

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Robinson, Lynne M., Lynn Mcintyre e Suzanne Officer. "Welfare babies: poor children's experiences informing healthy peer relationships in Canada". Health Promotion International 20, n.º 4 (1 de agosto de 2005): 342–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/heapro/dai017.

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Mätzke, Margitta. "Welfare Policies and Welfare States: Generalization in the Comparative Study of Policy History". Journal of Policy History 21, n.º 03 (julho de 2009): 308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030609090150.

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Mah, Jasmine, e Benjamin Gallup. "A Short History of Long-Term Care in Nova Scotia*". Canadian Geriatrics Journal 24, n.º 1 (18 de fevereiro de 2021): 77–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5770/cgj.24.464.

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The needs of older adults living in long-term care in Nova Scotia and across Canada are frequently ignored. There is historical precedent for this, as the voices of the poor and vulnerable have been under-represented throughout history. This paper aims to summarize the history of long-term care in Nova Scotia, Canada from its 17th-century origins to the end of the 20th century. The influences of key events, policies and concepts are examined chronologically: the systems implemented in Nova Scotia by French and later British colonists, the movement to delineate between categories of poor, the rise and fall of workhouses, and the development of social welfare legislation in Canada in the 20th century. Additionally, the surprisingly persistent stigmatization of poverty and dependence, and social versus health framing for older adult care, are all discussed. The authors hope that, by reflecting on the evolution of long-term care, this may result in better understanding of why contemporary problems are entrenched in our institutions. Through this understanding, tangible solutions might become more feasible.

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Delaney, Jill. "The Garden Suburb of Lindenlea, Ottawa". Articles 19, n.º 3 (5 de agosto de 2013): 151–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1017590ar.

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The garden suburb of Lindenlea in Ottawa was designed by Thomas Adams and built by the Ottawa Housing commission to provide a model of low-income housing to municipalities across Canada in the post-World War One period. The planning of the suburb and the design of its houses reveal many of the ideological premises of the urban reform movement in Canada, and of the federal government's attitude toward publicly subsidized housing, in this early period of social welfare. Modern theories of rationalization, efficiency, and standardization, combined with late Victorian notions about physical, social and moral health, to produce housing designs that were technologically modern yet ideologically traditional.

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Field, Russell. "The Public Sportscaster: Docudrama, National Memory, and Sport History". Journal of Sport History 41, n.º 2 (1 de julho de 2014): 241–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jsporthistory.41.2.241.

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Abstract Due in large measure to its iconic Hockey Night in Canada telecasts, the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC) is known nationally for its interest in sport. The network has also sponsored its own sport-themed dramatic and documentary productions. Examining filmic representations of the history of hockey, this paper considers the 2006 CBC docudramatic production Canada Russia ’72. This paper explores the use of the docudrama form for telling historical sport stories while examining the role of Canada’s public broadcaster in producing sport films and promulgating national mythologiess.

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Caragata, Lea, e Maria Liegghio. "Mental Health, Welfare Reliance, and Lone Motherhood". Canadian Journal of Community Mental Health 32, n.º 1 (1 de março de 2013): 95–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.7870/cjcmh-2013-008.

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This paper explores the life circumstances and mental health experiences of welfare-reliant lone mothers, utilizing data from the Lone Mothers: Building Social Inclusion project, a Canada-wide research program. On the basis of qualitative interviews conducted with 43 welfare-reliant lone mothers living in Toronto, Ontario, we examine the conditions of their lives and the ways in which mental health, poverty, and single motherhood intersect. These intersections reveal the problematic nature of the traditional mental health system's response to these women. Required is a broader understanding of the ways that impoverished lone mothers’ mental health is structurally situated, and requires population-based rather than individualized responses.

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Naylor, James, Nancy Christie e Michael Gauvreau. "A Full-Orbed Christianity: The Protestant Churches and Social Welfare in Canada, 1900-1940". American Historical Review 103, n.º 3 (junho de 1998): 1004. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2650749.

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ZANONI, AMY. "Remembering Welfare as We Knew It: Understanding Neoliberalism through Histories of Welfare". Journal of Policy History 35, n.º 1 (22 de dezembro de 2022): 118–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030622000318.

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AbstractThe political transformation that culminated in the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act fueled scholarly interest in welfare history. As politicians dismantled welfare, scholars discovered long histories of raced and gendered social control, intertwined public and private interests, and fixations on work and personal responsibility. They also recovered more promising possibilities of cash assistance. This article examines foundational welfare histories published between 1971 and 2018. I suggest that this somewhat isolated body of work has shed bright light on the history of neoliberalism from the perspective of people never fully included into social citizenship. It exposes how neoliberalism is and is not different from mid-century liberalism and recovers a long history of resistance. In an era when few talk about cash assistance, welfare historiography is vital for restoring fading memory of its redistributive potential.

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