Literatura científica selecionada sobre o tema "Portuguese Military assistance"

I feel the need to divide that into two categories; formal relationships and informal relationships. In this case, formal relations are based on politics and military, that is, relationships that were built in the 16th century. The farther away the year, the more cryptic the sources will be. But since the 1530s, Acehnese envoys began to appear in Istanbul, and they were involved in Aceh-Ottoman cooperation. They came to ask for military assistance to fight Portuguese colonialism in the region. By conducting literature study, verification, and interpretation, the author returns to the description of a brief history through the sources written when the Ottoman Turks were still standing. In Muhamad Farid Beik's work, which tells the Ottoman Turkish Government sent a complete fleet to the Archipelago complete with the crew and others. This means that formal relations were established before 1530 AD. After that, there had been diplomatic and military relations between the two sultanates. Turkish cannons that were brought to Aceh are still in the Dutch museum. The relationship between the Ottoman Turks and the Nusantara was not only based on benefit but also based on panic Islamism in facing the same enemy, namely the Portuguese colonialists. When Indonesia faced the Dutch, the Ottoman Turks still provided informal assistance through volunteers due to Western pressure, mainly the British.

This article explores Soviet foreign policy toward southern Africa. Moscow's approach to the region has been mainly one of restraint, and it has avoided additional economic and military burdens since the collapse of the Portuguese Empire. The region does not hold great strategic or economic significance for the Soviet Union, and Moscow is not willing to incur high risks. The author concludes that the changing pattern of Soviet influence in Africa is mainly a function of changes within African states. The deepening crisis in South Africa may point to the need for revolutionary solutions, but these would occur without Western aid and with minimal Soviet assistance.

A period of profound social and political changes, the democratic transition that followed the 1974 military coup in Portugal had an enormous impact on social work. The Revolution set the ideal conditions for social workers to perform alternative forms of intervention, moving away from the assistance-focused practices characteristic of the former authoritarian rule. Incited by the new progressive political agenda, social workers stood at the forefront of the Revolution, working alongside grass-roots mobilisations and experimental participative projects, overtly assuming political stands. This article analyses the agency of social workers in the various political and social fronts during the democratic transition.

The Kingdom of Aceh Darussalam was an Islamic kingdom that existed in the 16 th century. Meanwhile in the western region, the Islamic kingdom which was the last caliphate, namely the Ottoman Empire, was at the peak of its glory under the leadership of Sulaiman al-Qanuni. On the other hand, the Portuguese had succeeded in occupying Malacca and became a threat to the Islamic kingdoms in the archipelago, especially Aceh Darussalam, especially because Aceh was close to Malacca which was the main Portuguese base. The aim of this study is to determine the relationship between the Aceh Darussalam kingdom and the Ottoman Turks in fighting the Portuguese. This research includes a literature review, where in the research method stages, the author uses a historical method which has four stages, namely, heuristics, criticism, interpretation and historiography. This related research can result in the discovery that, the arrival of the Portuguese to the archipelago was motivated by trade and pressure on Muslims in the Dutch East Indies. The relationship between the Kingdom of Aceh Darussalam and the Ottoman Turks was based on several things, namely. First, the economy in which the Ottoman Turks at that time wanted to invest in the Dutch East Indies. Second, socio-political, when Aceh was colonized by the Portuguese, Aceh asked for help from the Ottoman Turks to help in the war against the Portuguese colonialists by building a military. The first visible relationship between the Aceh Darussalam kingdom and the Ottoman Turks was during the Aceh expedition against the Batak-Portuguese Alliance in 1539 M. At that time Aceh received assistance from the Turkish, Gujarat and Abbysinia Alliance with additional forces totaling 120 Turkish troops and 200 Malabar troops.

Aceh is regarded as the strongest ally of the Ottomans in the east, in the 16th century and 17th century AD. At that time, the two governments exchanged gifts with each other, and benefited together; whether in the form of trade, or in the form of technology and the military. The historical record notes that Aceh started making official relations with the Ottomans during the reign of Sultan Salahuddin, which is the 2nd in the Sultanate of Aceh. Yet to be studied in this paper is that the establishment of diplomatic relations between Aceh and Turkey during the reign of Sultan Alauddin Mansur Shah. Remarkably, Sultan Alauddin Mansur Shah hailed from Perak, but was crowned the 8th Ruler of Aceh. This qualitative study uses the library approach entirely to highlight the role and contribution of Sultan Alauddin Mansur Shah in efforts to strengthen cooperation between Aceh and Turkey. With the help of the Ottomans, he launched an attack on the Portuguese in Melaka. Aceh’s strength even feared by the Portuguese authorities in Goa, India, forcing them to seek assistance from Lisbon. In conclusion, Sultan Alaudin Mansur Shah not only gained recognition from the Ottoman government but also succeeded in upholding the greatness of Islam; when reviving the trade routes of Muslims and looking after the welfare of Muslims in the archipelago.

On 13 April 1650 the young Chief (Opperhoofd) of the Siam factory of Dutch East India Company (VOC), the Merchant (Koopman) Jan van Muijden, arrived at Batavia aboard the flute de Gecroonde Liefde (Crowned Love), with a cargo unusual even by the standards of this thriving stapling port. Aboard were a total of twelve elephants, a gift from the King of Siam and his Mandarins, Oya Sabartiban (Okya Sabartiban) and Oya Berckelang (Okya Phrakhlang), to Governor-General Cornelis van der Lijn and the four Councillors of the Indies present in Batavia at the time, one of whom was the Director-General and second-in-command François Caron. When Van Muijden stepped ashore, he presented Van der Lijn and the Councillors with a letter from Prasat-Thong, the King of Siam, in which the King requested several precious diamond rings for himself and for his Mandarin, Oya Sabartiban, ‘various curiosities from the Netherlands and elsewhere’, military assistance against his rebellious subjects in Cambodia and on the Malay peninsula, and an end to the all-too-frequent molesting by Company ships of Chinese and Portuguese vessels en route to Siam.

The article is devoted to reviewing the government’s response of Southern European countries (Italy, Spain, Portugal and Greece) to the full-scale invasion of Russia in Ukraine on 24 February 2022, which is based on the analysis of the researches, analytical papers, and official reports of the state authorities and mass media. Coverage of this topic is explained by the necessity of the full exploration of the Sothern European governments’ key approaches in supporting Ukraine in the struggle with the Russian army, as well as, discovering some new perspectives, using the comparative and transnational methodology. It is defined the term “Southern Europe”, and also outlined the main historiographical interpretations of the countries of the region. Preference is given to a pragmatic approach for characterising the countries of Southern Europe. The central studies of Ukrainian-Italian, Ukrainian-Spanish, Ukrainian-Portuguese and Ukrainian-Greek relations, official reports and mass media used in the study are analysed. It also analyses and compares the changing Southern European governments’ attitudes towards their supporting Ukraine after the Revolution of Dignity, the illegal annexation of Crimea, and the beginning of war in Donbas in 2014, with the united international response after the full-scale Russian invasion on 24 February 2022. In general, the governments of Italy, Spain, Portugal and Greece changed completely their policy of supporting or non-supporting Ukraine in the war. If after 2014 they tried to be pragmatic in the question of cutting ties with the Russian Federation in their foreign policy activity, then after the full-scale invasion in 2022 they strongly condemned Putin’s regime and agreed to provide assistance to Ukraine to the extent of their military and financial capabilities. The study found that the assistance of Southern European countries has been provided on the Atlantic (through NATO) and European (through EU) levels, as well as national. Defence ministers of the governments of Southern Europe are among the members of the “Ramstein” meetings, where the provision of military aid to Ukraine is coordinated. The countries of the region have so far given priority to humanitarian, financial aid and lethal weapons assistance (but not heavy ones), and have also accepted a large number of Ukrainian refugees. The assistance provided at each of the levels is illustrated by specific examples. Otherwise, Russian influence on domestic policy, national populistic parties and single members of the government or parliament is still strong. For instance, the Italian governmental crisis that happened in the mid-summer was the result of the unpopular and strong position of the prime minister Mario Draghi in his unwavering support of Ukraine. The countries of the region also see the Russian-Ukrainian war as an opportunity for them to strengthen their influence in the Mediterranean.

O artigo analisa o envolvimento português nos esforços internacionais para gerir a situação no Afeganistão, no pós-11 de setembro de 2001, através das suas Forças Nacionais Destacadas, salientando a forma como esta experiência contribuiu para a afirmação e o reconhecimento de Portugal como parceiro credível, solidário e conciliador, e importante aliado nos processos de promoção da paz e produção de segurança internacional. O artigo analisa a participação portuguesa no contexto da International Security Assistance Force, entre 2001 e 2014, e na Resolute Support Mission, entre 2015 e 2021, sem esquecer o processo de retirada das forças internacionais do Afeganistão, com particular enfoque no caso português.

A major ally of the Marxist-inspired liberation movements, which fought against Portuguese colonialism in Angola, Guinea-Bissau, Cape Verde, and Mozambique, the Soviet Union provided them with not only military, but also civil aid in the form of scholarships. This paper focuses on the training of students from Portuguese Africa in the USSR. While it provides data and analyzes the importance and the complexities of educational assistance in the context of anti-colonial revolutions, it also sheds light on the tensions and serious conflicts that cast a shadow over the relationships between students and leaders. Students who created opposition groups and were accused of plotting against the leaders, criticizing the USSR, or trying to postpone their return to the motherland were repatriated and punished. Others managed to migrate and pursued their opposition from the West. Confronted with these phenomena, the party leaders grew disillusioned and reduced the number of students studying in the Soviet Union.

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 1990.
Thesis Advisor(s): Bruneau, Thomas C. Second Reader: Yost, David S. "June 1990." Description based on title screen as viewed on October 15, 2009. DTIC Identifier(s): Military Bases, Political Science, Theses, United States, Portugal, Azores, Security Assistance Program, France, West Germany, European Community, Western European Union, Madeira, Trade. Author(s) subject terms: Portugal, Azores, Lajes, Flores, Beja, Overseas Bases, Security Assistance, Slazar, Soares, Silva, Emigration, Emigrant's Remittances, Trade, Foreign Direct Investment, WEU, CFE. Includes bibliographical references (p. 180-185). Also available in print.

No actual Ambiente Operacional, o terrorismo irrompe como uma das principais ameaças. A cresente influência que as acções terroristas têm vindo a exercer no processo de tomada de decisão do Comandante é uma condição que requer avaliação. Na sequência desta situação, torna-se relevante uma pesquisa das valências necessárias para prevenir e combater esta ameaça. Constituindo-se assim como objectivo deste estudo a análise das capacidades militares existentes, assim como as que devem ser desenvolvidas no Exército Português de modo a conferir-lhe capacidade para fazer face a esta ameaça. Na prossecução deste objectivo, foi utilizada uma metodologia de investigação científica, especificamente o método dedutivo, fundamentado numa pesquisa bibliográfica e complementado por um conjunto de entrevistas orientadas. O presente trabalho divide-se em cinco capítulos. No primeiro capítulo é realizado um enquadramento legal em termos nacionais, seguido de uma decomposição da forma como o terrorismo é percepcionado ao nível de determinadas Organizações Internacionais. Pretendemos com o segundo capítulo analisar como se constituiu o fenómeno do terrorismo, de forma a compreender como actua. No terceiro capítulo, realizamos uma análise do modo como o terrorismo se insere no Ambiente Operacional e qual o tipo de operações para o prevenir e combater, efectuando no fim deste capítulo um estudo de caso do emprego de forças portuguesas num teatro de Operações onde esta ameaça é mais vigente. Por fim, no quarto capítulo, conjugando os conhecimentos recolhidos ao longo do trabalho com a informação extraída das entrevistas, é efectuada uma análise das capacidades militares presentes no Exército Português que mais se adequam ao combate deste ameaça. Foi possível concluir que o Exército Português possui Forças com capacidades específicas que permitem a realização de operações num cenário onde a ameaça terrorista esteja presente, existindo, no entanto, em termos dos vectores da prontidão, Modernização e Sustentação, necessidades que, em determinadas situações, limitam a acção e necessitam de ser colmatadas.
Abstract In the current Operational Environment, terrorismo arises as one of its main threats. The growing influence that terrorist actions have been applying onto the Commander in Chief’s decision-making process should be analyzed. Derived from this particular circumstance, it becomes particularly important to research on the specific needs that could be important to prevent and fight this threat. As such, the analysis of the current military capabilities and the ones that should be developed within the Portuguese Army to face this threat becomes the goal of this study. Striving to achieve this goal, used a scientific research method, specifically the deductive method, through bibliographic research complemented with a set of interviews. The current work is divided into five chapters. The first chapter focuses on a legal framing of terrorism and on how International Organizations perceive it. In the second chapter, we intend to analyze how terrorism emerges, so that we may understand how it acts. On the third chapter we analyze how terrorism inserts into the Operational Environment, which type of operation is used to fight and prevent it. In the end of this chapter, we analyze the participation of Portuguese forces on a Theater of Operations where terrorism is an underlying threat. On the fourth chapter, combining the knowledge gathered throughout the study with the information drawn from the interviews, we analyzed the Portuguese Army’s Military Capabilities that best fit into the fight against this threat. Upon the analysis above, we have concluded that the Portuguese army includes forces that are provided with the specific capabilities required for operations taking place in a setting where the threat of terrorism is present. Concerning the Readiness, Modernization and Sustainability components, however, some needs still require to be addressed.

AbstractIn this chapter, we will examine the Self-Defense Forces’ (SDF’s) participation in the UN missions in East Timor, or Timor-Leste in Portuguese. Here we pay special heed to the Japanese peacekeepers’ activities in the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor and the United Nations Mission of Support in East Timor from the early to mid-2000s. These United Nations Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKOs) aimed to support independence and statebuilding in East Timor by combining peacekeeping and peacebuilding. Similar to the case of Cambodia, the Japanese delegation put the greatest emphasis on engineering, which was a good fit with the goals of these UNPKOs. In East Timor, the Japan Engineering Groups engaged in civil engineering works, not only to support the UN missions but also as direct bilateral assistance to local residents in close collaboration with Japan’s ODA (the “All Japan” approach). Meanwhile, the strict constraints in the Peacekeeping Operations (PKO) Act were highlighted again, especially in terms of the protection of Japanese nationals, when the SDF rescued Japanese citizens during a 2002 riot. In addition to military deployment, civilian police personnel also contributed to the United Nations Mission in East Timor in preparation for the referendum on independence in 1999. Similar contributions were made to resume statebuilding assistance to the United Nations Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste after the recurrence of violence in 2006.