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Wedgeworth, Steven. "“The Two Sons of Oil” and the Limits of American Religious Dissent". Journal of Law and Religion 27, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2012): 141–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400000540.
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In the opening decades of the nineteenth century, Samuel Brown Wylie, an Irish-Presbyterian minister of a group of Scottish and Scots-Irish Presbyterians known as the Covenanters, and William Findley, a United States Congressman and also a descendant of the Covenanters, debated the Constitution's compatibility with Christianity and the proper bounds of religious uniformity in the newly founded Republic. Their respective views were diametrically opposed, yet each managed to borrow from different aspects of earlier political traditions held in common while also laying the groundwork for contrasting political positions which would more fully develop in the decades to come. And more than a few times their views seem to criss-cross, supporting contrary trajectories from what one might expect.Their narrative, in many ways strange, challenges certain “Christian” understandings of early America and the Constitution, yet it also poses a few problems for attempts at a coherent theory of secularity, natural law, and the common good in our own day.Samuel Brown Wylie is an obscure figure in American history. As a Covenanter, Wylie was forced to immigrate to America due to his involvement in the revolutionary United-Irishmen in Ulster. After finding it impossible to unite with other Presbyterians in Pennsylvania, Wylie became the first minister in the “Reformed Presbyterian Church of the United States,” which would also be called “the Synod of the Reformed Presbyterian Church.” According to his great-grandson, Wylie also went on to become the vice-Provost of the University of Pennsylvania.
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Airhart, Phyllis D. "The Accidental Modernists: American Fundamentalism and the Canadian Controversy over Church Union". Church History 86, n.º 1 (março de 2017): 120–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640717000026.
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This article looks at confessional family resemblances between the fundamentalist controversy in the Presbyterian Church in the United States of America and the church union controversy in Canada. These resemblances have been obscured by focusing on the doctrinal dimensions of the former and the socio-institutional features of the latter. The role of the prominent American fundamentalist J. Gresham Machen in the transformation of Canadian unionists into modernists sheds light on the underlying tensions that sparked the two controversies, as well as the distinctive dynamics of the resistance to church union that shaped the confessional identity of both the Presbyterian Church in Canada and the United Church of Canada after 1925.
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WATERS, GUY PRENTISS. "Church and State: The Promise of Reformed Theology for the Church Today". Unio Cum Christo 9, n.º 2 (31 de outubro de 2023): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.35285/ucc9.2.2023.art11.
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This article surveys the ways in which Reformed theology (particularly the Westminster Standards and subsequent generations of Scottish and American Presbyterians) has articulated the relationship between the church and civil government. It addresses two fruits of this line of reflection that are especially pertinent to the contemporary church. The first is that this doctrine makes provision for the divinely guaranteed religious liberty of all human beings, even in the face of a civil government’s attempts to abridge or usurp that authority. The second is that this doctrine provides clear guidance to the church concerning the ways in which the church, in its organized capacity, may and may not engage in matters that concern both the church and the state. KEYWORDS: Church, state, civil magistrate, religious liberty, Westminster Assembly, Scottish Presbyterian, American Presbyterian, PC (USA)
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Massa, Mark S. "“Mediating Modernism”: Charles Briggs, Catholic Modernism, and an Ecumenical “Plot”". Harvard Theological Review 81, n.º 4 (outubro de 1988): 413–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001781600001018x.
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Historians of religion in America, as enamored of marking “watersheds” in our culture as other scholars, have long used the famous “Briggs Case” as an event for marking that cultural moment when American mainline Protestants, mostly kicking and screaming, began to confront officially the higher criticism of the Bible. Charles Augustus Briggs, as students of Gilded Age religion know well, was a professor of scripture at New York's Union Theological Seminary who, between 1891 and 1893, underwent a peripatetic heresy trial in various Presbyterian church courts—“the most notorious event in 19th century American church history,” as one of its chroniclers has described it—for advocating the application of modern historical-critical methods to the biblical record.
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Emery, Robert. "Church and State in the Early Republic: The Covenanters' Radical Critique". Journal of Law and Religion 25, n.º 2 (2009): 487–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400001223.
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Constitutional scholars pay particular attention to the historical context of the First Amendment, to the relationship between the state and religion in the early republic. Missing from this academic examination of church-state history, however, is any serious consideration of the views of the Reformed Presbyterian Church, popularly known as the Covenanters, views that challenged the fundamental presuppositions of the United States Constitution, both as established in the early national period and as applied today. A typical modern American, citizen or scholar, cannot help but be startled by a coherent, closely reasoned body of doctrine that trenchantly criticizes such fundamental American assumptions as government by consent of the governed or the free exercise of religion. Covenanter criticism of the church-state relations not only presents a model of church and state radically different from today's conventional American theories, but also throws light on the American paradigm as it existed during its developmental period. Reformed Presbyterians of the early republic criticized the federal Constitution from a world view so radically different from that of the founders that their criticisms highlight aspects of the generally accepted constitutional regime in ways that conventional constitutional scholars have scarcely considered.
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Sprochi, Amanda. "Book Review: Religion and Politics in America: An Encyclopedia of Church and State in American Life". Reference & User Services Quarterly 56, n.º 3 (3 de abril de 2017): 219. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rusq.56n3.219b.
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Religion and Politics in America: An Encyclopedia of Church and State in American Life provides an overview of the relationship between politics and religion in the United States. Smith, president of Tyndale International University, history instructor at Georgia Gwinnett College, and Presbyterian minister, with his collaborators, has created a resource that spans the history of the United States from the colonial era to the present day. The 360 entries in the encyclopedia are arranged alphabetically by topic and are signed by the contributor, and each article includes references for further reading. Cross-references, a chronological time line, and a comprehensive index help to identify particular topics and to facilitate further reading.
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Stricklin, David, e Frank Joseph Smith. "The History of the Presbyterian Church in America: The Silver Anniversary Edition". Journal of Southern History 68, n.º 1 (fevereiro de 2002): 240. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3069766.
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DIXHOORN, CHAD VAN. "Progress and Protest in Late Nineteenth- and Early Twentieth-Century Presbyterianism". Unio Cum Christo 6, n.º 1 (1 de abril de 2020): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.35285/ucc6.1.2020.art10.
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This Article Surveys The Presbyterian Conflict In America At The Turn Of The Twentieth Century, Which Was Marked By A Drive For Progress And A Reaction Of Protest. After Setting Up The Historical Context, It Looks At “progress” In Action, Theology, Preaching, And Presidents. It Then Focuses On The Protest Of J. Gresham Machen, Who Was Engaged In Church Debates And Publications (e.g., Christianity And Liberalism) And Who, In Response To Progressive Theology, Founded Westminster Theological Seminary, An Independent Mission Board, And A New Denomination. It Concludes With Observations About The Continuing Witness Of Westminster Seminary. KEYWORDS: Social Gospel, Progressive Theology, Presbyterian Conflict, Woodrow Wilson, Auburn Affirmation, J. Gresham Machen, Westminster Theological Seminary, Theological Education, Mission, Westminster Confession Of Faith
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Tiedemann, Joseph S. "Presbyterianism and the American Revolution in the Middle Colonies". Church History 74, n.º 2 (junho de 2005): 306–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964070011025x.
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After the Revolution, Thomas Jones, an embittered loyalist exile, identified the culprits he deemed responsible for the rebellion in New York: the Whig “triumvirate” of Presbyterians—William Livingston, William Smith, and John Morin Scott. Jones averred that in theIndependent Reflector(1752–53) andWatch Tower(1754–55), which they authored, “the established Church was abused, Monarchy derided, Episcopacy reprobated, and republicanism held up, as the best existing form of government.” The three wrote “with a rancor, a malevolence, and an acrimony, not to be equaled but by the descendants of those presbyterian and repulblican fanatics, whose ancestors had in the preceding century brought their Sovereign to the block, subverted the best constitution in the world, and upon its ruins erected presbyterianism, republicanism, and hypocrisy.”
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주승민. "Mission Strategy of American Southern Presbyterian Church in Korea". Theology and Mission ll, n.º 55 (maio de 2019): 7–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.35271/cticen.2019..55.7.
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Black, Alasdair. "The Balfour Declaration: Scottish Presbyterian Eschatology and British Policy Towards Palestine". Perichoresis 16, n.º 4 (1 de dezembro de 2018): 35–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/perc-2018-0022.
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Abstract This article considers the theological influences on the Balfour Declaration which was made on the 2 November 1917 and for the first time gave British governmental support to the establishment of a Jewish homeland in Palestine. It explores the principal personalities and political workings behind the Declaration before going on to argue the statement cannot be entirely divested from the religious sympathies of those involved, especially Lord Balfour. Thereafter, the paper explores the rise of Christian Restorationism in the context of Scottish Presbyterianism, charting how the influence of Jonathan Edwards shaped the thought of Thomas Chalmers on the role of the Jews in salvation history which in turn influenced the premillennialism of Edward Irving and his Judeo-centric eschatology. The paper then considers the way this eschatology became the basis of John Darby’s premillennial dispensationalism and how in an American context this theology began to shape the thinking of Christian evangelicals and through the work of William Blackstone provide the basis of popular and political support for Zionism. However, it also argues the political expressions of premillennial dispensationalism only occurred in America because the Chicago evangelist Dwight L. Moody was exposed to the evolving thinking of Scottish Presbyterians regarding Jewish restoration. This thinking had emerged from a Church of Scotland ‘Mission of Inquiry’ to Palestine in 1839 and been advanced by Alexander Keith, Horatius Bonar and David Brown. Finally, the paper explores how this Scottish Presbyterian heritage influenced the rise of Zionism and Balfour and his political judgements.
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Sharkey, Heather J. "An Egyptian in China: Ahmed Fahmy and the Making of “World Christianities”". Church History 78, n.º 2 (28 de maio de 2009): 309–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964070900050x.
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Ahmed Fahmy, who was born in Alexandria, Egypt, in 1861 and died in Golders Green, London, in 1933, was the most celebrated convert from Islam to Christianity in the history of the American Presbyterian mission in Egypt. American Presbyterians had started work in Egypt in 1854 and soon developed the largest Protestant mission in the country. They opened schools, hospitals, and orphanages; sponsored the development of Arabic Christian publishing and Bible distribution; and with local Egyptians organized evangelical work in towns and villages from Alexandria to Aswan. In an age when Anglo-American Protestant missions were expanding across the globe, they conceived of their mission as a universal one and sought to draw Copts and Muslims alike toward their reformed (that is, Protestant) creed. In the long run, American efforts led to the creation of an Egyptian Evangelical church (Kanisa injiliyya misriyya) even while stimulating a kind of “counter-reformation” within Coptic Orthodoxy along with new forms of social outreach among Muslim activists and nationalists.
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Smith, Ryan K. "The Cross: Church Symbol and Contest in Nineteenth-Century America". Church History 70, n.º 4 (dezembro de 2001): 705–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3654546.
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In 1834 the rector of St. Mary's Episcopal Church in Burlington, New Jersey desired to place a cross atop his newly-refurbished sanctuary. No ordinary rector, George Washington Doane also served as the Episcopal bishop of New Jersey. Shortly after taking charge of St. Mary's in 1833, he and his vestry had decided to renovate their old church, and their ambitious new design featured a cruciform plan with Greek details, including a pediment adorned with lotus leaves and a tower “derived from that built at Athens… commonly called the Tower of the Winds.” But when Doane carried out the plans for “an enriched Greek Cross” to be mounted on the roof, the community stood aghast. A local Presbyterian minister chronicled the confrontation, and he began by asserting that most of St. Mary's vestrymen had originally approved the designs without “noticing the Cross at the time.” The project was thus completed, and to the vestry's “great surprise, as well as that of many in the community, of all ‘denominations’—lo! a Cross made quite a Catholic appearance on the apex of the pediment!” Controversy arose, “both in the Vestry and out of it,” and “after a very warm meeting, one of the Vestry shortly after declared that unless the Cross was taken down very soon, it should be pulled down.”
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Crawford, Robin. "The Presbyterian Church in the United States of America: A History of Concern for the Addictions". Journal of Ministry in Addiction & Recovery 4, n.º 2 (9 de julho de 1997): 69–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j048v04n02_05.
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Balisky, E. Paul. "Dr. Thomas A. Lambie: Missionary-Entrepreneur in Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, Abyssinia, and Palestine". International Bulletin of Mission Research 44, n.º 4 (5 de fevereiro de 2020): 362–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2396939319891872.
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Dr. Thomas A. Lambie was spiritually nourished within the American United Presbyterian Church. He served as a missionary in British Sudan (1907–17, 1938–42), Abyssinia/Ethiopia (1918–36), and Palestine (1946–54). Using gifts of diplomacy and medical prowess, Lambie, from 1927, headed the Sudan Interior Mission (SIM) in Abyssinia, which sought to evangelize the primal religionists of southern Abyssinia. During ten years of pioneering mission effort by Lambie and nearly 100 SIM cohorts, a young church of fifty baptized believers was formed. He was instrumental in building a hospital in Abyssinia and, later, a tuberculosis sanatorium in Bethlehem, Palestine.
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Jinkins, Michael. "John Cotton and the Antinomian Controversy, 1636–1638: A Profile of Experiential Individualism in American Puritanism". Scottish Journal of Theology 43, n.º 3 (agosto de 1990): 321–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930600032725.
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There is much going on in the modern religious scene, particularly in America under the name of ‘Evangelical Christianity’, that seems strange to those of us whose Church experience is shaped more emphatically by an Old-World Presbyterian, Anglican or Lutheran theological orientation. The emphasis upon the individual and the individual's personal ‘saving’ experience sounds strange to ears more attuned to social responsibility and the development of the Christian character in the nurture of the Church community. Where does this emphasis on the individual and his or her personal experience come from? And how did it come to be so much a part of American Church life? Both of these questions could introduce ponderous volumes of social, historical and theological research. But, generally speaking, this tendency to reduce the religious life to an experience of salvation can be traced to the era in the history of dogma which gave rise to Reformed Scholasticism. On the American continent, this approach to Christian faith was promoted by the early Puritan settlers in the context of their own theological concern to maintain a particular manifestation of the nature-grace dichotomy which stressed the legal duly of the individual Christian, and to gain a sense of assurance of election, however elusive that sense might be. While it is well beyond the limitations of this brief essay to trace the development of the Puritan theological orientation, this study will examine one incident in the life of the Massachusetts Bay Colony to profile the development of this Puritan inclination toward experiential individualism which, in various forms, still endures.
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Silva, Ivanilson Bezerra. "A Escola Americana de Curitiba (1891-1930): uma filial da Escola Americana de São Paulo / The American School of Curitiba (1891-1930): a branch of the American School of São Paulo". Revista de História e Historiografia da Educação 2, n.º 6 (8 de maio de 2019): 50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5380/rhhe.v2i6.60061.
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O presente artigo tem como objetivo mostrar que a Escola Americana de Curitiba dirigida pelas missionárias Mary Dascomb e Elmira Kuhl fazia parte da rede de escolas organizadas pelo educador Horace Lane. As fontes analisadas sugerem que tais missionárias estavam subordinadas às orientações pedagógicas e supervisão da Escola Americana de São Paulo. Esta tornou-se a base para a compreensão de outras escolas americanas implantadas no Brasil durante a atuação de Horace Lane como diretor e supervisor da obra educacional da Igreja Presbiteriana norte-americana. Postulamos que Horace Lane formou uma rede de escolas, principalmente, em cidades que contavam com o apoio de maçons, republicanos, presbiterianos e de pessoas ligadas a sua rede de sociabilidade. No caso de Curitiba, a escola foi organizada por causa do núcleo presbiteriano organizado no ano de 1884 e por causa da relação do educador com as referidas missionárias. Como parte da rede de escolas, a Escola Americana de Curitiba, de confissão de fé presbiteriana, concorria com as escolas de outras denominações religiosas que compunham o campo educacional paranaense.* * *This article aims to show that the American School of Curitiba led by the missionaries Mary Dascomb and Elmira Kuhl was part of the network of schools organized by the educator Horace Lane. The sources analyzed suggest that these missionaries were subordinated to the pedagogical guidelines and supervision of the American School of São Paulo. This became the basis for the understanding of other American schools implanted in Brazil during the performance of Horace Lane as director and supervisor of the educational work of the North American Presbyterian Church. We postulate that Horace Lane formed a network of schools, mainly in cities that had the support of Masons, Republicans, Presbyterians and of people connected to its network of sociability. In the case of Curitiba, the school was organized because of the Presbyterian nucleus organized in the year 1884 and because of the educator's relationship with the said missionaries. As part of the school network, the American School of Curitiba, with a Presbyterian faith confession, competed with schools of other religious denominations that made up the educational field of Paraná.
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Steenhuisen, Lauve H. "Feminist Theology and embedded fundamentalism: Re-imagining reconsidered". Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 37, n.º 2 (junho de 2008): 311–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000842980803700207.
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The 1993 Re-Imagining theological conference attempted to provide for participants a women-affirming "lived religious experience," and it encountered immediate controversy. Denominational firestorms erupted in both Presbyterian (PCUSA) and Methodist (UMC) denominations, causing loss of church-wide giving and the firings of prominent denominational staff. The Re-Imagining conference in this article will be deconstructed to show its representation as an overt battle in a cultural war over theology and liturgy. This article argues for a multidimensional approach, specifically sociological and theological analyses, to determine how socio-religious movements use theology to assert their cultural visions for America. By examining theological concepts of gender, sexual norms, and liturgical theologies of both fundamentalist and feminist parties to the conflict, the article examines how theology becomes politically motivating.
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Wilde, Melissa, e Hajer Al-Faham. "Believing in Women? Examining Early Views of Women among America’s Most Progressive Religious Groups". Religions 9, n.º 10 (20 de outubro de 2018): 321. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel9100321.
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This paper examines views of women among the most prominent “progressive” American religious groups (as defined by those that liberalized early on the issue of birth control, circa 1929). We focus on the years between the first and second waves of the feminist movement (1929–1965) in order to examine these views during a time of relative quiescence. We find that some groups indeed have a history of outspoken support for women’s equality. Using their modern-day names, these groups—the United Church of Christ, the Unitarian Universalist Association, and to a lesser extent, the Society of Friends, or Quakers—professed strong support for women’s issues, early and often. However, we also find that prominent progressive groups—the Protestant Episcopal Church, the Methodist Episcopal Church, and the United Presbyterian Church—were virtually silent on the issue of women’s rights. Thus, we conclude that birth control activism within the American religious field was not clearly correlated with an overall feminist orientation.
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Clarke, Duncan L. "Mainline Protestants Begin to Divest from Israel: A Moral Imperative or ““Effective”” Anti-Semitism?" Journal of Palestine Studies 35, n.º 1 (1 de janeiro de 2005): 44–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2005.35.1.44.
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A campaign to divest selectively in corporations doing business in Israel, which began on American university campuses and then ebbed, has been adopted and reinvigorated by important mainline Protestant churches, especially the Presbyterian Church in the United States (PC[USA]). This article examines the PC(USA)'s catalytic role in the divestment movement, the backlash within church ranks, and the evolving positions of other Protestant denominations. The determined opposition by Jewish groups and the dampening effect of accusations of ““functional anti-Semitism”” are also discussed. While its ultimate effectiveness is impossible to predict, the divestment movement is in motion and is gaining consequential advocates.
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Ruotsila, Markku. "Christian Fundamentalism in Japan". International Journal of Asian Christianity 5, n.º 1 (3 de março de 2022): 115–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25424246-05010007.
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Abstract This article examines the ultimately unfruitful attempts by U.S. Christian fundamentalists at establishing a presence within Japanese Protestantism. Almost unknown even to scholars in the field, this missionary effort was launched in 1949. It yielded several indigenous institutions, including the Tokyo Christian Theological Seminary, the Japan Bible Times, and the Christian Presbyterian Church of Japan. This uniquely American import of a fundamentalist defense of the “faith once received” is here put in regional, anti-communist and intercultural contexts.
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Nemeth, Roger J., e Donald A. Luidens. "Congregational vs. Denominational Giving: An Analysis of Giving Patterns in the Presbyterian Church in the United States and the Reformed Church in America". Review of Religious Research 36, n.º 2 (dezembro de 1994): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3511403.
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Bulthuis, Kyle T. "The Difference Denominations Made: Identifying the Black Church(es) and Black Religious Choices of the Early Republic". Religion and American Culture 29, n.º 2 (2019): 255–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rac.2019.3.
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ABSTRACTScholars of African-American religious history have recently debated the significance of the black church in American history. Those that have, pro and con, have often considered the black church as a singular entity, despite the fact that African Americans affiliated with a number of different religious traditions under the umbrella of the black church. This article posits that it is useful to consider denominational and theological developments within different African-American churches. Doing so acknowledges plural creations and developments of black churches, rather than a singular black church, which better accounts for the historical experience of black religion. In this piece, I analyze four different denominational and theological traditions that blacks followed in the early Republic: the Anglican–Episcopalian, the Calvinist (Congregational–Presbyterian), the Methodist, and the Baptist. Each offered a unique ecclesiastical structure and set of theological assumptions within which black clergy and laity operated. Each required different levels of interaction with white coreligionists, and, although some tended to offer more direct opportunities for reform and resistance, all groups suffered differing constraints that limited such action. I argue that the two bodies connected to formalist traditions, the Episcopalian and Calvinist, were initially better developed despite their smaller size, and thus disproportionately shaped black community and reform efforts in the antebellum United States.
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DeStefano, Michael T. "DuBourg's Defense of St. Mary's College: Apologetics and the Creation of a Catholic Identity in the Early American Republic". Church History 85, n.º 1 (29 de fevereiro de 2016): 65–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640715001353.
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When the Baltimore Presbytery of the Presbyterian Church issued a pastoral letter critical of St. Mary's College in 1811 it provided an opportunity for Louis DuBourg, the college's president, to respond with an apologetic defense of the college and of Catholicism more generally. In doing so he synthesized several strands of Catholic apologetics, including the via notarum, the utilitarianism that came to dominate French Catholic apologetics in the eighteenth century, the emphasis upon beauty and emotion that characterized Chateaubriand's Genuius of Christianity, and the earlier work of Bishop Bossuet critical of the doctrinal instability of protestantism. Aimed at a popular audience, DuBourg's apologetics created an identity for the American Catholic Church that emphasized its place within the largest part of worldwide Christianity, its role as educator of the best minds of Western civilization, and the beauty of its worship.
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Hwang, Jae-Buhm. "The Barthian Predominance in Korean Theology: Its Origins and Problems". Expository Times 131, n.º 12 (11 de maio de 2020): 523–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524620922798.
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This study examines the origins, early history, and theological problems of the Barthian and Germanic predominance in Korean Protestant theology. The originators and most influential promoters of the predominance were Rev. Chai-choon Kim (1901–1987) and Dr Jong-sung Rhee (1922–2011), the theological and denominational leaders of the more or less liberalist Korean Presbyterian churches. Both of them went almost the same theological way: After getting to know Karl Barth and his dominance in Japan and deepening their knowledge of Barthian theology in the USA, they fought against the Korean Presbyterian churches’ conservative, Old Princeton theology on the basis of Barthian theology. Having witnessed the notorious conflicts and schisms of the Presbyterian Church of Korea (PCK), both Kim and Rhee presupposed that the principal culprit of the conflicts and schisms was the conservative, Old Princeton (Reformed Orthodox) theology that the American Presbyterian Korea missionaries had successfully planted in Korean Presbyterian churches. So in order to attack the missionaries’ theology as well as to justify their liberalist theology, both Kim and Rhee profoundly accepted the Barthian triumph frame: the Reformed Orthodoxy of the 17th and 18th centuries was defeated by the liberalism of the 19th century, which was, in turn, overcome by the Barthian Neo-Orthodoxy of the 20th century. Although the frame itself has recently been proved to be unfounded, both Kim and Rhee blindly accepted it and led their numerous followers to throw out both the missionaries and their Old Princeton theology. Nevertheless, Kim and Rhee ‘threw the baby out with the bathwater’; they led the next generation to be deprived of its own Reformed history, whose living legacy has been the missionaries’ Reformed Orthodoxy and Old Princeton theology. On the other hand, having accepted Barthian theology enthusiastically, both Kim and Rhee exploited it mainly to condemn the missionaries’ theology, ending up failing to integrate it into their own theologies.
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Blehl, Vincent Ferrer. "John Henry Newman and Orestes A. Brownson as Educational Philosophers". Recusant History 23, n.º 3 (maio de 1997): 408–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003419320000577x.
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Orestes Brownson (1803–1876), preacher, journalist, editor, philosopher and controversialist, was born in Stockbridge, Vt., 16 September 1803. At the age of nineteen he became a Presbyterian, but two years later a Universalist. He married in 1827. From 1826 to 1831 Brownson preached in New Hampshire, Vermont and New York. He became a Unitarian, and was ordained a Unitarian minister in 1834. In 1836 he organized ‘The society for Christian Union and Progress’ and began to preach the ‘Church of the Future’. In the same year he became acquainted with Emerson, Alcott, Ripley and others who were labelled Transcendentalists. The latter were the dominant intellectual figures in American life until the middle of the century.
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Pervaiz, Huma. "Unravelling the Dynamics of Christian Missionary Evangelical Activities in Colonial Punjab (1849-1947)". Al-Irfan 8, n.º 15 (30 de junho de 2023): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.58932/mulb0010.
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The article focused on the evangelical activities of Christian missionaries to convert the natives to Christianity in colonial Punjab, with particular reference to Lahore and Sialkot districts. With the annexation of Punjab in 1849, the cultural and social ethos took a surprising turn, and a new community of converted Christians started to form progressively. This new societal drive was unique because it attracted individuals from affluent backgrounds and triggered mass conversion in socially and economically side-lined communities of Punjab. After annexation, missionaries flocked to Punjab from all parts of India. Most missionaries, who moved to Punjab, were either associated with the American Presbyterian Church or the Church Missionary Society of England (CMS) and the Church of Scotland. Nonetheless, along with these two mission societies, other established missions in India also contributed to converting natives to Christianity, though to a lesser extent. In the conversion process, missionaries used institutions, e.g., schools, colleges, and medical centres, but they also employed different conversion techniques already being deployed in other parts of India. The primary aim of the missionaries was to convert a large part of Punjabi society to Christianity by employing various techniques of evangelicalism. The conversion among lower caste degraded the image of Christianity and further handicapped further activities of missionaries.
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Womack, Deanna Ferree. "Lubnani,Libanais, Lebanese: Missionary Education, Language Policy and Identity Formation in Modern Lebanon". Studies in World Christianity 18, n.º 1 (abril de 2012): 4–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2012.0003.
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This article examines language instruction and religious and socio-political identity formation in nineteenth- and early twentieth-century American Protestant and French Jesuit missionary institutions in Lebanon. It compares French, English and Arabic language education policies at Saint Joseph University (Université Saint-Joseph), Syrian Protestant College (now the American University in Beirut) and the American Syria Mission schools under the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions and the Board of Foreign Missions of the Presbyterian Church in the USA. The article considers the mutual transformations in the encounter between missionaries and Lebanese students and addresses the relationship between language learning and educational, literary and nationalist development in the Middle East. Emphasising the agency of Arabic-speaking Ottoman subjects and their reciprocal relationship with missionaries, it argues that before the turn of the century, those individuals who acquired a foreign language and excelled in literary Arabic charted the course toward social, cultural and political change in the twentieth century.
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Longman, Timothy. "Genocide and Socio-Political Change: Massacres in two Rwandan Villages". Issue: A Journal of Opinion 23, n.º 2 (1995): 18–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700501978.
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From the comfort of American living rooms, the violence that ravaged Rwanda for four months in mid-1994 seemed almost incomprehensible. The daily newspaper reports and nightly television coverage that presented disturbing images of slaughter and destruction failed to provide the necessary background to make sense of the disaster. For most Americans, little option was left than to view the devastation as an expression of some inherent savagery in the Rwandan population.In this article, I draw upon the example of two Rwandan communities to help explain the nature of the violence that swept Rwanda after the death of President Juvénal Habyarimana. These two communities bear certain similarities: they lie in neighboring communes in Kibuye Prefecture; both are relatively remote; and each community centers around a parish of the Presbyterian Church.
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ISNA, Convention Reporters Committee. "The Forty-second Annual ISNA Convention". American Journal of Islam and Society 22, n.º 4 (1 de outubro de 2005): 153–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i4.1679.
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The theme of this year’s event, “Muslims in North America: Accomplishments,Challenges, and the Road Ahead,” was a public proclamation thatNorth American Muslims are focusing on the future. One highlight was thepresence of Undersecretary of State for Public Diplomacy Karen Hughes,who met with heads of Muslim American organizations on the grounds thatshe needed their advice to help her reach out to the wider Muslim world.Overall, the convention focused on advancing values of the family, community,compassion, and justice; the workshops addressed communitybuilding, organizing politically, promoting civil rights, opposing Islamophobia,sharing Islam, and promoting interfaith understanding.The conference was inaugurated by the leaders of ISNA’s constituentorganizations and leaders of other faiths. Bob Edgar (secretary general,National Council of Churches), set the tone: “If you want to walk fast,walk alone. If you want to walk far, walk together!” Muhammad NurAbdullah (president, ISNA) spoke of such ISNA accomplishments as theimam and chaplain training services and empowering Muslim youths. Theinaugural session was addressed by Khurshid A. Qureshi (president,AMSE) Rafik Beekun (president, AMSS), Rehana Kausar (president,IMANA), Mohammad Sheibani (president, MSA), and co-chairs OmarSiddiqi and Kulsoom Salman (both of MSA-National). Ingrid Mattson(vice president, ISNA; director, Islamic chaplaincy; and professor, Islamicstudies and Christian-Muslim relations, Hartford Seminary), Abdul-MalikMujahid (president, Council of Islamic Organizations of Greater Chicago),Bob Edgar (secretary general, National Council of Churches), and RickUfford-Chase (chair of the moderator of the 216th General Assembly ofthe Presbyterian Church [USA]).The ISNA Dr. Mahboob Khan Community Service Award was presentedto Ilyas Ba-Yunus, a founding member of MSA who helped establishISNA and served as its first president. A respected sociologist, he is theauthor of several studies related to Muslim life in America. FormerMalaysian deputy prime minister Anwar Ibrahim, the keynote speaker at theCommunity Service Recognition luncheon, expressed his gratitude forISNA’s role in securing his release after the charges brought against him byformer prime minister Mahathir Muhammad failed the court test. In keepingwith a now 3-year-old tradition, Anwar received an award recognizing hiscontribution to democracy, civil society, and social justice ...
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Ryu, Dae Young. "Horace H. Underwood and the Shinto Shrine Rites Controversy in Colonial Korea". Theology Today 79, n.º 2 (17 de junho de 2022): 184–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00405736221091919.
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For the western missionaries the Shinto shrine rites controversy in colonial Korea was a theological crucible. As the Japanese government began forcing mission schools to attend the Shinto shrine ceremonies, American missionaries from the Presbyterian Church in the USA were divided between “fundamentalists” and “liberals” fighting a fierce theological battle over the nature of and participation in the Shinto shrine rites. Horace H. Underwood, President of Chosen Christian College in Seoul, was a leader of the “liberal minority” party. The “fundamentalist majority” held that the Shinto shrine ceremonies were religious acts and hence bowing during a Shinto ceremony violated the First Commandment. Underwood was uncomfortable with many religious elements in the Shinto rituals, but nevertheless believed that mere attendance and a bow did not constitute either participation in the ritual or worship of the enshrined beings. He thought that the conservative leaders were dictating other people's conscience.
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Zink-Sawyer, Beverly A. "The Pulpit Leads the Seminary: Two Centuries of Proclamation at Union Presbyterian Seminary and in the American Church". Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology 66, n.º 4 (19 de setembro de 2012): 409–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020964312451422.
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Kiremit, İlker. "Süveydiye’de İngiliz-Amerikan Protestan Misyonerleri ve Osmanlı Siyaseti (1846-1923)". Belleten 87, n.º 308 (1 de abril de 2023): 195–232. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2023.195.
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Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’ndaki misyonerlik faaliyetlerinin bir örneği, bugün Samandağ olarak bilinen Süveydiye’de yaşanmıştır. 19. yüzyılın ortalarından itibaren İngiliz Doktor William Holt Yates ve eşinin burada kurduğu misyon merkezi Süveydiye’deki Protestanlık misyonerliğinin ilk örneği olarak kabul edilmektedir. Bu merkez, aynı yüzyılın son çeyreğinde Amerikan misyonerlerinin kontrolüne girmiştir. Reformed Presbyterian Church of North America isimli cemiyet, Süveydiye’deki çalışmaları ilerletme çabasına girişerek, bölgedeki Hristiyan ve daha mühimi Nusayri ahalisiyle münasebetlerini geliştirmeye çalışmıştır. Ardı sıra gelen her iki misyoner kesimle ilişkili olarak, bugün halen varlığını koruyan ve İngiliz Protestan Okulu olarak bilinen tarihî bina, bu faaliyetlerin izini taşımaktadır. Bahsi geçen bu bina ile günümüze ulaşamayan diğer yapı, buradaki misyonerlik faaliyetlerinin icra edilmesine alan yaratmıştır. Yapılan bu çalışmada bahsi geçen Protestan misyonerlerinin çalışmalarıyla ilişkili tafsilatın yanı sıra, Osmanlı yönetiminin özellikle Nusayri ahalisi açısından gösterdiği siyasi tutum ve yürüttüğü politikanın buradaki yansımaları üzerine durulacaktır. Bu sayede, yukarıda anılan tarihî binayla da ilişkili olarak, bölge tarihine katkıda bulunulacağı düşünülmektedir. Çalışmamızla ilgili ayrıntılı incelemelerde değerlendirilen, hatıra mahiyetindeki eserlerin yanı sıra, zengin ve ayrıntılı veriler sunan misyoner kayıtlarıyla aynı kanaldan gelen diğer metinlerdeki bilgi ve görsel materyaller mühim olmuştur. Bunun yanı sıra Osmanlı resmî kayıtları, vilayet yıllıkları ve kısmi ölçüde yararlanılan basın arşivi tamamlayıcı bir öneme sahiptir. Bahsi geçen kaynakların yanında, alanda yapılan görüşmeler ve elbette başvurulan araştırma eserleri de çalışmanın somut bir yapıya bürünerek nihayete ulaşmasına imkân vermiştir.
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Drakeman, Donald L. "The Church Historians Who made the First Amendment What it is Today". Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 17, n.º 1 (2007): 27–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2007.17.1.27.
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AbstractThomas Jefferson and James Madison are frequently identified as the framers of the religion clauses in the First Amendment, thus making their efforts to establish religious freedom in colonial Virginia relevant to the Constitution's meaning. This interpretive approach first appeared in a Supreme Court opinion in 1878 when Chief Justice Morrison Waite applied the religion clauses to the case of a Mormon official prosecuted under a federal antipolygamy law. For historical background, Justice Waite studied books by church historians Robert Reid Howison and Robert Baylor Semple. There, he encountered narratives of the political activism of the Baptists and Presbyterians who, in conjunction with the efforts of Madison and Jefferson, were responsible for Virginia's statutory commitment to religious freedom. The Chief Justice then grafted Madison's Memorial and Remonstrance against Religious Assessments and Jefferson's now-famous “wall of separation” letter onto the Constitution's bare text, an emendation that has endured for well over a century. Church historians Semple and Howison, and the pivotal role they played in the foundation of First Amendment jurisprudence, have been essentially lost from the historiographical record of church-state relations in America, a situation this article seeks to remedy.
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Shin, Jong Cheol. "A study of the Fundamentalist-Modernist Controversy in the 1920s within the Presbyterian Church in the United States of America - Focusing on the Dispute between Fosdick and McCartney". ACTS Theological Journal 21 (30 de outubro de 2014): 53–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.19114/atj.21.2.
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Ribeiro, Lúcia, e Manuel A. Vásquez. "A congregação multicultural e a migração brasileira para os Estados Unidos: Reflexões a partir de uma Igreja em Atlanta". Revista Eclesiástica Brasileira 72, n.º 285 (18 de fevereiro de 2019): 76. http://dx.doi.org/10.29386/reb.v72i285.919.
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O artigo discute qual a melhor forma de as igrejas acolherem os imigrantes, no contexto de hostilidade em que estes se encontram hoje. Para isso e como ponto de partida, a discussão situa-se em terras norte-americanas. Dois modelos básicos se colocam: o primeiro é o das tradicionais igrejas étnicas, baseadas na experiência dos imigrantes europeus de início do século XX, formadas por pessoas de uma mesma nacionalidade. Este modelo predominou até os anos 60, quando o rápido crescimento dos fluxos migratórios desde a América Latina, a Ásia e a África gerou uma enorme diversificação racial, política, cultural e religiosa. Foi então que começaram a surgir as igrejas multiculturais, ou multiétnicas/multiraciais, nas quais grupos diversos participam da mesma igreja, respeitando, ao mesmo tempo, suas características específicas. Este processo, ainda em construção, abre pistas inovadoras, mas também vem gerando críticas. Para compreendê-lo, a análise se centrou sobre a Igreja Presbiteriana Ray Thomas, situada em Atlanta, onde euroamericanos, brasileiros e coreanos criaram uma igreja multicultural. Baseado em dados de pesquisa, o artigo faz um rápido histórico desta experiência, apresentando suas conquistas e dificuldades e reconhecendo seu enorme potencial transformador e representativo. Ao compará-la, entretanto, com a experiência anterior – já analisada em outros estudos – conclui-se que os dois modelos talvez não sejam mutuamente excludentes, mas seu êxito depende do contexto específico que enfrentam os migrantes.Abstract: The article discusses how the churches can best help the immigrants in the hostile context in which they find themselves today. For this purpose and as a starting point, the discussion focuses on what happens in the North-American territory. Two basic patterns are looked at: the first is that of the traditional ethnic churches grounded on the experience of the early 20th century European immigrants, normally consisting of people with a single nationality. This pattern lasted until the 1960s when the rapid growth of the migratory flows from Latin America, Asia and Africa led to a huge racial, political, cultural and religious diversification. It was at this time that the multicultural or multiethnic/multiracial churches began to appear in which different groups became members of the same church while at the same time respecting each other’s specific characteristics. This process, that is still being developed, opens novel paths, but has also been the target of some criticism. In order to understand it, the analysis focused in particular on the Presbyterian Church Ray Thomas, in Atlanta, USA, where Euro-Americans, Brazilians and Koreans created a multicultural church. From the findings of the research, the article builds a brief history of this experience, presenting its achievements and its difficulties and recognizing its huge transforming and representative potential. When we compare this experience, however, with the previous one – already analysed in other studies – we come to the conclusion that the two patterns may not be mutually exclusive, but that their success depends on the specific context those migrants have to face.
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Gutacker, Paul. "Seventeen Centuries of Sin: The Christian Past in Antebellum Slavery Debates". Church History 89, n.º 2 (junho de 2020): 307–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640720000645.
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AbstractHistorians of American religion generally agree that religious debates over slavery were characterized by a reliance on the plain meaning of the Bible. According to the conventional wisdom, antebellum Americans were uninterested in or even overtly hostile to tradition and church history. However, a close study of pro- and antislavery literature complicates this picture of ahistorical biblicism. For some defenders of slavery, not merely the Bible but also Christian tradition supported their position, and these Catholics, Episcopalians, Presbyterians, Methodists, and Baptists mined the past for examples of Christian slaveholding. On the other hand, both white and Black antislavery authors used religious history to bolster their cases against the peculiar institution, with African Americans leading the way in developing an antislavery account of the Christian past. The previously unnoticed historical dimensions of religious arguments over slavery prove central to understanding why these debates failed, while also modifying how we conceive of scripture, tradition, and religious authority in nineteenth-century America. Arguments over slavery show that religious Americans—even many who claimed to be biblicists—did not read the Bible alone but always alongside and in relation to other texts, traditions, and interpreters.
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Dawa, Markus Dominggus L. "Menjadi Jemaat Multikultural : Suatu Visi untuk Gereja-Gereja Tionghoa Injili Indonesia yang Hidup di Tengah Konflik Etnis dan Diskriminasi Rasial". Veritas : Jurnal Teologi dan Pelayanan 7, n.º 1 (1 de abril de 2006): 127–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.36421/veritas.v7i1.157.
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Etnis Tionghoa adalah bagian dari keanekaragaman bangsa ini. Meski berkali-kali hal ini coba disangkali dan mungkin hendak dihapuskan dari kenyataan bangsa ini, etnis Tionghoa adalah bagian yang tidak terpisahkan dari negeri ini. Etnis Tionghoa bukan orang asing di negeri ini. Etnis Tionghoa juga adalah salah satu pemilik sah sekaligus pendiri bangsa ini. Gereja-gereja Kristen Tionghoa harus menyadari benar kenyataan tersebut. Sebagai bagian dari keseluruhan etnis Tionghoa di Indonesia, gereja-gereja Kristen Tionghoa adalah juga pemilik sah dan sekaligus pendiri bangsa ini. Kesadaran ini perlu dipupuk dan diperkuat dalam ingatan orang-orang Kristen Tionghoa agar di tengah-tengah berbagai luka sejarah yang dipikulnya, gereja-gereja Kristen Tionghoa dapat menjadi alat Tuhan menyembuhkan keutuhan hidup bangsa yang terus bergumul dengan keanekaragamannya ini. Di tengah bangsa yang terus berjuang untuk menjadi bangsa yang menerima etnis Tionghoa sebagai pemilik sah dan pendiri bangsa ini, gereja-gereja Tionghoa mendapat kesempatan istimewa untuk menjadi zona rekonsiliasi antar-etnis, khususnya di antara etnis Tionghoa dan non-Tionghoa. Kalau demikian maka pertanyaan selanjutnya yang penting untuk didiskusikan adalah: Bagaimana caranya? Bagaimana caranya supaya gereja-gereja Kristen Tionghoa dapat berperan menjadi alat Tuhan yang membawa kesembuhan kepada hidup bangsa ini? Dalam bagian ini saya akan mendiskusikan apa yang saya sebut jemaat multikultural. Untuk maksud itu, saya akan mengajak kita melihat terlebih dahulu apa yang dikatakan Alkitab mengenai jemaat multikultural, selanjutnya kita akan melihat beberapa gagasan sejenis yang telah diungkapkan oleh beberapa orang. Pertama-tama saya akan mengangkat pemikiran Andrew Sung Park, profesor teologi di United Theological Seminary, Dayton, Ohio, dalam bukunya Racial Conflict & Healing: An Asian-American Theological Perspective. Selanjutnya saya akan mengangkat hasil penelitian gereja-gereja di AS yang dilakukan oleh sebuah tim dari Emory University, yang dipimpin oleh Charles R. Foster dan Theodore Brelsford dan dibukukan dalam buku We Are the Church Together: Cultural Diversity in Congregational Life. Terakhir saya akan membahas sedikit salah satu dokumen penting Presbyterian Church in the United States (PCUSA) tentang visi mereka menjadi gereja multikultural dan dibukukan dalam buklet yang berjudul “Living the Vision: Becoming A Multicultural Church.” Di bagian akhir, berangkat dari diskusi di bagian sebelumnya, saya akan coba tunjukkan bagaimana jemaat multikultural dapat menjadi alat yang sangat efektif membawa kesembuhan kepada luka-luka disintegrasi bangsa ini dan selanjutnya beberapa gagasan tentatif tentang bagaimana jemaat multikultural dapat diwujudkan dalam gereja-gereja Tionghoa masa kini.
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Moore, Peter N. "Scotland's Lost Colony Found: Rediscovering Stuarts Town, 1682–1688". Scottish Historical Review 99, n.º 1 (abril de 2020): 26–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2020.0433.
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Historians on both sides of the Atlantic have failed to appreciate the significance of Stuarts Town, Scotland's short-lived colony in Port Royal, South Carolina. This article challenges the current view that Stuarts Town was primarily a business venture, focusing, instead, on the religious impulses that lay just beneath the surface of the Carolina Company. These concerns came to the fore as presbyterian persecution intensified in 1683 and the colony was reimagined as a safe haven for the true church, where the saving remnant of God's people could escape the terrible judgments befalling Scotland and where the gospel would be secure. Its purpose was collective, corporate, social and historical. On the ground in Carolina, however, colonisers behaved more like imperialists than religious refugees. Like Scotland, the Anglo-Spanish borderland was a violent and unstable place that bred fear of displacement and enslavement, but unlike Scotland it lacked a centralised power, giving the Scots an opening to make their bid for empire. They moved aggressively into this power vacuum, seeking in particular to capitalise on the perceived weakness of Spanish Florida to extend their reach into coastal Georgia, the south-eastern interior and as far west as New Mexico. Their actions created great anxiety in the region and, although the collapse of the Stuart regime finally put an end to their hopes, their short-lived colony transformed the borderlands, reorienting English, Spanish and Indian relations, sparking the coalescence of the Yamasee tribe and the Creek confederacy, and giving new life to the Indian slave trade that eventually shattered indigenous societies in the American south-east.
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Duncan, G. A. "Back to the Future". Verbum et Ecclesia 24, n.º 2 (17 de novembro de 2003): 359–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v24i2.331.
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The Uniting Presbyterian Church in Southern Africa was formed on 26th September 1999 as the result of the union of the black Reformed Presbyterian Church in Southern Africa and the white-dominated Presbyterian Church of Southern Africa. Various unsuccessful attempts had been made since the latter part of the nineteenth century to effect union. In the spirit of national euphoria which surrounded the first democratic elections in South Africa in1994, the Reformed Presbyterian Church initiated union discussions with the Presbyterian Church. The subsequent union was based on what are now considered to be inadequate preparations and many unresolved problems have emerged to test the witness of the new denomination, not the least of which is racism. At its 2002 General Assembly, as the result of what appeared to be a financial crisis, the Uniting Presbyterian Church appointed a Special Committee on Reformation was established to investigate the problems in the denomination and to bring proposals for dealing with these issues.
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Stauffer, S. Anita. "5. Presbyterian Church (USA)". Studia Liturgica 19, n.º 2 (setembro de 1989): 233–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003932078901900214.
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Weeks, Louis. "The Incorporation of American Religion: The Case of the Presbyterians". Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 1, n.º 1 (1991): 101–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.1991.1.1.03a00060.
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The Christian church, including all its various branches, has been consistently susceptible to the forces that form or change cultures. Scholars claim that this adaptability has been extremely important in the rise and spread of the religion. In the American environment, Protestants formed voluntary associations that attracted people individually and by family groups. This environment actually shaped “denominations” even during the colonial period. One such denomination was the Presbyterians, who pioneered in the formation of a communion that existed as neither a “state church” nor a “dissenting” church body. As the United States experienced industrialization and growing complexity in economic and cultural patterns, the Protestant denominations were affected by those same forces. Thus, denominations naturally became what came to be termed “non-profit corporations,” subject to the limitations and problems of such organizations but also the beneficiaries of that system as well.
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McGrath, Alister. "Book Reviews : Presbyterian Church Government". Expository Times 106, n.º 7 (abril de 1995): 216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452469510600715.
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Bush, Peter G. "The Presbyterian Church in Canada and the Pope: One denomination's struggle with its confessional history". Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 33, n.º 1 (março de 2004): 105–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000842980403300106.
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The Westminster Confession of Faith (1647), a subordinate standard of The Presbyterian Church in Canada, makes harsh, even offensive, statements about the Pope and the Roman Catholic Church. This paper explores how The Presbyterian Church in Canada has sought to balance the confessional nature of the church with its changing views of the Roman Catholic Church. Choosing not to amend the Westminster Confession of Faith, the church has adopted explanatory notes and declaratory acts to help Presbyterians understand the Confession in a new time.
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Carwardine, Richard. "Unity, Pluralism, and the Spiritual Market-Place: Interdenominational Competition in the Early American Republic". Studies in Church History 32 (1996): 297–335. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400015473.
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Following independence, Americans’ sense of the special status of their new nation drew succour not merely from their republican experiment but from the unique character of the nation’s religious life. Even before the Revolution Americans had witnessed an extraordinary proliferation of sects and churches, to a degree unparalleled in any single European state, as ethnic diversity increased and the mid-eighteenth-century revivals split churches and multiplied congregations. The Congregationalist establishment in New England and Anglican power in the middle and southern colonies uneasily confronted energetic dissenting minorities, including Scotch-Irish Presbyterians, English Baptists, and German Lutheran and Reformed groups. After 1776 it took some time to define a new relationship between church and state. Colonial habits of thought persisted and prompted schemes of multiple establishment or government support for religion in general. The Virginia Act for Establishing Religious Freedom in 1786 and, five years later, the First Amendment to the Federal Constitution did not succeed wholly in eliminating state authority from the sphere of religion; indeed, residual establishments persisted in Connecticut until 1818 and in Massachusetts until 1833. Yet an important shift was under way towards a ‘voluntary’ system of religious support, in which governmental authority in religion was replaced by increased authority for self-sustaining denominational bodies. After 1790 ecclesiastical institutions grew at an extraordinary pace, shaping the era labelled by historians the ‘Second Great Awakening’. As Jon Butler has reminded us, some 50,000 new churches were built in America between 1780 and 1860, sacralizing the landscape with steeples and graveyards and creating a heterogeneous presence that drew streams of European visitors curious to evaluate the effects of America’s unique experiment in ‘voluntarism’. By 1855 over four million of the country’s twenty-seven million people were members of one of over forty Protestant denominations, most of them recognizable by name as churches with an Old World ancestry but with features which made them distinctively American. Additionally, there were over one million Catholics.
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Carwardine, Richard. "Methodists, Politics, and the Coming of the American Civil War". Church History 69, n.º 3 (setembro de 2000): 578–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169398.
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In 1868 Ulysses S. Grant remarked that there were three great parties in the United States: the Republican, the Democratic, and the Methodist Church. This was an understandable tribute, given the active role of leading Methodists in his presidential campaign, but it was also a realistic judgment, when set in the context of the denomination's growing political authority over the previous half century. As early as 1819, when, with a quarter of a million members, “the Methodists were becoming quite numerous in the country,” the young exhorter Alfred Branson noted that “politicians… from policy favoured us, though they might be skeptical as to religion,” and gathered at county seats to listen to the preachers of a denomination whose “votes counted as fast at an election as any others.” Ten years later, the newly elected Andrew Jackson stopped at Washington, Pennsylvania, en route from Tennessee to his presidential inauguration. When both Presbyterians and Methodists invited him to attend their services, Old Hickory sought to avoid the political embarrassment of seeming to favor his own church over the fastest-growing religious movement in the country by attending both—the Presbyterians in the morning and the Methodists at night. In Indiana in the early 1840s the church's growing power led the Democrats to nominate for governor a known Methodist, while tarring their Whig opponents with the brush of sectarian bigotry. Nationally, as the combined membership of the Methodist Episcopal Church [MEC] and Methodist Episcopal Church, South [MECS] grew to over one and a half million by the mid-1850s, denominational leaders could be found complaining that the church was so strong that each political party was “eager to make her its tool.” Thus Elijah H. Pilcher, the influential Michigan preacher, found himself in 1856 nominated simultaneously by state Democratic, Republican, and Abolition conventions.
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Luka Ariko Ekitala. "Relevance of the Reformed Church Polity Principles: An Analysis of the Constitution of the Reformed Church of East Africa (RCEA)". Editon Consortium Journal of Philosophy, Religion and Theological studies 1, n.º 1 (31 de julho de 2021): 27–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.51317/ecjprts.v1i1.243.
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This paper drawing to the foundations of both Presbyterian and Reformed church polity principles, evaluates the constitution of the Reformed Church in East Africa providing a proposed church order for the future of RCEA. The distinctiveness of church law is that it must also derive from the Bible what entails Christ’s will for His church and then implement it for contemporary times (Coertzen, 1998, p. 7). In Church and Order, A Reformed Perspective the principles of Reformed Church law and church government are exclusively and extensively treated as well as the historical development of Reformed church government and the practice of the subject as part of the theological curriculum.Presbyterianism negates that all church power vests in the clergy: that the apostolic office is perpetual, and that each individual Christian congregation is independent. It is upon this principle that RCEA was born having adopted the Constitution of the Presbyterian Church of East Africa (PCEA) in 1963 prompted by the government’s requirement to be registered as an organization. However, whether the Reformed Church in East Africa (RCEA) is Reformed or Presbyterian in its government is a question to be discerned.
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Carroll, Jackson W., e David A. Roozen. "Congregational Identities in the Presbyterian Church". Review of Religious Research 31, n.º 4 (junho de 1990): 351. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3511561.
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Garofalo, Douglas, Greg Lynn e Michael McInturf. "Korean Presbyterian Church of New York". Assemblage, n.º 38 (abril de 1999): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171243.
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Mallon, Ryan. "Scottish Presbyterianism and the National Education Debates, 1850–62". Studies in Church History 55 (junho de 2019): 363–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2018.5.
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This article examines the mid-nineteenth-century Scottish education debates in the context of intra-Presbyterian relations in the aftermath of the 1843 ‘Disruption’ of the Church of Scotland. The debates of this period have been characterized as an attempt to wrest control of Scottish education from the Church of Scotland, with most opponents of the existing scheme critical of the established kirk's monopoly over the supervision of parish schools. However, the debate was not simply between those within and outside the religious establishment. Those advocating change, particularly within non-established Presbyterian denominations, were not unified in their proposals for a solution to Scotland's education problem. Disputes between Scotland's largest non-established churches, the Free Church and the United Presbyterian Church, and within the Free Church itself over the type of national education scheme that should replace the parish schools severely hampered their ability to express common opposition to the existing system. These divisions also placed increasing strain on the developing cooperation in Scottish Dissent on ecclesiastical, political and social matters after the Disruption. This article places the issue of education in this period within this distinctly Dissenting context of cooperation, and examines the extent of the impact these debates had on Dissenting Presbyterian relations.