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1
Fung, Chi-ming. "History at the grassroots : rickshaw pullers in the pearl river delta of South China, 1874-1992 /". Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1996. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B17537058.
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2
au, M. Tanji@murdoch edu, e Miyume Tanji. "The Enduring Myth of an Okinawan Struggle: The History and Trajectory of a Diverse Community of Protest". Murdoch University, 2003. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20040510.152840.
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The islands of Okinawa have a long history of peoples protest. Much of this has been a manifestation in one way or another of Okinawas enforced assimilation into Japan and their differential treatment thereafter. However, it is only in the contemporary period that we find interpretations among academic and popular writers of a collective political movement opposing marginalisation of, and discrimination against, Okinawans. This is most powerfully expressed in the idea of the three waves of a post-war Okinawan struggle against the US military bases. Yet, since Okinawas annexation to Japan in 1879, differences have constantly existed among protest groups over the reasons for and the means by which to protest, and these have only intensified after the reversion to Japanese administration in 1972.
This dissertation examines the trajectory of Okinawan protest actors, focusing on the development and nature of internal differences, the origin and survival of the idea of a united Okinawan struggle, and the implications of these factors for political reform agendas in Okinawa. It explains the internal differences in organisation, strategies and collective identities among the groups in terms of three major priorities in their protest. There are those protesters principally preoccupied with opposing the US-Japan security treaty and for whom the preservation of pacifist clauses of the Constitution and the utilisation of formal legal and political processes are paramount as a modus operandi. There are also those primarily concerned to protect Okinawas distinctive lifestyle and natural environment, as well as an assortment of feminist groups fundamentally opposed to the presence of US bases due to concerns about patriarchy and exploitation of women, fostered by militarism. In these last two perspectives, protest tends to be conducted much more via informal, network-oriented processes, and includes engagement with international civil society groups.
The increasing range of protest groups derived from the expansion of these last two perspectives, diversifying beyond the traditional workers unions and political parties, is consistent with the new social movement theory. This theorys emphasis on the importance of socio economic change for the emergence of groups with post-materialist reform agendas and a stronger predisposition towards informal political processes resonates with the Okinawan experiences. However, the impact of this has been, especially after the reversion in 1972, to hinder effective coalition building among the Okinawan protest groups and organisations, weakening their power to bring about political reforms, particularly towards the removal of the US military bases from the island.
Crucially, though, the idea of an Okinawan struggle has endured in the community of protest throughout the post-war period. Ideas about marginalisation of, and discrimination against, Okinawans constitute a powerful myth of an Okinawan struggle, which has a long history of being redefined, used and exploited differently
by a wide range of protest actors, adjusted to their particular and historically specific struggles. Indeed, in the event that the US military bases were withdrawn from Okinawa, the ability and appeal of the myth of an Okinawan struggle would therefore not necessarily expire, even if it will increasingly be joined by other protest perspectives as a result of the flowering of new social movements.
3
Malamidis, Theocharis. "From protest to production: enlarging the boundaries of social movements in crisis-ridden Greece". Doctoral thesis, Scuola Normale Superiore, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11384/86218.
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The recent economic crisis had severe consequences for the countries of the European South; at its epicenter, Greece experienced tremendous economic, social and political transformations. The imposition of harsh austerity measures resulted in the sharp increase of unemployment, the dissolution of labor rights, budget reductions in health and education and the broader deconstruction of the former welfare state. At the same time, these measures were welcomed by a polymorphous movement against austerity. The square movement, continuous national strikes as well as large scale protests and demonstrations have carved out a contentious environment in Greece’s crisis-ridden landscape. These protest events brought new activists in the streets and transformed the criticism against austerity to a broader distaste for the neoliberal representative democracy.
Confronted with the impoverishment of large segments of the Greek population, the anti-austerity mobilizations gave birth to new grassroots solidarity structures. Barter clubs, markets without middlemen, collective kitchens, social clinics, workers’ collectives and social cooperatives constitute only a few examples. Together with the eruption of these new initiatives, traditional social movement organizations (SMOs) shift their focus towards the provision of service-oriented repertoires. This process witnesses the enlargement of previously stable practical and conceptual boundaries. In line with post-modern accounts, this thesis argues that previously clear-cut boundaries, which used to distinguish the different roles within the social movement communities, become fluid, while the relationship between social movements and institutional actors gets blurred. The process of boundary enlargement in Greece is represented by the incorporation of service-oriented practices within the SMOs’ repertoires of action, something which is further accelerated due to the conditions of crisis and austerity.
By focusing on the social movement scenes of health, food and labor, this inquiry explores the contentious dynamics and mechanisms that contributed to the enlargement of the SMOs’ boundaries. Through qualitative field research in SMOs in Athens and Thessaloniki, we analyze the changes in terms of their organizational structure, resources and identities. Additionally, by emphasizing the similarities and differences in their trajectories, we shed light on the new dilemmas that SMOs are faced with, providing a substantial explanation of how the crisis has affected the passage from the politics of protest to the politics of production.
4
Tanji, Miyume. "The enduring myth of an Okinawan struggle: the history and trajectory of a diverse community of protest". Thesis, Tanji, Miyume (2003) The enduring myth of an Okinawan struggle: the history and trajectory of a diverse community of protest. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2003. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/334/.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The islands of Okinawa have a long history of people's protest. Much of this has been a manifestation in one way or another of Okinawa's enforced assimilation into Japan and their differential treatment thereafter. However, it is only in the contemporary period that we find interpretations among academic and popular writers of a collective political movement opposing marginalisation of, and discrimination against, Okinawans. This is most powerfully expressed in the idea of the three 'waves' of a post-war 'Okinawan struggle' against the US military bases. Yet, since Okinawa's annexation to Japan in 1879, differences have constantly existed among protest groups over the reasons for and the means by which to protest, and these have only intensified after the reversion to Japanese administration in 1972.
This dissertation examines the trajectory of Okinawan protest actors, focusing on the development and nature of internal differences, the origin and survival of the idea of a united 'Okinawan struggle', and the implications of these factors for political reform agendas in Okinawa. It explains the internal differences in organisation, strategies and collective identities among the groups in terms of three major priorities in their protest. There are those protesters principally preoccupied with opposing the US-Japan security treaty and for whom the preservation of pacifist clauses of the Constitution and the utilisation of formal legal and political processes are paramount as a modus operandi. There are also those primarily concerned to protect Okinawa's distinctive lifestyle and natural environment, as well as an assortment of feminist groups fundamentally opposed to the presence of US bases due to concerns about patriarchy and exploitation of women, fostered by militarism. In these last two perspectives, protest tends to be conducted much more via informal, network-oriented processes, and includes engagement with international civil society groups.
The increasing range of protest groups derived from the expansion of these last two perspectives, diversifying beyond the traditional workers' unions and political parties, is consistent with the 'new social movement' theory. This theory's emphasis on the importance of socio economic change for the emergence of groups with post-materialist reform agendas and a stronger predisposition towards informal political processes resonates with the Okinawan experiences. However, the impact of this has been, especially after the reversion in 1972, to hinder effective coalition building among the Okinawan protest groups and organisations, weakening their power to bring about political reforms, particularly towards the removal of the US military bases from the island.
Crucially, though, the idea of an 'Okinawan struggle' has endured in the community of protest throughout the post-war period. Ideas about marginalisation of, and discrimination against, Okinawans constitute a powerful myth of an 'Okinawan struggle', which has a long history of being redefined, used and exploited differently by a wide range of protest actors, adjusted to their particular and historically specific struggles. Indeed, in the event that the US military bases were withdrawn from Okinawa, the ability and appeal of the myth of an 'Okinawan struggle' would therefore not necessarily expire, even if it will increasingly be joined by other protest perspectives as a result of the flowering of new social movements.
5
Tanji, Miyume. "The enduring myth of an Okinawan struggle : the history and trajectory of a diverse community of protest /". Tanji, Miyume (2003) The enduring myth of an Okinawan struggle: the history and trajectory of a diverse community of protest. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2003. http://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/334/.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The islands of Okinawa have a long history of people's protest. Much of this has been a manifestation in one way or another of Okinawa's enforced assimilation into Japan and their differential treatment thereafter. However, it is only in the contemporary period that we find interpretations among academic and popular writers of a collective political movement opposing marginalisation of, and discrimination against, Okinawans. This is most powerfully expressed in the idea of the three 'waves' of a post-war 'Okinawan struggle' against the US military bases. Yet, since Okinawa's annexation to Japan in 1879, differences have constantly existed among protest groups over the reasons for and the means by which to protest, and these have only intensified after the reversion to Japanese administration in 1972.
This dissertation examines the trajectory of Okinawan protest actors, focusing on the development and nature of internal differences, the origin and survival of the idea of a united 'Okinawan struggle', and the implications of these factors for political reform agendas in Okinawa. It explains the internal differences in organisation, strategies and collective identities among the groups in terms of three major priorities in their protest. There are those protesters principally preoccupied with opposing the US-Japan security treaty and for whom the preservation of pacifist clauses of the Constitution and the utilisation of formal legal and political processes are paramount as a modus operandi. There are also those primarily concerned to protect Okinawa's distinctive lifestyle and natural environment, as well as an assortment of feminist groups fundamentally opposed to the presence of US bases due to concerns about patriarchy and exploitation of women, fostered by militarism. In these last two perspectives, protest tends to be conducted much more via informal, network-oriented processes, and includes engagement with international civil society groups.
The increasing range of protest groups derived from the expansion of these last two perspectives, diversifying beyond the traditional workers' unions and political parties, is consistent with the 'new social movement' theory. This theory's emphasis on the importance of socio economic change for the emergence of groups with post-materialist reform agendas and a stronger predisposition towards informal political processes resonates with the Okinawan experiences. However, the impact of this has been, especially after the reversion in 1972, to hinder effective coalition building among the Okinawan protest groups and organisations, weakening their power to bring about political reforms, particularly towards the removal of the US military bases from the island.
Crucially, though, the idea of an 'Okinawan struggle' has endured in the community of protest throughout the post-war period. Ideas about marginalisation of, and discrimination against, Okinawans constitute a powerful myth of an 'Okinawan struggle', which has a long history of being redefined, used and exploited differently by a wide range of protest actors, adjusted to their particular and historically specific struggles. Indeed, in the event that the US military bases were withdrawn from Okinawa, the ability and appeal of the myth of an 'Okinawan struggle' would therefore not necessarily expire, even if it will increasingly be joined by other protest perspectives as a result of the flowering of new social movements.
6
Chapman, Ron. "Fighting for the forests: a history of the Western Australian forest protest movement 1895-2001". Thesis, Chapman, Ron (2008) Fighting for the forests: a history of the Western Australian forest protest movement 1895-2001. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2008. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/724/.
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As the first comprehensive study of Western Australian forest protest the thesis analyses the protest movement's organisation, campaigns and strategies. Its central argument is that the contemporary Western Australian forest protest movement established a network of urban and south-west activist groups which encouraged broad public support, and that a diversity of protest strategies focused public attention on forest issues and pressured the state government to change its forest policies. The forest protest movement was characterised by its ability to continually adapt its organisation and strategies to changing social and political conditions. This flexible approach to protest not only led to victories in the Shannon River Basin, Lane-Poole Reserve and old growth forest campaigns, but also transformed forest protest into an influential social movement which contributed to the downfall of the Court Liberal Government in 2001.
7
Chapman, Ron. "Fighting for the forests : a history of the Western Australian forest protest movement 1895-2001 /". Chapman, Ron (2008) Fighting for the forests: a history of the Western Australian forest protest movement 1895-2001. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2008. http://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/724/.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
As the first comprehensive study of Western Australian forest protest the thesis analyses the protest movement's organisation, campaigns and strategies. Its central argument is that the contemporary Western Australian forest protest movement established a network of urban and south-west activist groups which encouraged broad public support, and that a diversity of protest strategies focused public attention on forest issues and pressured the state government to change its forest policies. The forest protest movement was characterised by its ability to continually adapt its organisation and strategies to changing social and political conditions. This flexible approach to protest not only led to victories in the Shannon River Basin, Lane-Poole Reserve and old growth forest campaigns, but also transformed forest protest into an influential social movement which contributed to the downfall of the Court Liberal Government in 2001.
8
Summerlin, Heidi Robin. ""'We Will Not be Moved!': The 1968 Student Occupation of Columbia University and Its Influence on Protest Movements Around the Western World"". Youngstown State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ysu1407711838.
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Deters, Matthew J. "Preventing Violent Unrest: Student Protest at the University of Toledo, 1965-1972". Toledo, Ohio : University of Toledo, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=toledo1270585177.
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Thesis (M.Ed.)--University of Toledo, 2010.Typescript. "Submitted to the Graduate Faculty as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Education Degree in Higher Education." "A thesis entitled"--at head of title. Title from title page of PDF document. Bibliography: p. 96-109.
10
Vaught, Seneca. "NARROW CELLS AND LOST KEYS: THE IMPACT OF JAILS AND PRISONS ON BLACK PROTEST, 1940-1972". Connect to this title online, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1162336938.
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11
Fung, Chi-ming, e 馮志明. "History at the grassroots: rickshaw pullers in the pearl river deltaof South China, 1874-1992". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B17537058.
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Murphy, Oliver Michael. "Race, violence, and nation : African nationalism and popular politics in South Africa's Eastern Cape, 1948-1970". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.711668.
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Pride, Aaron N. "Religious Ideology in Racial Protest, 1901-1934: The Origin of African American Neo-Abolitionist Christianity in the Religious Thought of William Monroe Trotter and in the Public Rhetoric of the Boston Guardian in the struggle for Civil Rights". Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1543232668594518.
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14
Papadogiannis, Nikolaos. "Greek communist youth and the politicisation of leisure, 1974-1981". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609016.
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15
Kramer, Joshua L. "Grass Roots Urbanism: An Overview of the Squatters Movement in West Berlin during the 1970S and 1980S". Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1522764873720766.
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16
Tompkins, Andrew S. "'Better active today than radioactive tomorrow!' : transnational opposition to nuclear energy in France and West Germany, 1968-1981". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:4af6ec03-08ba-4c3f-a8c9-fffc4f26aa34.
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This thesis examines the opposition to civil nuclear energy in France and West Germany during the 1970s, arguing that small-scale interactions among its diverse participants led to broad changes in their personal lives and political environments. Drawing extensively on oral history interviews with former activists as well as police reports, media coverage and protest ephemera, this thesis shows how individuals at the grassroots built up a movement that transcended national (and social) borders. They were able to do so in part because nuclear power was such a multivalent symbol at the time. Residents of towns near planned power stations felt that nuclear technology represented an intervention in their community by state and industry, a potential threat to their health, wealth and way of life. In the decade after 1968, concerns like these coalesced with criticisms of capitalism, the state, militarism and consumer society that were being made by a more politicised constituency. This made the anti-nuclear movement both broad-based and highly fragmented. Activist networks linked people across existing national, political and social boundaries, but the social world of activism was subject to its own divisions (such as between locals and outsiders or between militant and non-violent activists). By analysing both the transnational dimensions and internal divisions of the anti-nuclear movement, this thesis revises the homogenising concepts of social movements that are prevalent in much of the existing sociological and political science literature. At the same time, it situates the anti-nuclear movement historically within the decade of upheaval that was the 1970s, while moving individual activists from the margins to the centre of protest history.
17
Bell, Janet Dewart. "African American Women Leaders in the Civil Rights Movement: A Narrative Inquiry". Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch1432029763.
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Howard, Christopher Allen. "Black Insurgency: The Black Convention Movement in the Antebellum United States, 1830-1865". University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron149929769388235.
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19
Hoerl, Kristen Elizabeth. "The death of activism?: popular memories of 1960s protest". Thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/1938.
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XANTHOPOULOU, DIMITRIADOU Parthena. "Discursive movement politics of the crisis : frames, 'subjects' and cultures of sociopolitical contestation : a comparative analysis of the anti-austerity and pro-democracy mobilizations of Greece and Spain". Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/54664.
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Defence date: 17 May 2018Examining Board: Prof. Donatella della Porta, SNS Florence (former EUI) | Supervisor; Prof. Olivier Roy, EUI; Prof. Maria Kousis, University of Crete; Prof. Cristina Flesher Fominaya, Loughborough University
The financial crisis of 2008, which plunged the global economy into unprecedented recession caused a dramatic downturn in economic activity and exceptionally increased political instability. In the years of the crisis civil unrest became part of the daily routine of afflicted countries around the world, reaching its peak in the global wave of anti-austerity and pro-democracy mobilizations of late 2010-2011. Protesting the politics of austerity and the diminished solvency of the political system, the mobilizations rose above the business-as-usual type of protesting and summoned an exceptionally heterogenous population raising strong demands for democratization and the political empowerment of the people. The characteristically heterogeneous constituency of the mobilizations, the characteristically broad demand for democratization and the fact that in many instances this demand was raised in sociopolitical contexts of consolidated democracies highlighted a central puzzle with three angles: What does the demand for democratization mean, when it is raised in already democratic contexts? What does the mobilizations’ demand for democracy practically imply? Who constitute the ‘subject’ of the mobilizations and through what processes have they been ‘constructed’ as a collective demanding democracy? Narrowing down the focus on the European wave of mobilizations, this research seeks to find answers to these questions by examining comparatively the antiausterity mobilizations of Greece and Spain. The hypothesis of this comparative examination is that the mobilizations’ commonly raised demands for democratization and their similar advocacies -for ‘Direct Democracy’ in Greece and ‘Real Democracy’ in Spain- are effectively filtered through the lens of nation-specific cultures of contestation. Relying on qualitative methods of analysis, this research examines patterns of contestation and relationships in the Greek and Spanish anti-austerity mobilizations and demonstrates that the Greek and Spanish movement politics of the crisis represent distinct examples of contemporary sociopolitical contestation that cannot be comprehensively understood on the basis of some sort of European -or for that matter Southern European- sameness, despite their firm embeddedness in the European wave of anti-austerity and pro-democracy mobilizations of late 2010-2011.
21
JOHANSEN, Anja. "Bureaucrats, generals and the domestic use of military troops : patterns of civil-military co-operation concerning maintenance of public order in French and Prussian industrial areas, 1889-1914". Doctoral thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5846.
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Defence date: 20 April 1999Supervisor: Prof. Raffale Romanelli, European University Institute ; Co-supervisor: Prof. Michael Müller, University of Halle-Wittenberg ; External supervisor: Dr. Vincent Wright, Nuffield College, Oxford ; External examiner: Prof. Peter Becker, European University Institute
First made available online 21 September 2017
The purpose of the thesis is to understand the role of the army in the management of civil conflicts within the 'democratic' republican system in France and the 'semiabsolutist' and 'militaristic' Prussian system. In both countries, existing interpretations of the domestic role of the army focus on legal-constitutional perspectives, governmental and parliamentary policy making, and social conflicts, and are often normative. However, the lack of a cross-national comparative perspective has led to a series of conclusions that are called into question when the French and Prussian cases are compared. The thesis seeks to answer the question why the authorities in French and Prussian industrial areas, when confronted with similar challenges from mass protest movements between 1889 and 1914, adopted strategies that involved very dissimilar roles for the army in maintaining public order. On the basis of empirical observations of the process of bureaucratic decision making and inter-institutional co-operation between the state administration and the military authorities in Westphalia and Nord-Pas-de-Calais, the analysis was established using a 'historical institutionalist' framework of interpretation. The thesis puts forward two main arguments: that the strategies adopted by the French and Prussian authorities in the early 1890s that involved very dissimilar roles for the army in domestic peacekeeping were linked to dissimilar perceptions of the threat to the regime. The French Republic, despite its democratic and civilian ideals, made extensive use of the army because the fragility of the regime meant that it could not afford the danger that public unrest might get out of control. Conversely, the Prussian authorities considered their regime to be sufficiently stable to experiment with strategies to deal with public unrest that did not imply military intervention, even if these strategies provided a much lower degree of control over public unrest. The other main conclusion of the study is that the repeated implementation in the French case o f strategies that involved mobilisation of the army and the implementation in the Prussian case of strategies that drew upon civil forces alone, led to different strategies, organisations and uses of forces available. Hence, veiy dissimilar patterns of inter-institutional co-operation developed between the state administration and the military authorities in Westphalia and Nord-Pas-de-Calais.
22
Isitt, Benjamin. "Patterns of protest: property, social movements, and the law in British Columbia". Thesis, 2018. https://dspace.library.uvic.ca//handle/1828/9325.
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Embracing a spatial and historical lens and the insights of critical legal theory, this dissertation maps the patterns of protest and the law in modern British Columbia―the social relations of adjudication—the changing ways in which conflict between private property rights and customary rights invoked by social movement actors has been contested and adjudicated in public spaces and legal arenas. From labour strikes in the Vancouver Island coal mines a century ago, to more recent protests by First Nations, environmentalists, pro- and anti-abortion activists, and urban “poor peoples’” movements, social movement actors have asserted customary rights to property through the control or appropriation of space. Owners and managers of property have responded by enlisting an array of legal remedies and an army of legal actors—lawyers, judges, police, parliaments, and soldiers—to restore control over space and assert private property rights. For most of the past century, conventional private property claims trumped the customary claims of social movements in the legal arena, provoking crises of legal legitimacy where social movement actors questioned the impartiality of judges and the fairness of adjudicative procedures. Remedies and legal technologies asserted by company lawyers, awarded by judges, and enforced by police and soldiers were often severe―from Criminal Code proscriptions against riotous assembly and deployment of military force, to the equitable remedy of the injunction and lengthy prison sentences following criminal contempt proceedings. But this pattern shows signs of change in recent years, driven by three major trends in British Columbia and Canadian law: (1) the effective assertion of indigenous customary rights; (2) growing recognition of the importance of human rights in democratic societies, particularly in the context of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms; and (3) changes in the composition of the legal profession and judiciary. This changing legal landscape has created a new and evolving legal space, where property claims are increasingly treated as contingent rather than absolute and where the rights of one party are increasingly balanced by customary rights, interests, and aspirations of others. Consequently, we are seeing a trend toward the dilution of legal remedies traditionally available to the powerful, creating space for the assertion of non-conventional property claims and the emergence of new patterns of power relations.Graduate
23
Rezai, Hamid. "State, Dissidents, and Contention: Iran, 1979-2010". Thesis, 2012. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8W66T45.
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Why after almost a decade of silence and "successful" crackdowns of contention during the 1980s has Iran witnessed once again waves of increasing popular protest? What are the processes and mechanisms behind the routinization of collective actions in Iran since the early 1990s, which continue despite state repression? Why and under what circumstances does a strong authoritarian state that has previously marginalized its contenders tolerate some forms of contention despite the state's continued repressive capacity? And finally, to what extent are available social movement theories capable of explaining the Iranian case? In "State, Dissidents, and Contention: Iran, 1979-2010" I engage theories of social movements and contentious politics in order to examine the emergence, development, and likely outcomes of popular contention in contemporary Iran. My study is the first project of its kind to focus on elite factionalism and its impact on popular mobilization in contemporary Iran. Although other scholars have extensively written on elite factionalism in postrevolutionary Iran, they have not analyzed the implications of the inter-elite conflict for the emergence and development of social protests against the Islamic Republic. While this study primarily utilizes political process and resource mobilization models, it acknowledges the importance of economic, ideological, and breakdown approaches for the interpretation of the emergence and development of popular mobilization in contemporary Iran. Drawing on data gathered from census figures, public policies, state and oppositional newspapers, and interviews with dissidents and state officials, this study shows that collective actions against the Islamic Republic emerged gradually due to institutional changes, limited electorate competition, social and educational expansion, and, more importantly, the intellectual transformation of a significant segment of the elites and their action-intended discourse. I demonstrate that the political opportunity structure is not a unitary national opportunity but rather varies by social groups, demands, and contexts. I make this argument by exploring the political environment for collective mobilization in contemporary Iran in four key contexts: 1. the period of consolidation, war, and repression (1979-1988, the Khomeini era); 2. the period of postwar reconstruction and economic liberalization (1989-1997, the tenure of President Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani); 3. the era of reform and political opening (1997-2005, the tenure of President Seyyed Mohammad Khatami); and 4. the period of mobilization in the context of increasingly violent repression (2005-present, the tenure of President Mahmood Ahmadinejad). By examining social protests within these different contexts, I conclude that regimes that use force to restrict political rights after a long and sustained period of opening risk eliciting resistance from dissidents who have already gained organizational resources to challenge the state's violent closing.
24
Provenzano, Luca. "Under the Paving Stones: Militant Protest and Practices of the State in France and the Federal Republic of Germany, 1968-1977". Thesis, 2020. https://doi.org/10.7916/d8-2wne-5223.
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This dissertation investigates the protest cultures of social revolutionary groups during and after the events of 1968 in France and West Germany before inquiring into how political officials and police responded to the difficulties of maintaining public order. The events of 1968 led revolutionaries in both France and West Germany to adopt new justifications for militant action based in heterodox Marxism and anti-colonial theory, and to attempt to institutionalize new, confrontational modes of public protest that borrowed ways of knowing urban space, tactics, and materials from both the working class and armed guerrilla movements. Self-identifying revolutionaries and left intellectuals also institutionalized forums for the investigation of police interventions in protests on the basis of testimonies, photography, and art. These investigative committees regularly aimed to exploit the resonance of police violence to promote further cycles of politicization. In response, political officials and police sought after 1968 to introduce and to reinforce less ostentatious, allegedly less harmful means of crowd control and dispersion that could inflict suffering without reproducing the spectacle of mass baton assaults and direct physical confrontations—means of physical constraint less susceptible to unveiling as violence. Second, police reinforced surveillance and arrest units. The new tactics of the police borrowed their principles from the struggle against subversion, criminality, and terrorism in order to neutralize the small-group tactics of militant demonstrators. Thus, 1968 served as the point of emergence of a confrontational protest culture within the New Left that in turn provoked the re-articulation of practices of the state. It was a revolution in the counter-revolution.
25
ZHURAVLEV, Oleg. "Microsociology of big events : the dynamics of eventful solidarities in "for fair elections" and Euromaidan protest movements". Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/59572.
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Defence date: 22 October 2018Examining Board: Professor Donatella della Porta, Scuola Normale Superiore, supervisor; Professor László Bruszt, Central European University; Professor Nina Eliasoph, University of Southern California; Professor Laurent Thévenot, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales.
The thesis is devoted to a micro-sociological analysis of "big" protests. Comparing Russian "For fair elections" movement with Ukrainian Euromaidan, I study how eventful identities, solidarities, and cultural representations that emerged in the course of the protests then developed and changed contributing to either socio-political change, or reproduction. I analyze dynamics of both the uprisings themselves and the dynamics of post-protest collective action. The first part of the text analyzes a phenomenon new to Russia: the politicized local activism that has emerged in the wake of the "For fair elections" protests. Urban activism in Russian has been rarely politicized; rather, it addressed "familiar", "close to home" problems and that kept distance from "politics". Anti-Putin rallies of 2011-2012 changed the landscape of Russian civic activism. Inspired by the experience of collective actions, protesters resolved to keep it going in their own neighborhoods, establishing local activist groups and tackling smaller-scale problems typical of apolitical activism, e.g., defending parks from deforestation and buildings from demolition, and working for improvements. However, activists attributed oppositional and "political" meanings to practices that had been rather apolitical before the protests of 2011-2012. Thus, my study revealed the significant eventful change in the political culture of Russian urban activism. At the same time, in many cases mass events lead to the intensifying of pre-existing political and cultural structures, cultures, identities and discourses. In the second part of the text I show that Euromaidan consecutively first weakened and then enforced the ethno-cultural and political split between Western and Eastern Ukranian citizens. While “Euromaidan” initially succeeded at creating a new civic identity that united the protesters, this identity failed to spread beyond the event. Paradoxically, the initial push for civic unity and inclusivity, when intensified, transformed into a tool of promoting exclusivity. The text is based on the analysis of in-depths interviews and focus-groups. The conclusions address the theoretical discussions within the eventful approach in social science, pragmatic and cultural sociology.
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Azcona, Stevan César 1972. "Movements in Chicano music : performing culture, performing politics, 1965-1979". 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/17735.
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More than a confined account of the musical activity of the Chicano Movement, my research considers Chicana/o music of the period as a critical part of the protest music genres of Latin America (eg. Nueva canción, canto nuevo) and the Unites States (eg. labor/union and civil rights songs). Consequently, although situated squarely within the context of the Chicano Movement, this project necessarily examines the musical yet political links between Chicano musicians and their counterparts in the American labor movement, Civil Rights Movement, and Latin American social movements of the period. Coupled with the mobilization of their own Mexican musical and cultural traditions, Chicano musicians engaged these other repertoires of struggle to form the nexus of Chicana/o musical expression during the Movement. By viewing Chicana/o music within this broader lens, my research demonstrates that the complexities of the movimiento and Chicana/o political struggle cannot be adequately understood without thinking about how Chicano cultural producers engage a diversity of other race, ethnic, and regional struggles. Rather than assume a homologous relationship between music and identity, my research historicizes musical practices in the context of their struggle for political, social, and cultural rights and resources and the strategies employed by diverse communities working together to overcome the failures of governmental and institutional programs. The creative dialogues and musical exchanges that occurred among Chicano musicians suggest not only forms of ethnic solidarity but also the culturally “hybrid” expressions that shape even nationalist movements. Key to this approach is recognizing the simultaneously global and local character of Chicana/o musical production, where the flows of transnationalism circulated not only ideas, peoples, and sounds, but also political struggles. This project thus raises a number of critical questions about Chicano Movement music and its political import. Ultimately, I suggest that it was the ability to perform authoritatively within the bi-cultural and increasingly transnational space of the Chicano experience that empowered movimiento music to express the feelings of autonomy engendered by the Movement.text
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MILLER, Michael James. "Urban planning, protest and the representation of place : France and Great Britain, 1950-1980". Doctoral thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5903.
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Defence date: 3 July 2000Examining Board: Prof. René Leboutte, University of Aberdeen (supervisor) ; Prof. Richard Rodger, University of Leicester ; Prof. Bo Stråth, European University Institute, Florence ; Prof. Christian Topalov, EHESS, Paris
First made available online in Open Access on 7 September 2022
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PORTOS, GARCÍA Martín. "Voicing outrage, contending with austerity : mobilisation in Spain under the Great Recession". Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/45426.
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Defence date: 17 January 2017Examining Board: Professor Donatella della Porta, Scuola Normale Superiore/ formerly EUI (supervisor); Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, EUI; Professor Eva Anduiza, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona; Professor Robert M. Fishman, Universidad Carlos III de Madrid
This thesis deals with the Spanish cycle of protest in the shadow of the Great Recession. It has a twofold aspiration. On the one hand, from a process-based approach, it seeks to unravel the timing of the cycle of contention that evolved in light of the recession scenario between 2007 and 2015. I argue that the peak of protest persisted for a long time (from mid-2011 until 2013) because institutionalisation was postponed and radicalisation contained. Specifically, I focus on three aspects, key to understanding the trajectory of collective actions: 1) issue specialisation of protest after the first triggering points, 2) alliance building between unions and new actors, and 3) the transition process towards more routinised repertoires of action that came about as protests declined. On the other hand, the thesis aims at shedding light on the role that grievances play for mobilisation dynamics in a context of material deprivation. Covering multiple levels of analysis, the main argument developed here is that the effects of objective-material aspects and socioeconomic grievances are mediated by political attitudes, especially political dissatisfaction. To empirically test my arguments, I use qualitative data from semi-structured interviews, which are combined with information from a self-collated protest event analysis and different statistical analyses based on time series, panel data and other survey materials.
Chapter 3 of the thesis is based on an article published in Partecipazione e conflitto (2016)
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Estrada, Harris Gilberto. "Diaspora activists and military humanitarian intervention". Phd thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/155900.
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Research investigating the role of diasporas in conflict has mostly portrayed diasporas as peace wreckers and long-distance nationalists. While there is now increasing recognition of diasporas' positive contributions to their homelands during and after conflict, so far little attention has been paid to the role diaspora groups may play in pushing decisions by their host states to participate in military humanitarian intervention 'back home' in their troubled societies. In this thesis I investigate the active mobilisation of different diaspora groups in the United States during the 1990s and explore the ways in which these mobilisations played into US decisions to intervene. Examining diaspora transnational activism, I argue, can lead to a deeper understanding of how a host state reaches decisions about its interests and moral duties to strangers when facing hard choices about humanitarian intervention. The research I present centres on the values, discourses and processes that help to make military humanitarian interventions possible. I do not seek to analyse the many factors influencing states' decisions to use force for humanitarian purposes, but rather, to investigate how the motivations behind humanitarian action or inaction are created in the first place, and how understandings of sovereignty, self-determination and (non)intervention in the context of humanitarianism can change. I ground my study in a comparative, interpretive analysis of politically active Haitian and Kosovar diaspora members and organisations in the United States in the lead up to Haiti's 1994 and Kosovo's 1999 humanitarian interventions, and of politically active Colombian diaspora members and organisations mobilising for unsuccessful humanitarian intervention in their home conflict. As a result, the thesis as a whole illustrates an important transnational actor-factor that so far has received scant academic attention: diasporas' efforts to educate US decision makers, cultivate an interest in intervening, and help 'rescue' people in danger 'back home'. By analysing diaspora transnational politics in humanitarian intervention, this thesis offers us a lens through which to look at the changing confluence between the state and the individual as a site of identity and of normative and political contestation, with potential humanitarian repercussions.
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Shawyer, Susanne Elizabeth. "Radical street theatre and the yippie legacy : a performance history of the Youth International Party, 1967-1968". 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/17999.
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In 1967 and 1968, members of the Youth International Party, also known as Yippies, created several mass street demonstrations to protest President Lyndon Baines Johnson’s handling of the United States’ military involvement in the war in Vietnam. The Yippies were a loose network of hippies, anti-war activists, and left-wing radicals committed to cultural and political change. This dissertation investigates how the Yippies used avant-garde theories of theatre and performance in their year of demonstrating against the Johnson administration. The Yippies receive little attention in most histories of American performance, and theatre remains on the margins of political and social histories of the 1960s; therefore this dissertation places performance and political archives side by side to create a new historical narrative of the Yippies and performance. The Yippies created their own networked participatory street performance form by drawing on the political philosophy of the New Left student movement, the organizational strategies of the anti-war movement, and the countercultural values of the hippies. They modified this performance form, which they termed “revolutionary actiontheater,” with performance theories drawn from New York’s avant-garde art world, the concept of guerrilla theatre outlined by R. G. Davis of the San Francisco Mime Troupe, and the notion of Theater of Cruelty created by Antonin Artaud. Using performance theory and cultural history as primary methodologies, this project traces the Yippies’ adoption of revolutionary action-theater with three examples: the 1967 “March on the Pentagon” where future Yippie leaders performed an exorcism ritual at the Pentagon; the 1968 “Grand Central Station Yip-In” event that advertised for the Yippie movement; and the 1968 “Festival of Life” at the National Democratic Convention in Chicago where the Yippies nominated a pig as presidential candidate. The final chapter on the recent phenomenon of flash mobs argues that the Yippies’ legacy lives on in this participatory street performance form, and suggests that revolutionary action-theater can still serve as a model for political action.text
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Day, Rowan. "The Tottenham Rebels : radical labour politics in a small mining town during the Great War". Thesis, 2014. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/uws:30145.
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This thesis looks at an Australia after the defeated strikes of the 1890s but before the defeated great strike of 1917, where contrary to the standard view workers had not contented themselves with parliamentary politics and reform. The setting is the raw mining and agricultural centre of Tottenham in western New South Wales. It focusses on the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), seeking to explain the appeal of the movement in the area, and what drove some of its members to take up arms against the police—resulting in the deaths of a police officer and two members of the Tottenham IWW Local. The thesis offers for the first time a deep analysis of the IWW in an Australian rural setting, at the same time arguing that a previous focus on urban Australia, especially Sydney, has been unwarranted and misleading.
The thesis documents the lives and struggles of a ‘rebel family’ of working class agitators, whose roots were in Tottenham but who carried their revolutionary flag across Australasia and North America. It examines how the state and employers responded to the activities of the IWW in Tottenham, and to what extent the IWW used sabotage as a tactic in their class struggle.
The hastily carried out executions of two ‘Wobblies’ provoked a storm of debate, not least surrounding the unprecedented execution of a crown witness. The response to the murder and the executions accentuated the split within the labour movement; the actions of the Tottenham IWW infiltrated the national debate over conscription and the crackdown on the IWW throughout the country. The events and individuals at Tottenham influenced the fate of the IWW in Australia and beyond. Reflecting on these events, together with a consideration of non-urban work and culture, makes the Australian ‘Wobbly’ more explicable.
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KÜBLER, Johanne. "Distant proximity : a comparative analysis of migrant netizen engagement before and during the Arab Spring". Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/46325.
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Defence date: 8 May 2017Examining Board: Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Olivier Roy, European University Institute; Professor Fiona B. Adamson, SOAS University of London; Professor Alexandra Segerberg, Stockholm University
The spread of the internet and migration are key dimensions associated with globalization and range among the most salient challenges of our times. Looking at the intersection of these two phenomena, this dissertation explores how the internet enables citizens of non-democracies living abroad to partake in the political discourse and online campaigns in their home countries. How does the fact of living in non-authoritarian countries affect the migrant’s position inside their online community? Using concepts from the contentious politics literature, I examine why migrant netizens adopt different roles in online campaigns in the years leading to and during the Arab uprisings at the examples of Tunisia and Morocco. I draw upon multiple empirical strategies including an analysis of web crawls of the Tunisian and Moroccan blogospheres, in-depth interviews with a number of key actors and frame analysis. I find that migrants were among the pioneers of political blogging, are well-integrated in their respective blogosphere and often occupy central positions. Political opportunity structures matter, thus the relative absence of repression allows migrants to act as radical mobilizers in highly repressive regimes like Tunisia. In contrast to that, migrant netizens in slightly more liberal settings like Morocco are less of a driving force than an equal partner in online discussions and campaigns, even if they might provide additional resources and establish contacts with international actors. Finally, the frame analysis reveals that radical migrant bloggers are likely to suffer from a lack of credibility due to their relative immunity to repression, unless they adapt their frames to the concerns of the wider blogger community, thereby enabling the creation of a broad coalition.
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Stewart, Luke Jonathan. ""A New Kind of War": The Vietnam War and the Nuremberg Principles, 1964-1968". Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10012/8540.
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This thesis explores what Telford Taylor called the “ethos of Nuremberg” and how it shaped antiwar resistance during the Vietnam War in the United States. The Vietnam War was a monumental event in the twentieth century and the conflict provided lawyers, academics, activists, and soldiers the ability to question the legality of the war through the prism of the Nuremberg Principles, the various international treaties and U.S. Constitutional law. As many legal scholars and historians have lamented, the Cold War destroyed hopes for the solidification of an international court empowered to preside over questions of war crimes, crimes against humanity and crimes against peace. In the absence of cooperation among the international community, the antiwar movements in the United States and around the world during the Vietnam War utilized these legal instruments to form what I call a war crimes movement from below. A significant component of this challenge was the notion that individual citizens – draft noncooperators, military resisters, tax resisters, and the like – had a responsibility under the Nuremberg Principles to resist an illegal war. In the numerous United States military interventions after World War II, none had been challenged as openly and aggressively as the war in Vietnam. As this thesis will demonstrate, the ideas that crystallized into action at Nuremberg played a major role in this resistance.