Artigos de revistas: "Politics and governmeng"

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Hicks, Alexander M., e Duane H. Swank. "Politics, Institutions, and Welfare Spending in Industrialized Democracies, 1960–82". American Political Science Review 86, n.º 3 (setembro de 1992): 658–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1964129.

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We examine the roles of democratic politics and political institutions in shaping social welfare spending in 18 contemporary capitalist democracies. We explore the social spending consequences of government partisanship, electoral competition and turnout, and the self-interested behaviors of politicians and bureaucrats, as well as such relatively durable facets of political institutions as neocorporatism, state centralization, and traditionalist policy legacies. Pooled time series analyses of welfare effort in 18 nations during the 1960–82 period show that electoral turnout, as well as left and center governments increase welfare effort; that the welfare efforts of governments led by particular types of parties show significant differences and vary notably with the strength of oppositional (and junior coalitional) parties; and that relatively neocorporatist, centralized, and traditionalistic polities are high on welfare effort. Overall, our findings suggest that contrary to many claims, both partisan and nonpartisan facets of democratic politics and political institutions shape contemporary social welfare effort.

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Dr. Kosim. "LAW POLITICS IN SHARIA PERSPECTIVE". Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 7, n.º 4 (7 de setembro de 2019): 297–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2019.7438.

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Purpose: Law politics is an attempt to create regulations in line with the circumstances and the situation at a time, becoming law politics is a step for the government to establish a legal system to achieve state goal. The scope of political law can’t be separated from other policies. The preparation of law politics must always be sought along with aspects of policies in the field of economy, politic, social, culture, technology and so on and political law as the direction of law development policy of a country and political law is defined as a relationship of mutual influence between law and politic. Political law in shariah perspective can be understood from the text of holy Al-Qur’an, An-Nisa (women) verse 58-59 namely trustworthy and ulil amri (government) namely ulil amri is responsible for the politics of law on its territory. In the development of siyasah Syar'iyah included in the law political science taqnin al Ahkam namely knowledge about the ways Islamic sharia into law. In understanding the scholars that Islamic Sharia law in the political is permitted to benefit the people but still may not be contrary to the Islamic sharia. Methodology: The method used in this study qualitatively with data sources consisting of secondary data, namely the results of literature studies and search for documents and articles in the media. Main Findings: Law Politics is an attempt to create regulations appropriate to the circumstances and the situation at a time, making the law a step politically for the government to establish a legal system in order to achieve state goals. Implications/Applications: The scope of Law politics is that law politics cannot be separated from other policies in the field. Preparation of law politics must always be sought along with aspects of policies in the field of economy, politics, social, culture, technology, and so on and law Politics as the direction of a country's legal development policy and the law Politics is defined as the relationship of mutual influence between law and politics.

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Wałdoch, Marcin. "The meandres of politics of history in the III Polish Republic territorial self-governments units". Studia Gdańskie. Wizje i rzeczywistość XIV (3 de junho de 2018): 49–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.2525.

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The politics of history is an object of viral studies, and researches about this phenomenon of political life is constantly deepen. In relations to the international space there are plenty of studies about individual states politic of history, but there are no such studies about local politics, and local societies in relation to the centres of political life. Author highlighted some phenomenon of politics of history of the III Polish Republic’s self-government in the perspective of the theory of centre-periphery. Some conclusions after research make it possible to show some phenomenon of political life such as: political fight between local and national political elites on politics of history; tensions between centre and periphery; shredded collective memory which is dependent of different spaces of local life; collective memory is overcomed by “privatisation and individualisation”.

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Casal Oubiña, Daniel. "La política de los jueces: El gobierno del poder judicial en los sistemas políticos, un estudio del modelo de consejos". Revista en Gobierno y Gestión Pública 10, n.º 2 (30 de junho de 2023): 32–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.24265/iggp.2023.v10n2.04.

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Halling, Michael, Pegaret Pichler e Alex Stomper. "The Politics of Related Lending". Journal of Financial and Quantitative Analysis 51, n.º 1 (fevereiro de 2016): 333–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022109016000132.

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AbstractWe analyze the profitability of government-owned banks’ lending to their owners, using a unique data set of relatively homogeneous government-owned banks; the banks are all owned by similarly structured local governments in a single country. Making use of a natural experiment that altered the regulatory and competitive environment, we find evidence that such lending was used to transfer revenues from the banks to the governments. Some of the evidence is particularly pronounced in localities where the incumbent politicians face significant competition for reelection.

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Zhang, Ziren. "The Research on the Interaction Between Politics and Economy——Based on the Background of Porcelain Trade in the Qing Dynasty". Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 24 (31 de dezembro de 2023): 664–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/d6tg2k86.

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Economics and politics are often the two most important factors for a government that can maintain authority. Governments deal with domestic and international affairs primarily for economic or political purposes, but what choices do governments make when faced with a contradiction between these two factors? To understand the basis and reasons for the government's choice, this article uses the porcelain trade in China during the Qing Dynasty as an example. Government options are explored by comparing differences in pre- and post-porcelain trade. It can be observed that politics is often the preferred choice. Governments usually adopt active economic policies while guaranteeing political security and stability. Similarly, governments sacrifice economic interests for political security and stability. The same phenomenon exists in the international community, where the root cause of contradictions and conflicts between States lies in politics rather than economics. A proper understanding of this phenomenon can help people better understand the purpose of certain policies and may make the government pay more attention to the positive role of the economy.

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Strange, Susan. "The Limits of Politics". Government and Opposition 30, n.º 3 (1 de julho de 1995): 291–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1995.tb00129.x.

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MY POINT OF DEPARTURE IS ONE THAT HAPPENS TO BE RATHER appropriate for a lecture sponsored by the journal Government and Opposition. It is that the political choices open to governments these days have been so constricted by those forces of structural change often referred to as ‘globalization’ that the differences that used to distinguish government policies from opposition policies are in process of disappearing.

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Peña, Alejandro Milcíades, e Thomas Richard Davies. "RESPONDING TO THE STREET: GOVERNMENT RESPONSES TO MASS PROTESTS IN DEMOCRACIES*". Mobilization: An International Quarterly 22, n.º 2 (1 de junho de 2017): 177–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-22-2-177.

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This article proposes two models that address the neglected relationship between protests, government countermovement strategies, and democratic politics. By contrasting centrifugal and centripetal dynamics triggered by government responses to mass protest, the models theorize the link between government counterframes and opposition politics in democracies. The strategies deployed by the Argentine and Brazilian governments during the cycle of mass protests that erupted in these countries in 2012–13 are used in illustration. The counterframing models developed in this article shed new light on the role of government responses in the dynamics of contentious politics, with potential for application to other contentious episodes and political contexts.

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Zhifeng, Peng. "Formation and evolution of informal politics in Kazakhstan". BULLETIN of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University.Political Science. Regional Studies. Oriental Studies. Turkology Series. 145, n.º 4 (2023): 154–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-6887/2023-145-4-154-164.

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Kazakhstan’s informal politic has experienced a long-term historical development. According to the principle of the organization, the informal politic of Kazakhstan isn’t limited only to clan, political, economic, and other structures, but also manifests itself in the form of «teams». According to the form of the operation, the informal politic of Kazakhstan manifests itself in the form of “patron-client», which includes three forms, such as «blood ties», «promises of the leader» and «pro-presidential parties». The characteristics of Kazakhstan’s informal politic are pluralism-internal mobility, and closeness to ordinary people. The informal politic is a tool of the President of Kazakhstan to overcome the crisis of political transformation, it is an addition to immature formal politics, but it also generated a wave of elite teams fighting and caused doubts in society about its legitimacy. To solve the above problems, the first President of Kazakhstan — N.Nazarbayev tried to implement the “integration” of informal and formal politics, and Tokayev promoted the transition from informal to formal politics through “infiltration”. The organic interaction of the two types of politics has once again stimulated the viability of Kazakhstan’s development as a whole. Tokayev filled a gap in the benign interaction between society and the government and reflected a completely new direction of modernization of the political system of Kazakhstan. Nevertheless, as long as the «infiltration» does not lead to qualitative changes, the complementarity and competition of the two policies will remain the political reality of the country in the long term.

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ISMAIL, ISA. "KENDALA INVESTASI DI ERA OTONOMI DAERAH (Studi Kasus Pembangunan Proyek PLTU di Kabupaten Batang)". Politika: Jurnal Ilmu Politik 5, n.º 1 (22 de junho de 2020): 29–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/politika.5.1.2014.29-43.

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Research that was headlined investment in Regional Autonomy era ( case study constraint the construction of PLTU project in the Batang Regency) is done using analysis of Pustaka about the concept of investment and the concept of regional autonomy. The study is done with the methodology of some research qualitative descriptive with purposive of sampling techniques in determining an informer and continues to be a snowball of sampling. Obtained data in field indicates that central program of government included in the program Master Plan for Acceleration and Expansion of Indonesia's Economic Development (MP3EI). The program of PLTU in Batang Regency worth more or less 38 trillion. Realization of PLTU project development was delayed for two years since the early planning. The delay of PLTU project has several problems, among others, such as lack of coordination between the central government and local governments, investors, a policy that overlap related regulations of marine conservation issued by regent, and the land acquisition process experiencing self denial of the owner of the land. Attempt completion constraint is still done through personal approaches between the local Government to the Government of the village, between the Government of the village with its citizens, especially the owner of the land where the project will be built and efforts in corporate social responsibility (CSR) by the investors realization with the construction of various public facilities to affected communities

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Sari, Elidar, Arif Rahman, Alpi Syah e Mansari Mansari. "The Political Changes of Ulama In The Aceh Government System". Proceedings of Malikussaleh International Conference on Law, Legal Studies and Social Science (MICoLLS) 2 (27 de dezembro de 2022): 00046. http://dx.doi.org/10.29103/micolls.v2i.120.

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The ulama institution in Aceh's politico-legal position (rechtspositie) is examined in this paper. Therefore, it can be argued that two roles—the role in public law and the role in private law—are played. To draw this distinction between public and private law, despite the fact that it is a conventional one in the legal profession, and there are still some differences of opinion regarding nomocracy. Roles and positions of ulama in law are commonly discussed together since you must constantly evaluate your position in law before talking about roles. The administrative institution is specifically required by the Aceh government to hold an equal position to the Governor, Regent, Mayor, and members of the local parliament (DPRA/DPRK). Therefore, this study is to examine how to manage the role that this ulama institution plays in the political system as well as other cases that pose significant issues for Aceh as a whole, such as the case of Islamic banking, arts, environmental issues, educational system of dayah, local party and the humanrights issues. Due to the conversion of Islamic banks, which are not inclusive and only frequently motivated by the spirit of implementing an anti-usury economic system whose significancy is unclear, many international tourists are unable to withdraw cash from ATMs in Aceh. The ulama's influence in Aceh is to blame for the widespread economic, environmental, and humanitarian catastrophe. This study brought up questions regarding how ulama (HUDA, MUNA, and MPU) in Aceh view politics, how politics are involved in Aceh, how strategy and ideology are used in politics, and what influences the variances in opinions regarding ulama involvement in politics in Aceh in the midst of conservative turn in Aceh. The purpose of this study is to identify the techniques and ideas utilized by ulama in Aceh politics, as well as the areas in which they participate and the causes of any disagreements among them over their participation.

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Hübscher, Evelyne. "The politics of fiscal consolidation revisited". Journal of Public Policy 36, n.º 4 (9 de fevereiro de 2015): 573–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x15000057.

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AbstractThis paper examines the capacity of governments to implement fiscal reforms in times of austerity. Unlike existing studies, which mostly focus on gradual policy changes like government spending, this analysis distinguishes between consolidation events and consolidation size to examine fiscal reforms. This strategy clarifies contradictory results in previous research and yields new insights into the underlying mechanism of fiscal reform. Based on an action-based data set that includes information about discretionary changes in taxation and government spending policies from 1978 until 2009 for 16 advanced (OECD) countries, the study shows that left and right governments are equally likely to implement cuts. Strategic considerations play a major role for the timing of fiscal consolidation, as the probability of fiscal cuts is highest at the beginning of the legislative term. When governments reform, the left cut as much as necessary, whereas right governments take the opportunity to reduce spending more.

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Joshi, Gaurav. "Whose fault is it? Loan defaults at the Devkhand bank, India". Emerald Emerging Markets Case Studies 12, n.º 1 (15 de fevereiro de 2022): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eemcs-01-2021-0013.

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Learning outcomes Through this case, the students will be able: to study how developments in the external environment impact businesses, in general, and banking sector, in particular, banks/banking, environmental management, financing/borrowing, government, political business risk and politics; to identify the politico-legal constituents of the external environment which significantly influence businesses; and to analyse the pros and cons of loan-waivers as a policy decision on various stakeholders including banks, borrowers, governments as well as the larger society. Case overview/synopsis The case is symptomatic of the dilemmas faced by the Indian bank employees, in charge of loan-disbursals, torn between seemingly contradictory demands from their top management and the governments. Complexity academic level The case is meant to be used in the course on “Business Environment” both at the UG and PG levels. It can be used along with the module on “External Environment and its Constituents” to augment students’ understanding of the “Impact of Political Environment on Business.” The case can also enrich the class discussion on the PEST (politico-legal/economic/socio-cultural/technological) framework for analysing the forces in the external environment acting upon a business. Supplementary materials Teaching notes are available for educators only. Subject code CSS 4: Environmental Management.

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Van Hor, Lawrence. "A Document and Indigenous Politics". Practicing Anthropology 22, n.º 3 (1 de julho de 2000): 39–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.22.3.v117532r34572383.

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This article refers to the interpretation of a government document by five distinct groups. Involved are three indigenous governments, one ad hoc indigenous group, and the United States Government. The document in question is a nomination to the National Register of Historic Places. General agreement exists on the facts as stated in the document. What differs is what it purports to show according to the groups' various political purposes.

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Hloušek, Vít, e Lubomír Kopeček. "Caretaker Governments in Czech Politics: What to Do about a Government Crisis". Europe-Asia Studies 66, n.º 8 (14 de setembro de 2014): 1323–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2014.941700.

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Nooruddin, Irfan, e Pradeep Chhibber. "Unstable Politics". Comparative Political Studies 41, n.º 8 (13 de fevereiro de 2008): 1069–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414007309202.

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What explains variations in electoral volatility? The authors argue that fiscal space—availability of financial resources to enact policy initiatives and provide public programs—possessed by governments can explain the level of electoral volatility. Where governments have fiscal space, citizens reward incumbent parties with their continued support. But when fiscal space is constrained, the incumbent government's ability to provide state resources is drastically reduced. Citizens are therefore less likely to reward the party at the polls and are available to opposition politicians and alternative appeals. Vote-switching ensues, and the incumbent government is voted out of the office. The authors test this argument and others in the existing literature on electoral returns from state assembly elections across 15 major Indian states from 1967 to 2004. The results support the argument that fiscal space influences electoral volatility.

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Aryani, Y. Anni, Evi Gantyowati, An Nurrahmawati, Taufiq Arifin e Sutaryo Sutaryo. "Women’s political representation in local government: Its impact on public service quality". Corporate Governance and Organizational Behavior Review 7, n.º 3, special issue (2023): 375–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cgobrv7i3sip12.

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Public service quality has been a significant issue in Indonesia (Lanin & Hermanto, 2019) along with woman’s representation in politics (Aspinall et al., 2021). This study investigates the effect of woman’s representation in the local government head and legislative positions on public service quality in Indonesian local governments. We use secondary data from the Ministry of Internal Affairs, a local government website, and the Indonesia Statistics Bureau from 2016–2019, analyzed with panel data regression analysis. Overall, we find that local government public service quality is at a high level. Meanwhile, women’s political representation in Indonesian local government is still considerably low, both in legislative and top executive positions. Empirical findings demonstrate that women’s representation in the legislative board provides a positive impact on public service quality while women’s local government head has no significant effect. The effect is consistent both in district local governments and city local governments observations. Our study provides recommendations that suggest that women’s representation in local politics should be increased to promote gender equality which leads to better public governance

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Pasaribu, Ian. "PILKADA SERENTAK DAN HUKUM POLITIK: KONTROVERSI KEBIJAKAN PEMERINTAH PUSAT TERKAIT PUTUSAN HUKUM PILKADA KABUPATEN, SIMALUNGUN SUMATERA UTARA TAHUN 2015". Politika: Jurnal Ilmu Politik 8, n.º 1 (25 de outubro de 2017): 82. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/politika.8.1.2017.82-91.

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This study examines, analyzes dna discusses Simultaneous elections Politics and Law: controversy Central Government Policies Related Legal Decisions Election District, North Sumatra Simalungun Where the Year 2015. On December 9, 2015 ago in elections Simalungun which is one of five areas was postponed due Regent Amran deputy candidate Sinaga experienced legal permaslahan. This study uses the theory of Elections, the concept of democracy and the electoral law. This study used qualitative methods with qualitative descriptive analysis techniques. The results of this study are Chronologically elections Simalungun, Inconsistency Regulations, Budget Swelling elections, Process Inaugural JR Saragih. Where the conclusions of this research local elections December 9, 2015 simultaneously experiencing the same problem as well as a substantial permasalahn. Registration problems associated pair of candidates is the responsibility of political parties to avoid any single candidate. On the issue of the availability of budget, the government and local governments need to give a strong political will to urgently solve the problem.

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Wong, Hei Ting. "The Air-conditioned Nation under Global Warming – An Exploratory Study of the Speech and Assembly Freedom and Politics of Space in Singapore". IAFOR Journal of Cultural Studies 6, SI (22 de janeiro de 2021): 15–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.22492/ijcs.6.si.02.

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Singapore is known to have a citizenry loyal to its one-party dominated government. Cherian George refers Singapore as the “Air-conditioned Nation,” wherein free speech is sacrificed for economic stability in this metaphorical or virtual greenhouse and fostered a controlled and docile politic. Dissent from members of registered opposition parties or ordinary citizens, however, has been voiced during “illegal gatherings” in public places. Many of these attempts, both purposeful and accidental, challenge rules designed to limit the citizenry’s ability to voice publicly. In this paper, I examine these civil disobedient acts under the framework of construction and politics of socially- and mentally-constructed space in connection to the laws of Singapore. Utilizing the ideas of space as defined by Henri Lefebvre and Michel Foucault, I analyze three separate accounts of assembly and/or procession. I identify the relevant laws of Singapore and examine how these laws are interpreted and applied by law enforcement, revealing a tension between space and the body politic. Politics of space is a concept usually connected to social class; yet, class consciousness is what the Singaporean government strives to eliminate through the control of ideology and by limiting the freedom of speech in public spaces. My contribution examines the relationship between space and politics, reflecting the conflicts between the government, which has the power over the use of places and citizens who would like to express ideas differently from governmental-led ideologies physically and publicly in these places, and the opposition’s actions in this virtually-caged public space named Singapore.

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Saud, Ilham Maulana, e Gisti Fairuz Trisha. "DESENTRALISASI FISKAL, POLITIK DINASTI, SISTEM PENGENDALIAN INTERNAL, KINERJA, AKUNTABILITAS PELAPORAN KEUANGAN: BUKTI EMPIRIS DI INDONESIA". AKUNTABILITAS 14, n.º 1 (12 de julho de 2020): 103–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.29259/ja.v14i1.11208.

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This study aims to analyze the influence of fiscal decentralization, dynastic poltical, and total violation of internal control system on accountability of financial reporting of district/city governments moderated by performance variable at District/City Government in Indonesia in 2013-2015. This study used secondary data obtained through the website of BPK RI, the Ministry of Finance, and the Ministry of Home Affairs. The sample in this study was selected based on the purposive sampling method, so as many as 190 samples were obtained, with details of 95 main samples namely district / city governments that were indicated dynastic politics in Indonesia in 2013-2015 and 95 comparative samples namely district /city governments that were not politically indicated dynasty in Indonesia in 2013-2015. Testing the hypothesis in this study using multiple linear regression with MRA (Moderated Regression Analysis), so there are 2 models in the study. The data collected was analyzed first by testing the classical assumptions, then testing the hypothesis was carried out with the SPSS 26.0 test tool. Based on the results of the study it can be concluded that partially the dependent variable on the central government, dynastic politics, and the number of violations of the internal control system has a significant negative effect on the accountability of local government financial reporting, while the variables of regional independence and financial effectiveness do not affect the financial reporting accountability of local governments. Furthermore, the performance variable is able to moderate the effect of dependence on the central government on the accountability of local government financial reporting, but is unable to moderate the influence of regional independence and dynastic politics on the accountability of local government financial reporting

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Tull, Denis M. "Troubled state-building in the DR Congo: the challenge from the margins". Journal of Modern African Studies 48, n.º 4 (4 de novembro de 2010): 643–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x10000479.

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ABSTRACTThis paper examines contentious state–society and centre–periphery relations in the DR Congo and their implications for state-building. Since the 2006 post-conflict elections, the state's authority has come under fire in the western province of Bas Congo, where a politico-religious group (Bundu Dia Kongo) has emerged as a serious challenger. Enjoying huge local legitimacy, the group has articulated political grievances that the newly elected central government has violently repressed. As locally perceived, elections are a legitimising tool in the hands of the government to impose its unfettered authority in the name of the state-building project. Furthermore, and backed by donors, the Kinshasa authorities also refuse to implement a wide-ranging decentralisation reform. This has fed disenchantment about post-conflict politics in Bas Congo, boding ill for democratic politics and the prospects of state-building in the DR Congo.

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Johnson, Carol. "Negotiating the Politics of Inclusion: Women and Australian Labor Governments 1983 to 1995". Feminist Review 52, n.º 1 (março de 1996): 102–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.1996.10.

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The Hawke and Keating Labor governments have tended to practise a politics of inclusion in which women, along with other social groups, are seen to have an important part to play in building the new, internationally competitive Australian economy of the twenty-first century, Australian politics have therefore had a very different nature from that of the more exclusionary politics practised by British Conservative governments. While the politics of inclusion have given feminists room for manoeuvre, and facilitated some positive developments in areas such as affirmative action and childcare policies, feminists have had little success in challenging the overall direction of the governments’ right-wing economic policies. Furthermore, the ‘economic’ has functioned as a meta-category which dissolves difference and conflict. The Australian experience therefore has both practical and theoretical implications for British feminists who may be experiencing a Labour government themselves before too long.

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Liu, Amy H., e Jacob I. Ricks. "Coalitions and Language Politics: Policy Shifts in Southeast Asia". World Politics 64, n.º 3 (27 de junho de 2012): 476–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004388711200010x.

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Why is it that some governments recognize only one language while others espouse multilingualism? Related, why are some governments able to shift language policies, and if there is a shift, what explains the direction? In this article, the authors argue that these choices are theproduct of coalitional constraints facing the government during critical junctures in history. During times of political change in the state-building process, the effective threat of an alternate linguistic group determines the emergent language policy. If the threat is low, the government moves toward monolingual policies. As the threat increases, however, the government is forced to co-opt the alternate linguistic group by shifting the policy toward a greater degree of multilingualism. The authors test this argument by examining the language policies for government services and the education system in three Southeast Asian countries (Singapore, Malaysia, and Thailand).

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Lee, Dalgon. "Local Government Reforms in Korea: A Transition from a Marionette Performance toward an Elementary Class Day". Korean Journal of Policy Studies 12 (31 de dezembro de 1997): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps12001.

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This paper deals with the recent reform-oriented measures in the area of national local policies. The just begun local autonomy in Korea now faces opportunities as well as serious challenges. The new developments are divided into four categories: 1) local politics and autonomy; 2) recent consolidation of local governments; 3) distribution of Government functions ; and 4) financial arrangement. The first section involves difficulties of independent local politics and local autonomy under strong culture of centralism. Local political elites are basically dependent upon the national politicians and the nomination as a candidate for local position is directly influenced by the central political machinery and national politicians. The last local election was severely hurt by national political issues. In addition, local animosities among several regions helped turn the political arrangement back to the old one, furthering the dependency of local politics. Nevertheless, it is evident that a new climate for autonomous governance in local society becomes high-spirited. The second section discusses the strength and weakness of the recent consolidation measures of local government which has been carried out nationwide. Majority of the lower - tier (basic) local governments' boundary have been expanded resulting in 230 local governments in number from 265. The upper-tier (widearea) local governments, whose number is 15, has readjusted their specific boundaries only. It may be claimed to facilitate managerial economies but technical efficiencies of specific local service delivery cannot be improved easily. To the worse, the consolidation cannot guarantee the healthy growth of local democracy. The third section deals with the bureaucratic struggle of government task redistribution after the introduction of local autonomy system. Because there is no clear principle of the division of labour between the three tiers of governments, bureaucratic politics takes larger share of the redistribution game. Although some tasks as been transferred to the local governments, the process seems very slow and the structure is not favorable to the local governments which are in weak position in the tug of war. The last section discusses the recent developments in the area of local tax, central-local financial coordination system in terms of central-local configuration. There are many skeptics who doubt whether local governments will have access to the administrative talents and financial resources essential to run the affairs of the country in truly decentralized way. In fact, there are relatively serious weaknesses in the financial management competence of local government officials. Decentralization advocates, however, assert that local financial resources should be expanded from the present 55% of total government sector money so that local governments carry out their present functions and tasks sufficiently.

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Husain, Ejaz. "Pakistan: Civil-Military Relations in a Post-Colonial State". PCD Journal 4, n.º 1-2 (8 de junho de 2017): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/pcd.25771.

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This article has attempted to explain why the military has remained a powerful political institution/force in Pakistan. Its purpose was to test a hypothesis that posited that the colonial authority structure and the 1947 partition-oriented structural dynamics provided an important structural construct in explaining politics and the military in post-colonial Pakistan. To explain and analyse the problem, the study used books, journals, newspapers and government documents for quantitative/explanatory analysis. The analysis has focused on the military in the colonial authority structure in which the former, along with the civil bureaucracy and the landed-feudal class, formed an alliance to pursue politico-economic interests in British India. The article has also explained and analysed the partition-oriented structural dynamics in terms of territory (Kashmir) and population (Indian refugees). The findings proved that these 'structural dynamics' have affected politics and the military in Pakistan. The theoretical framework in terms of 'praetorian oligarchy' has been applied to structurally explain colonial politics ad well as politics and the military in Pakistan. The study treated Pakistan as a praetorian state which structurally inherited the pre-partition 'praetorian oligarchy'. This praetorian oligarchy constructed 'Hindu India' as the enemy to pursue politico-economic interests. The military, a part of praetorian oligarchy, emerged from this as a powerful political actor due to its coercive power. It has sought political power to pursue economic objectives independently.

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Blomquist, David. "American Government". News for Teachers of Political Science 54 (1987): 4–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s019790190000043x.

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Most instructors burdened with the sometimes thankless task of teaching an introductory survey course in American government wince at the suggestion that their class is somehow a primer in current affairs. No wonder, for most of us who teach that introductory course expend a great deal of effort to ensure that our readings, our lectures, and our class discussion carefully delineate the difference between political science and political speculation.Yet I fear many of us are so cautious that we wind up throwing the baby out with the bath water. The vast majority of students in our survey courses will not go on to graduate school in political science; indeed, at many institutions, the majority of enrollees in the introductory class may not even be political science majors. Most will become bankers, lawyers, scientists, engineers — in short, “ordinary” citizens rather than full-time, professional observers of politics. In strikes me that the greatest legacy the survey course can provide these students is an inclination to think twice about politics —an appreciation that politics and political choices are rarely as simple or straightforward as they seem in headlines.

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Brown, William H., Kenneth T. Palmer, G. Thomas Taylor e Marcus A. LiBrizzi. "Maine Politics and Government". New England Quarterly 66, n.º 2 (junho de 1993): 308. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/365854.

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Billings, Charles E., James D. Thomas e William H. Stewart. "Alabama Government and Politics". CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 19, n.º 4 (1989): 239. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330427.

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Patton, Janet W., e Penny M. Miller. "Kentucky Politics and Government". CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 24, n.º 3 (1994): 176. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330747.

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Thomas, Clive S., Gerald A. McBeath e Thomas A. Morehouse. "Alaska Politics and Government". CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 24, n.º 3 (1994): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330749.

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Barringer, Richard, Kenneth T. Palmer, G. Thomas Taylor e Marcus A. LiBrizzi. "Maine Politics and Government". CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 23, n.º 2 (1993): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330863.

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Shrewsbury, Carolyn M., Daniel J. Elazar, Virginia Gray e Wyman Spano. "Minnesota Politics and Government". CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 30, n.º 3 (2000): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3331101.

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Haycox, Stephen, Gerald A. McBeath e Thomas A. Morehouse. "Alaska Politics and Government". Western Historical Quarterly 26, n.º 2 (1995): 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/970241.

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Dougan, Michael B., Diane D. Blair e Jay Barth. "Arkansas Politics and Government". Arkansas Historical Quarterly 65, n.º 1 (2006): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40028075.

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Kirmanj, Sherko. "Islam, Politics and Government". Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 9, n.º 1 (março de 2008): 43–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14690760701856382.

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Thinane, Dr Jonas Sello. "Missio politica on Coalition Governance: ‘better devils’ in SA Coalition Politics". Pharos Journal of Theology, n.º 104(2) (março de 2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.46222/pharosjot.104.216.

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Missio Dei has both total salvation and the attainment of the all-encompassing kingdom of God as central objectives, meriting the participation of all sectors of human society. However, as the resulting circumstances of several African developing countries can attest, the unsustainably disruptive nature of Governments of National Unity (GNUs) or coalition governments contradicts such unifying divine mandate. Using South Africa's coalition politics, where the likelihood of forming coalition governments depends on who is the ‘‘better devil’’, this paper draws on the literature to make a strong argument against the coalition government model. Accordingly, using the framework of missio politica to test the mandate of democratic politics in fulfilling the objectives of missio Dei, it is argued that coalition government models are usually at odds with missio Dei or the mandated objectives thereof.

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Caiani, Manuela, e Paolo Graziano. "The Three Faces of Populism in Power: Polity, Policies and Politics". Government and Opposition, 30 de março de 2022, 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2022.4.

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Abstract In this article, we explore the consequences of the increasing presence of both left- and right-wing populist parties in government, critically reflecting on the recent scholarship on the topic, underlining promising venues for future research and outlining a conceptual framework which constitutes the background of this special issue entitled ‘Populism in Power and its Consequences’. Our main contribution is empirical, since – by reflecting on the various articles hosted in the special issue – we assess the impact of populist parties in government on politics, polities and various policy domains. We also provide an account of potential moderating factors of the influence of populists in government, focus on different ideological underpinnings of types of populisms (left-wing and right-wing) and discuss their relevance. We conclude by identifying four possible scenarios for European populist parties in governments: radicalization, compromise and moderation, splintering, or loss.

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Pahlepi, Sayid Muhammad Reza. "PERAN KOMITE NASIONAL PEMUDA INDONESIA SEBAGAI SARANA PENDIDIKAN POLITIK PEMUDA (STUDI KASUS KNPI KECAMATAN SAMARINDA SEBERANG)". Jurnal Administrative Reform 10, n.º 2 (8 de dezembro de 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.30872/jar.v10i2.7086.

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The research findings show the role of KNPI as a means of political education through activities such as conducting board orientation, leadership regeneration, leadership training, conducting general election discussions, and cooperating with other organizational partners and the government. Forms of implementing political education include helping local governments and socializing politics, especially regarding crucial issues, Providing political education to youth and KNPI cadres, Samarinda Seberang District, Socialization of Simultaneous Regional Head Elections Obstacles faced in becoming a means of political education are obstacles in educating the political community and KNPI cadres in Samarinda Seberang District and obstacles in funding activities. Keywords : role, education, politic, KNPI

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Palazzani, Laura. "Biopolitica: significato filosofico del termine". Medicina e Morale 58, n.º 2 (30 de abril de 2009). http://dx.doi.org/10.4081/mem.2009.248.

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L’articolo precisa i significati filosofici di biopolitica, distinguendo la biopolitica come “potere arbitrario sulla vita biologica” (o politica sulla vita) e la biopolitica come “buon governo al servizio della persona umana” (o politica per la vita). Il primo significato si inserisce in una teoria etica non cognitivista e soggettivista, che ritiene il diritto e il potere quali prodotto della volontà autoreferenziale; il secondo significato rimanda ad una teoria che riconosce valori oggettivi nella natura umana quale fonte del diritto e della politica. La politica come potere arbitrario ritiene la vita un mero oggetto biologico, disponibile e manipolabile, senza limiti etici fondabili a priori: è la teoria che separa l’essere umano dalla persona, attribuendo solo alle persone in grado di autodeterminarsi i diritti. La politica come buon governo prende in considerazione la vita umana come espressione della vita personale (dall’inizio alla fine), riconoscendone il valore quale orizzonte di senso: è la teoria che identifica essere umano e persona, ritenendo che ogni essere umano e tutti gli esseri umani abbiano diritti. ---------- The article specifies philosophical significance of biopolitics, making a difference between biopolitics as “arbitrary power on biological life” (or politics on life) and biopolitics as “good government in the service of human person” (or politics for life). The first significance refers to the ethical theory of non-cognitivism and subjectivism, that considers law and power as a product of will which refers to itself; the second significance sends back to a theory which recognises the objective values of human nature, as the origin of law and politics. The politics as arbitrary power considers life as a biological object, available and at disposal, without any a priori justification of ethical limits: it is the theory which separates human beings and persons, attributing rights only to persons capable of auto-determination. The politics as good government considers human life as an expression of personal life (form the beginning till the end), recognising its value as an horizon of sense: it is the theory that identifies human being and person, considering each human being and all human beings as subjects of rights.

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Hiyane, Ryota, e Long Piao. "Stabilization of Anti-U.S. Military Bases Sentiment: Japan’s Evolving Compensation Policies and Base Politics in Okinawa". Armed Forces & Society, 26 de abril de 2023, 0095327X2311677. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x231167772.

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The comparative literature on base politics often suggests that stable base politics in Okinawa were achieved, thanks to Japanese compensation politics. These claims mostly focus on the central government’s strategic use of compensation politics toward Okinawa from Tokyo’s perspective, ignoring the influence of local decision makers. Through a case study of the Futenma relocation process and in-depth interviews with the decision makers at the Henoko relocation site, this study highlighted the role of the local district government (Henoko) under the framework of Tokyo’s strategic use of compensation politics for multilevel local governments (Okinawa Prefectural Government, Nago City Government, and Henoko). The study not only adds to the importance of local Henoko decision makers in strengthening compensation politics but also provides more nuanced views of base politics in Okinawa, which is essential to understanding how Japan managed to stabilize Okinawa’s base politics in the context of anti-U.S. military bases.

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Anzia, Sarah F. "Party and Ideology in American Local Government: An Appraisal". Annual Review of Political Science 24, n.º 1 (30 de novembro de 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-041719-102131.

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For decades, research on US local politics emphasized the distinctiveness of local government, but that has begun to change. In recent years, new data on partisanship and ideology have transformed the study of local politics. Much of the ensuing scholarship has concluded that local politics resembles politics in state and national governments: partisan and ideological. I argue that such a conclusion is premature. So far, this newer literature has been insufficiently attentive to the policies US local governments make—and to the fact that they are mostly different from the issues that dominate national politics. Going forward, scholars should prioritize measurement of preferences on these local government issues, develop theories of when and why local political divisions will mirror national partisanship and ideology, and investigate why there are links between some local policies and national partisanship and ideology—and whether those links also exist for core local government issues. Expected final online publication date for the Annual Review of Political Science, Volume 24 is May 11, 2021. Please see http://www.annualreviews.org/page/journal/pubdates for revised estimates.

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Falkenbach, M., e S. L. Greer. "The politics of bad policy: Why don’t governments pick win-wins?" European Journal of Public Health 29, Supplement_4 (1 de novembro de 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/eurpub/ckz185.694.

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Abstract Background Why, fundamentally, are the politics and public opinion of ageing and health so badly mis-aligned with facts about the costs of ageing societies? The literature has for decades characteristically divided between an old politics of expansion and the post-1990s new politics of recalibration and austerity. The problem for understanding the politcs of health and ageint is that a mix is also plausible: recalibration with an element of expansion in long term care. This mix then leads to a further thought: When do governments expand mature welfare states to deal with risks not covered in traditional male-wage-earner welfare programs? Methods A narrative review was conducted on the thin literature available attempting to answer the question as to why governments are not picking win-wins (e.g. keep people healthy so they can actually retire at their formal retirement ages, or ensure informal care is valued). Results There were a handful of hypotheses identified in the review, including: the “old politics” of welfare expansion where “credit claiming” is used for highly popular initiatives, the “new politics of the welfare state” also known as the “blame avoidance thesis” where politicians will attempt to avoid blame by making cuts less transparent, “blame buffering” and the “median voter theory” as well as “negative policy feedback”. Conclusions Mature welfare states are not expanding. In fact, the theories on the politics of ageing are focused on how welfare states are retrenching or reforming, as they call it. Blame avoidance and blame buffering are the most common explanations for decisions, often counterproductive ones, about how to recalibrate welfare states in the face of ageing.

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"Politics and government". Women Studies Abstracts 25, n.º 2 (junho de 1996): 16–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02693564.

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"Politics and government". Women Studies Abstracts 24, n.º 4 (dezembro de 1996): 16–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02693595.

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"Politics and government". Women Studies Abstracts 25, n.º 1 (março de 1996): 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02693626.

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"Politics and government". Women Studies Abstracts 25, n.º 3 (setembro de 1996): 27–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02693671.

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"Politics and government". Women Studies Abstracts 29, n.º 3-4 (setembro de 2000): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12118-000-1008-1.

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"Politics and government". Women Studies Abstracts 29, n.º 1-2 (março de 2000): 53–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12118-000-1039-7.

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"Politics and government". Women Studies Abstracts 30, n.º 1 (março de 2001): 18–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12118-001-1008-9.

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"Politics and Government". Women Studies Abstracts 30, n.º 2 (junho de 2001): 34–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12118-001-1032-9.

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