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Osler, Audrey, and Aya Kato. "Power, Politics and Children’s Citizenship: The Silencing of Civil Society." International Journal of Children’s Rights 30, no. 2 (2022): 440–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718182-30020007.
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Abstract Children remain marginalised in theoretical analyses of citizenship and political rights, with their partial citizenship status attracting minimal attention. We consider the ontological need for political engagement, children’s political agency and intergenerational justice. We discuss how Derrida’s hospitality concept may inform analyses of power structures that serve to exclude children from the demos. We then examine the case of Japan where education law neglects children’s political rights, though respect for human rights and popular sovereignty are core constitutional values. Analysis of parliamentary debates addressing Article 12 and children’s right to be heard and organise collectively reveals a long-standing ideological divide concerning children’s political participation. The Committee on the Rights of the Child has explained Japan’s reluctance to implement Article 12 as reflecting “traditional” attitudes. The reality is more complex. From the late 1950s, Japan experienced a wave of student-led protests, focusing on the US-Japan Anpo Security Treaty. Subsequently, the Japanese government prioritised public order over students’ political rights, and global economic competitiveness over citizenship rights. Article 12 remains a site of struggle between those wishing to extend children’s citizenship rights and those who wish to maintain their partial citizenship, fearing social unrest and a focus away from global economic competitiveness.
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Madmalil, Ehsan, and Fereydoun Akbarzadeh. "Theoretical reflection on the impact of globalization processes on civil rights." Environment Conservation Journal 16, SE (2015): 309–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.36953/ecj.2015.se1637.
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The concept of citizenship is one of the old key concepts in political philosophy that has been reproduced in various forms since the formation of classical political philosophy up to modern times within the theory set forth in this type of theoretical philosophy. So, pre-modern theory, modern theory and postmodern theory can be noted. The concept of citizenship is an idea which governs the right of modern human and was emerged in the Western Europe and is a product of modern politics. Accepting Legal and political rights and duties is raised by citizenship status, its main foundation and the basic idea of the concept. In the contemporary world, citizenship has been interested more than other societies. The question that comes to mind here is that how is the situation of civil rights in the era of theoretical terms in globalization? In response to the question hypothesis is that with globalization, citizenship in its modern form that was enclosed in the geography of the national government has lost its sense and civil rights embodied in the discourses that are outside the reach of state law. This study aimed to investigate the impact of globalization on the civil right and conceptual evolution theoretically, as contemporary theorists have theorized it. Research findings indicate the "global citizenship" as a concept is emerging in the era of globalization as the result of rethinking of citizenship in the modern age. The methodology of study is analysis - descriptive, this means that the concept of civil right is described and then the theoretical changes in the era of globalization will be analyzed.
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Qisthi Rosyidah, Ainun. "Politik Kewargaan: Melacak Perjuangan Kelompok Penghayat Kerohanian di Kota Malang dalam Mendapatkan Hak sebagai Warga Negara." Journal of Politics and Policy 5, no. 1 (2023): 58–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21776/ub.jppol.2023.005.01.06.
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This research aims to explain how spiritual groups in Malang City struggle to obtain their rights as citizens. This research is important to carry out as a benchmark for the obligations that the government should give in the form of rights as citizens to marginalized groups, in this case spiritual believers in Malang City, Malang City. By borrowing the theoretical framework of citizenship politics from Kristian Stokke, which divides citizenship into four dimensions, namely citizenship as legal status, citizenship as rights, citizenship as membership, and citizenship as participation. This research uses descriptive qualitative methods by collecting data through literature study, document study, interviews and observation. The results of this research show that spiritual groups in Malang City have made various efforts as a form of struggle to obtain various rights, namely membership rights, legal status as an organization or community, civil rights, social rights, political rights and participation rights. The findings of this study show that groups of religious believers in Malang City have proven to be very proactive and take initiative towards government institutions in various fields such as administration, education and the social sphere.
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Andersen, David, Carsten Jensen, and Magnus B. Rasmussen. "Suffering from Suffrage: Welfare State Development and the Politics of Citizenship Disqualification." Social Science History 45, no. 4 (2021): 863–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2021.38.
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AbstractFollowing the landmark essay of T. H. Marshall, Citizenship and the Social Class (1949), it has conventionally been assumed that the introduction and expansion of social rights in Europe happened as the final stage of a long process of democratization that included the granting of first civil and then political rights. We present a radically different perspective on the relationship between the extension of suffrage (under meaningful competition for government power) and social rights, that is state-financed entitlements that make citizens’ livelihood independent from the labor market in the instance of events such as unemployment or sickness. First, some countries institutionalized a state-financed poor relief system much before mass democratization. In these countries, the primary effect of suffrage extension was to reduce public social spending, not expand it. Second, the way this retrenchment occurred was partly by creating a negative link between social rights, on the one hand, and civil and political rights, on the other. We test our argument with case studies of nineteenth- to early-twentieth-century England, Denmark, Norway, and Prussia, all of which are paradigmatic cases that represent the variation in welfare state types.
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Vyas-Doorgapersad, Shikha, and Tshombe M. Lukamba. "The status and political participation of women in the Democratic Republic of Congo (1960–2010): A critical historical reflection." New Contree 62 (November 30, 2011): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/nc.v62i0.348.
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One of the central demands of the feminist movement (which started in the 1880s globally [but first arose in France in 1870]) has been and continues to be women’s exercise of their full and active citizenship, which they consider was denied them as a result of not being recognised as equals at the moment of the definition and construction of citizenship in the eighteenth century. Since then, the women’s movement and feminist movement have denounced this exclusion, calling for equal citizenship for women. At first, between the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth, the feminist movement demanded the right to vote along with other civic, civil, and political rights, considered as a first wave of feminism.1 The second wave of feminism during the 1960s and 1970s continued to demand the expansion of women’s citizenship in the case of the African continent as a whole, and called for a redefinition of the private sphere in which women were isolated. In this sphere they were excluded from certain human rights and were thus unable to fully exercise rights expressing an equal citizenship.2 In for example the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), as the focus for this discussion, the participation of Congolese women in the decision making of the country by 2011 was supported by the recently promulgated constitution of the DRC in 2006. The constitution promotes equal opportunity for men and women, but the current government has to date not yet achieved what was promised then. This paper is a critical historical reflection of women’s status and political participation in the DRC. It also argues that the DRC government should encourage women to become actively involved in political parties so that they are eventually able to achieve the highest office in the country in order to serve justice to human rights. Furthermore, the government should take the initiative to introduce a quota system for women in the different state structures. The paper also calls upon political parties of the DRC to encourage the participation of women in party politics.
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Ku, Agnes S. "Negotiating the Space of Civil Autonomy in Hong Kong: Power, Discourses and Dramaturgical Representations." China Quarterly 179 (September 2004): 647–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741004000529.
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This article delineates the negotiated space of civil autonomy in post-handover Hong Kong through the contingent interplay of law, discourse, dramaturgy and politics. It takes the Public Order Ordinance dispute in 2000 as the first major test case of civil conflicts in the shadow of the right of abode struggle. As it unfolded, the event demonstrated both the power and limits of resistance by the people, and the government's increasing will, as well as the strategies it used, to rule within the “law and order” framework under continual challenges. In the event, civil autonomy had been a contested issue involving considerations of rule of law, rights, civic propriety, state legitimacy and the construction of particular identity (such as student-hood). Given the multiplicity of discourses and sub-discourses, citizenship practices and public criticisms opened up a contested space for resistance and negotiation. A campaign of civil disobedience was at first successfully mounted through an ensemble of political and symbolic mechanisms. A turning point was configured when, mediated by a meaning reconstruction process, the government made a series of political and performative acts to re-script the drama, which turned out to be an ironic success for itself that put state–society relations on an increasingly tenuous course. Ultimately ideological differences were at stake: respect for a rights-based discourse of rule of law versus the assertion of political and legal authoritarianism.
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Pontororing, Valent. "LEGAL DISCRETION AND STATE RESPONSIBILITY TO REALIZE POLITICAL HUMAN RIGHTS LAW FOR FOREIGNERS WITHOUT DOCUMENTS." Journal of the Community Development in Asia 5, no. 3 (2022): 63–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.32535/jcda.v5i3.1798.
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The population living without documents in Indonesia continues to grow from year to year. Law No. 12 of 2006 concerning Citizenship and Immigration Law. Number has not provided a solution regarding their residence permit status and citizenship. Problems that arise the number of people who are settlers without documents increases, especially if they have mixed marriages with Indonesians. The handling so far that has been carried out by the government is only unclear and tends to ignore the problem of how the state's discretion and responsibility towards foreign citizens are without documents. By using normative research methods, research is carried out. The results of the study a. the immigration office's discretion regarding the status of foreigners without documents is unclear. b. The state is not responsible for the status and existence of foreign citizens without documents by neglecting their civil rights status c. Politics of protecting human rights against foreign nationals without documents are unclear until now. Keywords: Foreign Citizens Without Documents, Discretion, and Immigration
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Zolfaghari, Akbar, and Taha Ashayeri. "Meta-Analysis of Factors Affecting Awareness of Citizenship Rights among Iranians." Social Welfare 22, no. 86 (2022): 269–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.32598/refahj.22.86.3211.1.
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Introduction: Citizenship rights refers to a set of rules governing society in relation to politics, institutions, governments, and civil society. The main purpose of this study is to investigate the factors affecting the awareness of citizenship rights using meta-analysis. Method: The mechanism of conducting the research is meta-analysis-quantitative. The purpose of this method is to integrate, systematically review and standardize studies conducted in a specific field of research. The statistical population (materials) of this research comprises 32 research studies conducted in the years 1383-1400, of which 28 samples of research documents were found to be in accordance with the criteria of quantitative meta-analysis (correlation coefficient, sample size, significance level, research quality, validity of research, and survey). Finding: The results show that between political factors (political participation, political orientation, political awareness, and political trust), cultural (social awareness of rights, citizenship rights education, media consumption, and cultural capital), social (social trust, social participation, and social cohesion) and contextual variables (level of education, age, and socio-economic status) were found to have a significant relationship with the level of awareness of citizenship rights. Discussions: Increasing the level of people’s participation in the political and social spheres provides the basis for expanding the political awareness of citizens. Strengthening citizens’ political trust in the political system would lead to the development of citizenship rights. Education of citizenship rights provides the basis for increasing political-social awareness.
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Sullivan, Kathleen S. "Marriage and Federal Police Power." Studies in American Political Development 20, no. 1 (2006): 45–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x06000046.
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In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the U.S. federal government expanded the scope and extent of its constitutionally enumerated powers in naturalization, Indian policies, and regulation of interstate commerce. In doing so, Congress became more involved with matters of citizenship, both in defining public purposes and national identity. Citizenship had traditionally been a matter for the states, where governance rested on the features of differentiation, jurisdictional autonomy, and local control. The entry of the federal government and the federal constitutional norms of citizenship might have been expected to bring an overarching coherence to the fundamental liberal values that were declared after the Civil War. Under expanded federal power and federal citizenship, however, multiple traditions of both liberal rights of citizenship and illiberal conditions of status continued, and illiberal positions gained new footing.
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Daun Rara, Desi Indriyani. "Building Inclusive Political Citizenship in the Aftermath of Village Head Election through Amos Yong's Hospitality Concept." KINAA: Jurnal Kepemimpinan Kristen dan Pemberdayaan Jemaat 5, no. 1 (2024): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.34307/kinaa.v5i1.159.
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Abstract: Indonesia as a pluralist country holds the principle of equal citizenship, which considers that every individual and community group has the same rights and obligations and adheres to a democratic system of government. One of the main platforms to determine the leader who will represent the will of the people is the village head election. However, after the village head election, conflicts or disputes often occur in various regions including Mamasa, West Sulawesi. This conflict can threaten community unity and integrity. Therefore, the author links the phenomenon of post-village head election conflicts with citizenship politics and Amos Yong's Hospitality theory. The author presents the concept of hospitality as a new approach to overcome post-village head election conflicts and encourage inclusion in society. The method used is a qualitative approach by observing the phenomenon or case study under study, and using literature review to support the analysis. The purpose of this paper is to enrich the understanding of civic politics, apply Hospitality theory, and encourage new thinking in overcoming post-village head election conflicts. Keywords: Citizenship Politics, Conflict, Difference, Hospitality, Village Head Election.
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Mbaku, John Mukum. "Constitutions, Citizenship and the Challenge of National Integration and Nation-Building in Africa." International and Comparative Law Review 18, no. 1 (2018): 7–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/iclr-2018-0025.
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Summary Most countries in Africa are both “multination” and “polyethnic” states. This is due partly to the forced amalgamation, by the European colonialists, of the continent’s “ethnocultural nations” into single economic and political units that were called “colonies.” These colonies eventually evolved into what are today’s independent African countries. Today, many of these ethnocultural groups want to secede and form their own independent polities in order to have more autonomy over policies that affect their well-being, including especially their cultural and traditional values. The struggle by these groups for either outright secession or so-called enhanced rights has created many challenges for governance, national integration and nation-building in many countries in Africa today. Throughout the continent, inter-ethnic conflict, for example, over the allocation of scarce resources, has produced sectarian violence that has led to civil wars (as occurred in Liberia, Sierra Leone, Rwanda, and Nigeria) and significantly endangered prospects for peaceful coexistence. It has been suggested that the solution to this political quagmire is the creation of differentiated citizenship rights for each of these groups. The paper suggests that of the three types of differentiated citizenship that have been suggested as a way to accommodate diversity—self-government rights, polyethnic rights, and special representation rights—self-government rights pose the greatest threat to social, political, and economic stability in the African countries. The solution to this governance challenge may lie in inclusive and robust dialogue, which can help these groups find a way to remain citizens of their present polities, while at the same time, retaining their cultural identities.
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Tang, Denise T.-S. "Youth work in a changing society: A case study of Hong Kong youth service providers." Qualitative Social Work 17, no. 5 (2017): 659–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1473325016680283.
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Hong Kong has recently witnessed heightened public awareness of the issues of rights, civil society and citizenship. Contested relations with the Beijing government and slower economic growth in mainland China have seen more Hong Kong citizens become involved in civic engagement and identity politics. Youth service providers thus find themselves forced to respond to a rapidly changing society and changing youth needs while being situated in institutions with their own structural constraints and work culture. The result is that occupational stress is increasingly common amongst Hong Kong secondary school teachers and social workers. This paper presents the findings of a qualitative ethnographic study involving 16 in-depth interviews with community leaders, teachers and school-based social workers. How does a changing society affect youth work in general? How does greater discussion of democracy and human rights in the public sphere affect the way that youth service providers perform youth work? What are the changing roles and responsibilities of these providers in offering support to Hong Kong youth? The research themes that emerged include changing demographics and youth scene, a democratising public sphere in relation to Chinese youth and professionalism as a youth service provider.
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Peled, Yoav. "Ethnic Democracy and the Legal Construction of Citizenship: Arab Citizens of the Jewish State." American Political Science Review 86, no. 2 (1992): 432–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1964231.
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The citizenship status of its Arab citizens is the key to Israel's ability to function as anethnic democracy, that is, a political system combining democratic institutions with the dominance of one ethnic group. The confluence of republicanism and ethnonationalism with liberalism, as principles of legitimation, has resulted in two types of citizenship: republican for Jews and liberal for Arabs. Thus, Arab citizens enjoy civil and political rights but are barred from attending to the common good.The Arab citizenship status, while much more restricted than the Jewish, has both induced and enabled Arabs to conduct their political struggles within the framework of the law, in sharp contrast to the noncitizen Arabs of the occupied territories. It may thus serve as a model for other dominant ethnic groups seeking to maintain both their dominance and a democratic system of government.
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Mikuš, Marek. "“State Pride”." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 25, no. 4 (2011): 834–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325411426886.
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This article analyses from an anthropological perspective the 2010 Belgrade Pride Parade, the first state-supported Parade in Serbia, as a part of the building of a democratic and European Serbian nation. In their discursive framing of the Parade and making claims on the state to take it under its auspices, the organising NGOs bound the event to the EU integration process of Serbia. This policy link helped them forge a political alliance with the state, but was also instrumentalised by the government to avoid an ideological conflict with the opponents of the Parade. Owing to the perception of the alliance as “elitist” and to the militarised and depoliticised nature of the state’s involvement, the event materially actualised and reified rather than transcended the enduring conflict of liberal and collectivist citizenship visions in Serbia. The article argues that the overall discourse of the government on Europeanisation is informed by the same top-down and instrumental logic. However, members of civil society develop political subjectivities which demand active citizen participation and critically engage with the discourse to restore its democratising potential. Similarly, the emerging “populist” politics of LGBT rights, illustrated by the pop singer Jelena Karleuša’s participation in the domestic debate, are better placed to face the legacies of socialist and ethnonationalist nation-building than the human rights and Europeanisation approaches.
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Rachmawaty, Shella. "Paradigma Pendidikan Kewarganegaraan Dalam Membangun Karakter Generasi Penerus Bangsa." Jurnal Pendidikan Kewarganegaraan dan Politik 1, no. 1 (2023): 34–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.61476/ngfs5b63.
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Citizenship education is one of the compulsory subjects that aims to provide knowledge and understanding of the state, government, politics, law, rights and obligations as citizens as well as the behavior of good and responsible citizens. The Citizenship Education Paradigm in building the character of the nation's next generation must includes an understanding of diversity and inclusivity, democracy, active participation, and social responsibility. The purpose of writing this journal is to examine in depth the paradigm of civic education in building the character of the nation's next generation. This research method uses a literature approach.The results obtained are that civics education can help overcome the weak character of the nation's next generation, especially in terms of understanding and practicing the nation's noble values. So it can be suggested that civics education in its implementation does not only act as a compulsory subject but more than that civics education should be internalized as a form of strengthening to form a nation with character, both through teaching and learning activities by prioritizing critical thinking, integrating it with extracurricular and intracurricular , other subjects, humanitarian projects or social activities (comunity service).
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Ismail, Amrizarois, and Hotmauly Sidabalok. "Kajian Environmental Justice dalam Konflik Rohingya." PRAXIS 1, no. 1 (2018): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.24167/praxis.v1i1.1623.
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Conflict in Rakhine Myanmar involving local majority ethnic minorities has seized the world's attention. Mainstream media generally preach this conflict as a racial conflict dilator dilakangi by history, politics and trust. However, when further examined under the Environmental Governance study, the conflict is also not separated from the natural resource management dispute which is suspected to start from the state policy to open the door of foreign investment. Included in Libraryan Reaserch, this study uses research methods that refer to library research, which is data collection based on written sources of scientific journals, mainstream media, books and other scientific sources. In addition, this research uses descriptive data analysis method. In writing this scientific paper the authors use the Environmental Governance approach focused on the study of Environmental Justice to analyze data that is not numerical. In explaining the factors causing the Rakhine and Rohingya ethnic conflicts in Myanmar in 2012, the authors use John Rawls about Justice, that justice is needed when ther is cracuty “Scarcity of material”. The results show that Rohingya and Rakhine ethnic conflicts can not be separated from the problem of environmental injustice. the factors causing the conflict are seen from the structural factors of the state policy on the investment of natural resources by foreign and ethnic geography, by conducting space politics "Place and Space politics", the government issued a policy of citizenship in the Citizenship Act which ultimately makes the state seem to have no legitimacy in granting civil rights to the Rohingyas. in the form of political discrimination, political elites controlled by the military junta with the omission and provocation by utilizing racial and religious sentiment with the aim of modernizing Rakhine Province with the existence of the Shwe gas exploration project. In addition, a massive exodus of the Rohingyas from Rakhine emerged, until the last armed movement called Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) emerged as a response of ethnic spirits as a crisis response.
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MALCZEWSKI, JOAN. "The Larger Gifts of Taxation: Foundations and Tax Reform in the Jim Crow South." Journal of Policy History 34, no. 2 (2022): 143–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030622000033.
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AbstractIn “Disquisition on Government,” John C. Calhoun divided citizens into “tax-payers” and “tax-consumers,” foreshadowing the connection that would be made between taxation and citizenship rights in twentieth-century education policy and law. Recent scholarship has explored that relationship, analyzing the language of legal cases to demonstrate that court cases reflect citizens’ perceptions of economic stakes and related education rights. Northern foundations that focused on southern education reform during Jim Crow understood the importance of taxpayer perception to education reform and recognized that it was not a byproduct of tax policy but something that might be shaped by it. Foundations influenced education and taxation policies in North Carolina. Although they failed to address inequality and problems of the racial state, their work provides a useful framework for considering the role of both early twentieth-century foundations in education reform and, more generally, the role of foundations in civil society.
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Keogh, Conor. "Student and Teacher Perspectives on Co-created CLIL-Appropriate Materials Focused on Critical Thinking and Active Citizenship." Latin American Journal of Content & Language Integrated Learning 15, no. 1 (2022): 1–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5294/laclil.2022.15.1.2.
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The International Relations English program at a university in the north of Colombia is a CLIL-based program. Students share an interest in issues related to rights and politics, both locally and globally. Colombia arrived at a historical juncture with the signing of the peace accords between the government and FARC guerrillas in 2016. However, this coincided with an extreme polarisation of political discourse. This polarisation was evident throughout the 2016 plebiscite on the peace agreements and further intensified in the build-up to the 2018 presidential elections. In response, teachers and students created a web series where students outlined the candidates’ critical proposals without revealing the candidates’ identities. Students researched the proposals and worked with a teacher to prepare English transcripts of the proposals. Eight videos were created, shared via social media, and made available to local English teachers at secondary and university levels. The project’s purpose was to encourage active citizenship and foment a more critical analysis of the candidates’ proposals. To achieve this, students utilised the anonymity of the candidates and English as the chief medium of communication. This project allowed teachers to use authentic and relevant student-generated materials to encourage more critical discussion. The students involved in the project reported feelings of political efficacy and civic engagement. Teachers expressed satisfaction at having contextually rich language materials. This project indicates the potential for student-generated materials to provide contextually relevant and highly motivating educational materials.
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van Norren, Dorine Eva. "Gross National Happiness in Bhutan: Is Buddhist Constitutionalism Legitimate in the Age of Secularism? A Post-Colonial View." Religions 14, no. 1 (2023): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14010072.
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Bhutan’s current constitution draws upon the historical dual system of religious-civil governance under the monarchy (previously Abbot-king) embodying the Mahayana Buddhist concept of Boddhisatva-leadership. Bhutan’s democracy includes an executive-military and pluralist religious custodian role for the King who can be abdicated by parliament. It includes Gross National Happiness as spiritual core, which is non-binding law, incorporating many human rights and human values like compassion. The ban on proselytization in the secular constitution should be viewed from a geopolitical post-colonial perspective of the Christian civilization mission and India/China annexation-politics, and Asian definitions of secularism (Royal patronage of religious pluralism). Christians do experience restrictions on congregation. Hindu Nepalese-origin migrants experience(d) citizenship issues due to geopolitical context but can express religion fully. GNH-policy also has certain implementation difficulties and the GNH index indicates declining community values and spirituality in the face of modernist development. Bhutan’s constitution does not fall within the definition of theocracy. The clergy is excluded from the electoral process. The King’s authority is mainly based on moral leadership, popular uncertainty about imported democracy, and is non-absolute but larger than conventional constitutional monarchies. The constitution is more secular than Buddhist in its binding provisions and offers space for non-GNH oriented governments, also in recent practice. Preserving identity and stability is Bhutan’s aim and secularism needs to look at a group approach, apart from individualist approaches. Human rights traditions could acknowledge the cultural-religious roots that inspired them and keep human dignity alive, instead of wanting to remove it from the state altogether and making human rights the new religion.
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Elder, Laurel, and Shelley Wallace. "Exploring Diversity and Student Political Activism through Archival Research." PS: Political Science & Politics 53, no. 2 (2019): 333–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096519001690.
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ABSTRACTIn 2011, the American Political Science Association stated that integrating issues of diversity, inclusiveness, and equality into political science curriculum and pedagogy was crucial to the success of the discipline in the twenty-first century. Although consensus is forming about the need to teach diversity, the question of how to do this effectively remains open. This article describes an archives-based assignment in an introduction to American government course created by the authors of this article—a professor of political science and the college archivist—that includes greater understanding of diversity and engaged citizenship as learning objectives. For this assignment, students are immersed in archival material about their own college and tasked with analyzing the political actions of previous generations of students as the civil rights and women’s movements emerged, as the student population became more diverse, and as the campus reacted to national and local events relating to racial intolerance and injustice. By examining their college’s political past—both the conflicts that animated the community and the student-led efforts to make the campus more inclusive—current students engage with issues of diversity and political activism in a way that helps them better understand themselves and their role as citizens in a democratic nation.
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Mačkinis, Vilius. "Prigimtinės tvarkos idėja kaip Mykolo Pranciškaus Karpavičiaus politinio mąstymo pagrindas." XVIII amžiaus studijos T. 6: Personalijos. Idėjos. Refleksijos, T. 6 (January 2, 2020): 138–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.33918/23516968-006007.
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IDEA OF NATURAL ORDER AS A BASIS FOR POLITICAL THINKING IN THE SERMONS OF MYKOLAS PRANCIŠKUS KARPAVIČIUS Analysis of the idea of natural order in the sermons of Mykolas Pranciškus Karpavičius (Michał Franciszek Karpowicz, 1744–1803) is presented in the article. M. P. Karpavičius in his sermons elucidated societal relations emphasising natural law. In his teachings social state was understood as an outcome of a divine organisation and meant that a human being – a social member of the society, with a gift of natural reason – has to make decisions that create his wellbeing. Such an explication where society is attributed to natural order was a main pillar upon which his political thought rested. It encompassed the goal of the upbringing of a rational and reasonable individual, which by itself connected aspects of both religious and secular life. M. P. Karpavičius’ sermons have to be understood in the context of physiocratic political tradition, which accentuated the preference of the nation through its natural rights and liberties which require the political contract in order to achieve security and safety of one’s property. Following the reasoning that social condition stems from the natural order, M. P. Karpavičius upheld the physiocratic ideals while naming the principles of authority. According to him, authority is needed to ensure security, prosperity and justice of the society. Being a Catholic enlightener he emphasised that the main task of any government, no matter its form, is to protect the natural rights. In its essence this argument remains physiocratic, emphasising the basic tenets of life, property and justice. Accentuating the natural order and Christian values, he taught that duties accepted as upheld laws are a continuation of the natural order and natural condition stemming from citizen’s obligations related to the established society. In the sphere of political thinking this allowed to emphasise the nobility’s obligations towards the body politic as an inherent part of their citizenship, and at the same time depreciate their political privileges. Out of the principles of the natural order consistently followed the concept of natural liberty, which allowed the implementation of the functions of natural right. This concept of liberty together with directions to uphold laws and societal duties directly influenced the understanding of noble liberty, because enlightened teaching encouraged to rethink its limits. M. P. Karpavičius emphasised differences between rational liberty and licence, explaining that reasonable liberty in the enlightened society has to be restricted. Natural liberty was understood as a liberty limited by the law ensuring political existence of the nation. The guarantee of such liberty assured the security of justice and law abiding citizens. Licence and anarchy were presented as opposition to the interests of the state and society leading the state to a demise. Antithesis to licence and anarchy relied on a simple argument of aspiration to have order in the state and was elucidated as rational liberty. Universal education was understood as an instrument in upbringing of the civil society, which understands the limits of its freedom and its duties. Meaning of such a concept of citizenship manifested itself as a rational reflection of the civic existence. It emphasised the principles of natural order and civic duties, criticised licence and established an idea of rational liberty. Supporting such a concept M. P. Karpavičius emphased citizenship as engagement towards the state and God. Such understanding was connected to the goals of state prosperity, was named love of motherland and was traced not to the noble heritage, but to duties stemming from the natural order. Being a citizen meant upholding one’s duties and in this way securing one’s life, liberty and prosperity. Civic relationship stemming from nature was understood as the only incentive needed in order to uphold the relationship itself. Sermons by M. P. Karpavičius can be identified as a local programme for citizen upbringing emphasizing goals of state prosperity. Emphasis on citizenship was directed towards foundation of the will of the nation, understood as a common and public matter. The upbringing of citizens was understood as an inseparable part of the teaching on how to be a proper nation. It was a goal to change individuals that think only about their own wellbeing into citizens that care about the common good. Keywords: Michał Franciszek Karpowicz, natural order, social state, liberty, citizenship.
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Kisby, Ben. "Citizenship Education and Civil Society." Societies 11, no. 1 (2021): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc11010011.
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Contemporary societies face a range of important challenges, including: climate change; poverty; wealth, income, and other forms of social inequality; human rights abuses; misinformation and fake news; the growth of populist movements; and citizen disenchantment with democratic politics [...]
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Nyyssönen, Heino, and Jussi Metsälä. "Dual Citizenship as Power Politics: The Case of the Carpathian Basin." europa ethnica 76, no. 1-2 (2019): 50–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.24989/0014-2492-2019-12-50.
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The article focuses on dual citizenship and voting rights, not as the rights of an individual, but from the perspective of state. Therefore, citizenship is concentrated into a power-political resource inside and between states, as a means of gaining and maintaining domestic power and interests. Our case is Carpathian Basin, in which the Fidesz-led government has sought to increase its influence by guaranteeing dual citizenship to ethnic Hungarians. In addition, the citizenship and electoral policies are placed into wider European context in relation to external voting rights and the ideas of specific quota systems for the representation of the citizens abroad. We assert that the extension of citizenship with voting rights to those living abroad has transformed elections from a purely national matter to regional or even global issue. In Hungary it seems plausible that new electorate, outer-Hungarians, secured the two-third majority for the government both in 2014 and 2018.
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Wang, Weijie, Hui Li, and Terry L. Cooper. "Civic Engagement and Citizenship Development: The Case of Homeowners’ Participation in Neighborhood Affairs in Beijing." Administration & Society 49, no. 6 (2015): 827–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095399715581041.
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This article investigates the behavioral consequences of homeowners’ participation in neighborhood affairs in Beijing, China. The research is based on semistructured interviews with homeowner leaders, property managers, and government officials. Participation fosters ethical citizenship by helping homeowners to acquire democratic skills, increase their awareness of property and political rights, and cultivate a sense of community. The development of ethical citizenship motivates homeowners to redefine legal citizenship. Homeowners have begun to take their rights seriously and actively participate in grassroots elections. The interaction between ethical and legal citizenship may carry important implications for future political development in China.
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Łukasik, Przemysław. "Budżet Obywatelski Miasta Krakowa... jako przykład realizacja demokracji deliberatywnej." Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica 25, no. 325 (2021): 98–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.24917/20813333.25.6.
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The history of participatory budget (PB) in Poland is less than 10 years old. The occurrence of PB was to raisethe local government to a higher level of civil society by introducing so-called deliberative democracy. Forsome contemporary political thinkers, what defines politics is intersubjective dialogue conducted by citizensin an open and public space. Deliberative democracy is characterized by: a) elementary competences of theparticipants who have to become acquainted with the material concerning the issue concerned b) the needto formulate their position, which is the result of reflection, reflection on the issue c) civic debate where allproposals have the right to be presented, argued and discussed. The subject of this paper is the civic budget,also referred to as participatory budget (both names are often used interchangeably) as an expression of thewillingness of citizens to allocate funds that are available to local authorities. Editions of the citizens’ budgetin Krakow between 2014 and 2019 were analysed, the procedure and functions of this social institution wereshown.
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Smith, Michael, and The Honorable Bob Graham. "Teaching Active Citizenship: A Companion to the Traditional Political Science Curriculum." PS: Political Science & Politics 47, no. 03 (2014): 703–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096514000870.
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ABSTRACTThe authors of this article advocate a new curriculum that can be applied to American government, introduction to political science, and state and local government courses. For the past half-century, high school and college general-education requirements have deemphasized civics, government, and political science. In response to the corresponding decrease in the nation’s civic health, this proposal is based on three principles. First, teaching citizenship is different than teaching civics. Second, citizenship is taught most effectively by engagement in the “real world,” with students completing projects that take them step by step through the policy-change process. Finally, the education and preparation of future high school government teachers needs to change to encourage them to teach their students the rights, responsibilities, and competencies of active citizenship.
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Pinilih, Sekar Anggun Gading, Aditya Yuli Sulistyawan, Irma Cahyaningtyas, and Adya Paramita Prabandari. "THE LEGAL POLICY OF CITIZENSHIP IN FULFILLING THE RIGHTS OF STATELESS PERSONS AS AN EFFORT TO FULFILL HUMAN RIGHTS IN INDONESIA." Diponegoro Law Review 7, no. 1 (2022): 17–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/dilrev.7.1.2022.17-33.
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The issue of citizenship is one of the basic human needs, therefore citizenship status is a right for every citizen that is protected by law. The purpose of this study is to find out how the legal politics of Indonesia in the context of stateless person citizenship rights. This research is normative juridical research that uses a statute approach and a conceptual approach. Based on the results of the study, it was found that legal politics in the form of regulations regarding citizenship in Indonesia from time to time was sufficient to guarantee the rights of Indonesian citizens. However, the Indonesian Citizenship Law does not specifically regulate the stateless person. In addition, there is no policy regarding the granting of citizenship status to stateless persons, so many cases of stateless persons in Indonesia are detained by immigration authorities. Thus, the Indonesian government should emphasize its legal policy in order to optimize legal protection for stateless persons in Indonesia.
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Greer, Scott L., and Holly Jarman. "European Citizenship Rights and European Fiscal Politics After the Crisis." Government and Opposition 53, no. 1 (2016): 76–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2016.2.
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The economic effects of the financial crisis in the eurozone have been much studied, but the impact of political and institutional changes made amidst crisis conditions have been less studied. This article examines the changes in the EU since 2008 through the lens of T.H. Marshall’s concept of citizenship, gauging the effects of different changes in the EU polity on the citizenship rights of individuals. The key changes are in fiscal governance, which includes a new treaty as well as substantial legislation changing the balance of powers within and competencies of the EU institutions, the European Central Bank’s role and the Troika arrangements for countries in crisis. We find that while the EU’s contribution to civil citizenship in Europe is relatively intact, the development of its fiscal governance is bringing serious negative consequences for political and social citizenship in all member states. The EU is adopting policies that entrust more power to less democratically accountable institutions with the objective of fiscal rigour rather than social citizenship.
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Qisthi Rosyidah, Ainun. "Politik Kewargaan: Melacak Perjuangan Kelompok Penghayat Kerohanian Sapta Darma Kota Malang dalam Mendapatkan Hak sebagai Warga Negara." Journal of Politics and Policy 5, no. 1 (2023): 58–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.21776/ub.jppol.2023.005.01.05.
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This study aims to explain how the struggle of the Sapta Darma kerokhanian group in Malang City in obtaining their rights as citizens. This research is important to do as a benchmark of the obligations that should be given by the government in the form of rights as citizens to marginalized people, in this case are followers of the Sapta Darma faith in Malang City. By borrowing the framework of citizenship political theory from Kristian Stokke which divides into four dimensions of citizenship, namely citizenship as a legal status, citizenship as a right, citizenship as membership, and citizenship as participation. This research uses descriptive qualitative methods with data collection through literature studies, document studies, interviews, and observations. The results of this study show that the Sapta Darma faith group has made various efforts as a form of struggle to obtain various rights, namely membership rights, legal status as an organization or community, civil rights, social rights, political rights, and participation rights. The findings of this study show that the Sapta Darma faith group in Malang City has proven to be very proactive and initiatives towards government institutions in various fields such as administrative, educational and social spheres.
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Hasani, Abdolhossin. "Ways to Defend Citizenship Rights in Civil Law of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Republic of Tajikistan." Journal of Politics and Law 10, no. 1 (2016): 234. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v10n1p234.
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Given enforceable rules and regulations that govern the relations of individuals in society, two kinds of rights can be derived: private and public. When we speak about the citizen and his/her rights, we mean a set of private and public law that governs social relationships. In fact, expression of citizenship rights means that every person enjoys as being a citizen of a country. The importance of the citizenship rights is to the extent that is closely related to place the rule of finds and even some experts believe that a society in which the rights of citizens and the relationship between people and government falters cannot be established. Guarantee of the fundamental rights of citizens, primarily implies by inserting these rights in the constitution of every country act. In other words, it takes an effective step in the process of constitution rule of law, freedom and enjoyment of facilities and take citizenship. But we must consider the fact that the protection and safeguarding of the rights of individual citizens is on the shoulders of all powers and government agencies that have the necessary measures to protect the rights of citizens. Besides, their executive units operate in all administrative formalities the rights of citizens and legal and in the case of not conforming citizens' rights are not overwhelm the device government should have a competent judicial authorities that the rights of individuals against the government defend the principles of a fair trial. So the fundamental rights of citizens included in the constitution and other laws, required to comply with these rights by the state, there is a competent judicial body that complaints about violation of their people by governmental agencies and monitor governmental bodies are responsible in this regard. All of them are standards implementation and guarantee of the rights of citizenship in a democratic society. Comparative analysis of compliance standards in the legal system of Iran and Tajikistan is a major point of discussion at the end, to recognizing the strengths and weaknesses of both countries and richer the implementation and monitoring of the implementation of the rights to use the experiences of the countries.
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Cohen, Miriam, and Michael Hanagan. "Politics, Industrialization and Citizenship: Unemployment Policy in England, France and the United States, 1890–1950." International Review of Social History 40, S3 (1995): 91–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000113616.
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With the “forward march of labor halted”, and labor movements everywhere in retreat, T.H. Marshall's state-based emphasis on social welfare as “social right” has reminded those interested in reform that appeals to membership in a national community, the essence of citizenship, have served to rally groups to successful struggles for reform. Those aspects of Marshall's ideas, best summarized in his classic 1949 address, “Citizenship and Social Class”, with the greatest resonance for modern social theorists revolve around the relationship between citizenship, rights and markets. For Marshall, “the universal status of citizenship” was a plane of equality such that “all who possess the status (of citizenship) are equal with respect to the rights and duties with which the status is endowed”. Rights were embodied in a common culture and enforced by state power. Marshall believed that, gradually, one particular kind of rights, “social rights”, would come to limit the power of the market. While markets would continue to exist and to generate social inequality, government redistribution would increasingly expand the plane of equality to include the most important aspects of material and cultural life. The distinctive feature of these social rights according to Marshall is that they were not exemptions, privileges or paternalistic solicitude for those excluded from what he labels the “national community”, but social rights were benefits given to members of the community to encourage and facilitate their continued participation.
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Bronnikov, Ivan, and Victoriya Karpova. "Digital Citizenship in the Russian Federation: Political Risks and Prospects." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija 26, no. 3 (2021): 123–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.3.11.
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ntroduction. The realities of modern society reflect the demand of science to understand, explain and stage the structural transformations of the political process of a digital nature. Civic Internet activity is acquiring non-hierarchical forms and is ahead of technological practices used by the state. Introducing themselves into the modern political process, network organizational structures allow the formation of strong horizontal ties, acting as a tool for accumulating public opinion and mobilizing intellectual resources. Methods and methodology. In this article, the features of digital citizenship are considered through the following theoretical and methodological foundations: digital citizenship in the concept of a network club; generational theory of being digital citizens; digital citizenship as a value system of user strategies; the administrative plane of obtaining the legal status of a citizen in the network. Analysis. Synergy effects from joint activities of government, business and civil society institutions in the implementation of digital citizenship are extremely important. In connection with the creation of digital citizenship infrastructure in the Russian Federation, obtaining a digital profile of a citizen is of particular importance. Particular attention is paid to the risk factors for digital citizenship. The need to develop trust bridges between government and society, where co-management contributes to the formation of a safe and comfortable environment in physical and digital spaces, is argued. Results. The authors proposed the concept of architecture for building digital citizenship, which consists of the phased implementation of digital services: 1) the introduction of platform solutions in the field of public administration: the provision of public services in digital format, the launch of the Public Services Portal of the Russian Federation; 2) an increase in the number of public services provided in the online format, the launch of the Unified Identification and Authentication System (ESIA); 3) the Russian Federations citizen’s digital profile creation, the launch of digital super services at the ESIA website, the introduction of an electronic passport of a citizen of the Russian Federation. It is concluded that the digital citizenship has new end-to-end communication capabilities, coupled with the extraterritoriality of processes. It is proved that digital citizenship is a fundamental right in the digital age. Digital literacy and digital security stand out as important elements of digital citizenship.
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King, Richard H. "Citizenship and Self-Respect: The Experience of Politics in the Civil Rights Movement." Journal of American Studies 22, no. 1 (1988): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875800032989.
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It once seemed that the civil rights movement resulted from a kind of historical immaculate conception and signalled an historical “break” of major proportions. Now, however, we have historical studies tracing a long tradition of “core values” at work in black American culture and sociological studies that reconstruct the dense institutional matrix from which the civil rights movement emerged and drew sustenance. We can now identify historical developments – the great migration of southern blacks to the North, the increasing prosperity enjoyed by the South after World War II, and, most crucially, the Supreme Court decision of 1954 – that set the stage for the movement. Nor could the movement have come into existence without the nexus of black churches and colleges, the early work of the NAACP or the emergence of action-oriented organizations such as SCLC, SNCC and CORE. Even before Montgomery, we now learn, there were mass action campaigns by southern blacks that provided both information and inspiration for the fledgling movement in the capital of the Confederacy.
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Spink, Peter. "The rights approach to local public management: experiences from Brazil." Revista de Administração de Empresas 40, no. 3 (2000): 45–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0034-75902000000300006.
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The Fundação Getulio Vargas, São Paulo, Public Management and Citizenship Program was set up in 1996 with Ford Foundation support to identify and disseminate Brazilian subnational government initiatives in service provision that have a direct effect on citizenship. Already, the program has 2,500 different experiences in its data bank, the results of four annual cycles. The article draws some initial conclusions about the possibilities of a rights-based approach to public management and about the engagement of other agencies and civil society organizations.
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Salsabila Widyadhari and Sri Lestari Wahyuningroem. "Agensi dan Kewarganegaraan Inklusif bagi Perempuan Penyandang Disabilitas: Studi Kasus Peran HWDI dalam Penanganan Covid-19 di Jakarta." Jurnal Perempuan 28, no. 2 (2023): 149–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.34309/jp.v28i2.853.
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Persons with disabilities experience vulnerability in fulfilling their right to protection in a pandemic situation This study aims to examine the participation process of groups of persons with disabilities, namely the Indonesian Association of Women with Disabilities (Himpunan Wanita Disabilitas Indonesia – HWDI) through the struggle for disability protection during the Covid-19 period in DKI Jakarta. This study uses the perspective of inclusive citizenship to see efforts to involve active participation of citizens in encouraging the fulfillment of rights by the government. This study uses a descriptive qualitative method with narrative analysis techniques. The results of the study show that although HWDI has been able to influence the DKI Jakarta provincial government in several policies, there are rights that still need to be fulfilled in the dimension of inclusive citizenship. These rights include social, civil, and political rights which have not been fulfilled by the government, which has implications for persons with disabilities not being further involved in handling the Covid-19 pandemic.
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Vass, Ágnes. "The Extended Nation as a Political Project – Hungarian Diaspora Living in Western Canada." Polish Political Science Review 6, no. 2 (2018): 91–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ppsr-2018-0015.
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AbstractPolicy towards Hungarians living in neighbouring countries has been a central issue for Hungarian governments, yet Hungarian diaspora living mainly in Western Europe and North America have received very little attention. This has changed after the 2010 landslide victory of Fidesz. The new government introduced a structured policy focused on engaging Hungarian diaspora, largely due to the nationalist rhetoric of the governing party. The article argues that this change reflects a turn of Hungarian nationalism into what Ragazzi and Balalowska (2011) have called post-territorial nationalism, where national belonging becomes disconnected from territory. It is because of this new conception of Hungarian nationalism that we witness the Hungarian government approach Hungarian communities living in other countries in new ways while using new policy tools: the offer of extraterritorial citizenship; political campaigns to motivate the diaspora to take part in Hungarian domestic politics by voting in legislative elections; or the never-before-seen high state budget allocated to support these communities. Our analysis is based on qualitative data gathered in 2016 from focus group discussions conducted in the Hungarian community of Western Canada to understand the effects of this diaspora politics from a bottom-up perspective. Using the theoretical framework of extraterritorial citizenship, external voting rights and diaspora engagement programmes, the paper gives a brief overview of the development of the Hungarian diaspora policy. We focus on how post-territorial nationalism of the Hungarian government after 2010 effects the ties of Hungarian communities in Canada with Hungary, how the members of these communities conceptualise the meaning of their “new” Hungarian citizenship, voting rights and other diaspora programmes. We argue that external citizenship and voting rights play a crucial role in the Orbán government’s attempt to govern Hungarian diaspora communities through diaspora policy.
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Gross, Ariela J. "Texas Mexicans and the Politics of Whiteness." Law and History Review 21, no. 1 (2003): 195–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3595072.
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These two fascinating articles seek to fill an important lacuna in the burgeoning literature on the legal construction of whiteness. While LatCrit theorists in the legal academy have urged civil rights scholars and race critics to transcend the “black-white paradigm” of U.S. race studies, the majority of legal histories of whiteness have focused on two sets of cases: trials in the southeastern United States in which local courts tried to draw the line between “white” and “negro”; and cases about immigration and naturalization in which Federal courts determined whether particular foreign immigrants were suitably “white” for citizenship. Likewise, although there have been several important social and cultural histories of Texas Mexicans and whiteness in the last fifteen years, they have not considered the legal realm. The time is ripe for attention to the legal history of Mexican Americans' civil rights struggles in Texas, especially as they illuminate the shifting racial identity of Mexican Americans in the Southwest.
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Piraman, Fatemeh, Seyed Mohammad Sadegh Ahmadi, and Masoud Raei. "An Analysis of the Role of Human Dignity in the Iranian Citizens Rights Charter." Journal of Politics and Law 9, no. 6 (2016): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v9n6p177.
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<p>In today's societies, in which the variety of social communications are increasingly expanded, citizenship rights in relation to all citizens equally and without discrimination depends on a comprehensive charter. This charter should specifically predict citizenship rights. The citizenship Bill of Rights will only be successful in achieving its goals in case it is principally based on the human dignity. The Iranian legal system in 1392 experienced the development of the "Citizens Rights Charter". This charter, with its fundamental drawbacks, will not have a desirable impact on the Iranian legal system.<br />Apparently, human dignity enjoys a proper position in the introduction and the general rules of the Iranian Citizens Rights Charter. However, the charter's understanding of the concept of citizen and government has compromised this condition. On the one hand, considering the citizen as anonymous with the national, and granting citizenship right to the state on the other hand have compromised the the position of human dignity in the charter.<br />With respect to the instances of civil rights, human dignity does not enjoy an appropriate position too. The lack of distinction between instances of human rights and mere citizenship rights, non-implementation of instances in a comprehensive framework and the over-emphasis on counting the instances by the law, has undermined human dignity in the citizen rights context.</p>
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Sturm, Circe. "Race, Sovereignty, and Civil Rights: Understanding the Cherokee Freedmen Controversy." Cultural Anthropology 29, no. 3 (2014): 575–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.14506/ca29.3.07.
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Despite a treaty in 1866 between the Cherokee Nation and the federal government granting them full tribal citizenship, Cherokee Freedmen—the descendants of African American slaves to the Cherokee, as well as of children born from unions between African Americans and Cherokee tribal members—continue to be one of the most marginalized communities within Indian Country. Any time Freedmen have sought the full rights and benefits given other Cherokee citizens, they have encountered intense opposition, including a 2007 vote that effectively ousted them from the tribe. The debates surrounding this recent decision provide an excellent case study for exploring the intersections of race and sovereignty. In this article, I use the most recent Cherokee Freedmen controversy to examine how racial discourse both empowers and diminishes tribal sovereignty, and what happens in settler-colonial contexts when the exercise of tribal rights comes into conflict with civil rights. I also explore how settler colonialism as an analytic can obscure the racialized power dynamics that undermine Freedmen claims to an indigenous identity and tribal citizenship.
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Klopp, Brett. "Integration and Political Representation in a Multicultural City: The Case of Frankfurt am Main." German Politics and Society 16, no. 4 (1998): 42–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503098782487013.
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Cities have long been the destination of those on the move. Migrationand especially immigration always raise issues of inclusion andexclusion, of rights and obligations, and of the meaning of membershipand citizenship. The particular form and content of thesedebates vary, just as host countries, national and local governments,and immigrant populations vary. Over the past few decades, patternsof immigration have begun to shift away from classical immigrationcountries (the United States, Canada, Australia) toward the democraciesof the European Union. “In this troubled world, WesternEurope has in fact, become a fragile island of prosperity, peace,democracy, culture, science, welfare and civil rights,” according tourban sociologist, Manuel Castells. “However, the selfish reflex oftrying to preserve this heaven by erecting walls against the rest ofthe world may undermine the very fundamentals of European cultureand democratic civilization, since the exclusion of the other isnot separable from the suppression of civil liberties and a mobilizationagainst alien cultures.”
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AL-Nsour, Osama Sami. "Evolution of the Concept of Citizenship in the Islamic Thought: An Analysis." Al-Milal: Journal of Religion and Thought 2, no. 1 (2020): 121–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.46600/almilal.v2i1.68.
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The concept of citizenship is one of the pillars upon which the modern civil state was built. The concept of citizenship can be considered as the basic guarantee for both the government and individuals to clarify the relationship between them, since under this right individuals can acquire and apply their rights freely and also based on this right the state can regulate how society members perform the duties imposed on them, which will contributes to the development of the state and society .The term citizenship has been used in a wider perspective, itimplies the nationality of the State where the citizen obtains his civil, political, economic, social, cultural and religious rights and is free to exercise these rights in accordance with the Constitution of the State and the laws governing thereof and without prejudice to the interest. In return, he has an obligation to perform duties vis-à-vis the state so that the state can give him his rights that have been agreed and contracted.This paper seeks to explore firstly, the modern connotation of citizenship where it is based on the idea of rights and duties. Thus the modern ideal of citizenship is based on the relationship between the individual and the state. The Islamic civilization was spanned over fourteen centuries and there were certain laws and regulations governing the relationship between the citizens and the state, this research will try to discover the main differences between the classical concept of citizenship and the modern one, also this research will show us the results of this change in this concept . The research concludes that the new concept of citizenship is correct one and the one that can fit to our contemporary life and the past concept was appropriate for their time but the changes in the world force us to apply and to rethink again about this concept.
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Fejzić, Elvis. "Libertanska politika, građanstvo i sloboda: politički izazovi direktne demokratije." Znakovi vremena XXVI, no. 94-95 (2023): 43–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.62125/2303-6826.2023.26.94-95.43.
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Libertarian politics in pluralistic democracies should be implemented within the constitutional-democratic framework of government, which is based on the constitutional logic of rights and obligations. Without this, libertarian politics cannot fulfill its fundamental political purpose in democratic regimes of government. There are several modalities by which it is possible to produce politics with libertarian elements in contemporary polyarchies, and most often this is achieved through different forms of direct political participation. Citizens can thus expand the milieu of participation in politics, at least when the unhindered use of the instruments of direct democracy or the autonomous gathering and non-violent protest of individuals against the government is ensured, but the key problem is that often different political actors and state power manipulate the practical use of the institute of direct democracy and so deliberately destroy their libertarian potential. Since contemporary government regimes have an emphasized representative, pluralistic, and democratic nature, in political freedom, equal political treatment, and the rights of citizens are normatively ensured by the policy of constitutionalism, while the disadvantages of representative government are tried to be prevented, reduced and eliminated through the supplementary application of different forms of direct democracy or direct political participation. However, it is not always easy to ensure that all individuals and target groups feel protected, satisfied and equal in modern states, primarily due to the contingent nature of polycentric politics. Keywords: libertarian politics, citizenship, freedom, direct democracy, participation, referendum populism, emancipation, manipulation. Literatura
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Seaver, George A. "Civil Rights in an Extended Republic." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 30, no. 1 (2018): 97–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis2018301/27.
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It is now apparent even to traditional civil rights advocates that the well-meaning effort to be inclusive has degenerated into identity politics and its violent offspring in universities, the judicial system, and public education. Reviewing these institutions, it is necessary to return to what civil rights were intended to be, to their inherent part of the original “extended republic” concept used by James Madison. Prior to the U.S. Constitution, republican forms of government were considered appropriate only for limited, homogeneous populations, or city-states. The extension to a large republic in terms of population and land area, to multitudinous factions, was Madison’s greatest contribution to the Constitution and the long-term “exceptionalism” of the U.S. republic. The widely-held belief that attention to minorities began in the 1960s with the “Civil Rights Revolution” is wrong as demonstrated by the extended republic’s dependence on them and its success. The multiplicity and competition of factions, sects, and interests, the greater the multiplicity the greater the security, was the reason for this success, and government interference was considered harmful to this end. To help us return to that concept is the purpose of this essay.
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Potriquet, Ghislain Pierre-Yves. "Implementing the American bilingual tradition : an assessment of the last four decades." Recherches anglaises et nord-américaines 42, no. 1 (2009): 149–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ranam.2009.1377.
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Implementing the American bilingual tradition : an assessment of the last four decades This article reviews the implementation of American language policies over the past forty years ; its main purpose is to gain a better insight into American citizenship, that is, to determine the extent to which it deserves to be considered multicultural. After examining the cases of bilingual education and voting rights for citizens with an insufficient knowledge of English, it discusses the determinants for these policies. Born out of the Civil Rights movement, American language policies are shaped by their institutional setting and, above all, by the civic understanding of American citizenship : consequently, they tend to put greater emphasis on unity, although they do not shut all doors for the politics of diversity.
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Pal, Dipanwita. "Introduction: “Who Cares for the Carers?”: A Feminist Approach to Ecological Citizenship." Journal of Ecohumanism 3, no. 1 (2024): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/joe.v3i1.3166.
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This special issue has chiefly four components to focus upon—citizenship, ecological responsibilities, ecofeminist approach and politics of care, among whom the primary component is citizenship. The recent discourse on citizenship is domineered by the liberal and the civic republican frameworks. T. H. Marshall defines citizenship as “a status bestowed on those who are full members of a community” (1950, 14). Disparagingly, some other critics cite Aristotle’s definition of a citizen as one who “shares in decision and office” with the capacity “to rule and be ruled finely” (1984, 87, 91). Teena Gabrielson sums up this issue with the explanation: “… the liberal model emphasizes citizenship as a public status that ensures the holder of civil, political and social rights; while the civic republican model, renewed by the communitarian challenge to liberalism, emphasizes the public duties, virtues and practices of citizenship” (2008, 430).
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Mendible, Myra. "Cultural Disenfranchisement and the Politics of Stigma." Ethnic Studies Review 42, no. 1 (2019): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2019.421002.
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This article focuses attention on the pivotal role that stigmatization processes play on both legal and discursive fronts, that is, in justifying restrictive policies affecting ethnic minorities and in framing reactionary discourses in support of such measures. It argues that racial stigmatization is the key component in ongoing efforts to exclude Black and Latino citizens from full cultural citizenship in the United States, setting the groundwork for punitive and exclusionary policies aimed at disenfranchising and undermining their political agency. While legal documents record the rights and privileges accorded citizens within the nation’s physical spaces, the politics of stigma, I contend, maps a moral geography: it sets the contours and limits of communal obligation, disrupting affective bonds and attachments that can spur social change. As an instrument of power, stigmatizing processes today are helping to reinstate the kinds of policies and attitudes that the Voting Rights Act intended to redress, engendering a hostile climate for Blacks and Latinos in the United States and threatening hard-won civil rights and political gains.
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Hooghe, Marc, and Jennifer Oser. "Social and Political Citizenship in European Public Opinion: An Empirical Analysis of T.H. Marshall’s Concept of Social Rights." Government and Opposition 53, no. 4 (2017): 595–620. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2017.11.
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Normative democratic theory assumes that political systems should ensure civil, political and social rights, and this claim has become more salient since the economic crisis that began in 2008. This conception of citizenship was developed most prominently by T.H. Marshall (1950), and it has been further elaborated by numerous other authors, resulting in a clear division between procedural/electoral democracy concepts and authors emphasizing egalitarian concepts of democracy. We use latent class analysis to assess democratic ideals among European citizens as reported in the 2012 European Social Survey. The findings demonstrate that a majority of Europeans consider political and social rights as equally important, while some citizens predominantly emphasize either political or social rights. Furthermore, the focus on social rights is not limited to those with left-leaning ideologies. Considering current manifestations of discontent about the politics of austerity, we discuss the implications of social citizenship concepts for democratic legitimacy in Europe.
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Chen, Hung-Ju, and Po-Han Lee. "Doing Rights, Making Citizens." Amicus Curiae 5, no. 2 (2024): 295–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.14296/ac.v5i2.5684.
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How does the right to education inform respect for citizenship rights, where school education becomes a site of contestation over democracy? Drawing on a review of all documents produced during international reviews of Taiwan’s implementation of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child and interviews with members of high-school student governments, in this article, we demonstrate how local educational systems negotiate to meet international child rights standards. We further argue that experiences of being involved in student governments and human rights review processes empower the students, informing them of a future where they feel relevant and responsible in networking and decision-making. Keywords: civil and political rights; Convention on the Rights of the Child; education reform; right to education; school government; Taiwan.
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Carlbaum, Sara. "Do you have a complaint?" Scandinavian Journal of Public Administration 20, no. 4 (2016): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.58235/sjpa.v20i4.14911.
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In this paper, I explore and discuss potential changes in the constructions of citizenship and state-individual relationships in Sweden in reference to increased regulation and the use of formally filed complaints in the Swedish education system. While several studies have examined issues associated with school choice and student influence, few have considered complaints as an aspect of the ‘will to empower’ and the construction of an active citizenship. In this paper, I discuss the motivations behind providing complaint systems via an analysis of official government documents, laws, statutes, reports and web materials. Drawing from citizenship literature and exit/voice theories, the analysis shows that complaints have continuously been reinforced through legislation, regulation and the introduction of Child and School Student Representative (CSSR) for equal rights and Swedish Schools Inspectorate (SSI) via student rights arguments and rule of law mechanisms. Legal discourse, the expansion of law and an increased use of complaints indicate a juridification of politics. This juridification could reinforce individualised perceptions of citizenship and education as a private good that is inherent in school choice and marketisation. An emphasis on student rights and complaints tends to result in contract relationships between the individual and state that risk de-politicising education and motivations for and participation in collective action for a common good.
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van Toorn, Georgia, and Lloyd Cox. "Digital citizenship and disability in the covid era." New Media & Society 26, no. 3 (2024): 1249–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14614448231201650.
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The covid-19 crisis has accelerated automation and digitalization in many aspects of social life. Social distancing and lockdowns, combined with the imperative to preserve economic activity, have seen much work and education move online, while the digitalization of government services has intensified. These developments slowed the spread of covid-19 but their broader effects, both positive and negative, have been unevenly distributed. One group for whom covid-driven digitalization has been especially ambivalent is people with a disability. While remote forms of communication and work have afforded physical health protections to many disabled people, these same forms have had exclusionary effects that magnify pre-existing disadvantages and diminish citizenship rights. This article analyses this ambivalent dialectic and the politics of neoliberal digital citizenship with which it is enmeshed. We argue that digital citizenship needs to be decoupled from a constraining neoliberal rationality prioritizing ableist individual competition, techno-entrepreneurship and government cost-cutting.