Teses / dissertações: "Politics and governmeng"

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FASULO, FILIPPO. "Potere e governo in Cina: l'idea di potere come fondamento del sistema politico." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/2466.

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L’obiettivo di questa tesi è comprendere il sistema politico cinese. Tale intendimento è perseguito attraverso la definizione di uno schema interpretativo fondato sull’idea di potere. In questa tesi si assume che l’idea di potere sia funzionale alla definizione della forma di governo e viene analizzata l’evoluzione del sistema politico cinese attraverso modifiche dell’idea di potere. Il Potere è inteso come potere di governare e l’idea di potere viene definita sulla base di sei elementi comparabili: sovranità, esercizio, legittimità, obiettivo, limite e confine. Lo schema così delineato viene poi applicato alle principali teorie politiche cinesi con l’obiettivo di individuarne continuità e discontinuità. Pertanto le domande di ricerca vertono su quale sia l’idea di potere in Cina e quale sia la sua variazione diacronica. Infine vengono analizzati i risultati dell’applicazione dello schema interpretativo per comprendere l’attuale sistema politico. L’attenzione è rivolta soprattutto agli elementi del pluralismo, della relazione fra popolo ed esercizio di governo e sullo stato. Elemento centrale è il ruolo del pluralismo valoriale in rapporto al sistema politico. The aim of this dissertation is to understand Chinese political system. This task is pursued trough the development of an interpretative schema based on the idea of power. This dissertation assumes the idea of power is functional in shaping the form of government and tries to analyze the evolution of Chinese political system via changes within the idea of power. Power is intended as power to govern and the idea of power is set trough six comparable items: sovereignty, exercise, objective, legitimacy, limit and border. This schema is then applied to China’s main political philosophy in order to trace continuities and discontinuities. Therefore Research questions are what the idea of power is and what its evolution was. Finally this dissertation analyzes outcomes from interpretative schema’s application to understand current political system. This dissertation focuses mainly on the element of pluralism, relation between the people and the exercise of the government and the state. This dissertation concentrates on the role of value pluralism in relation to the political system.

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Martin, Charles 1975. "The politics of Northern Ontario : an analysis of the political divergences at the provincial periphery." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=29838.

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From the outset, Northern Ontario has existed as an exploited natural resource region, vulnerable to the vicissitudes of a "boom and bust" verity. This has had profound effects on its ensuing political patterns and political processes. This thesis describes how and why the politics of Northern Ontario are different. This thesis demonstrates that the politics of Northern Ontario, unlike Southern Ontario, are distinguished by disaffection, dependency, domination, pragmatism, and parochialism. This thesis also argues that the North's divergent development and natural resource based economy, as well as pernicious provincial government policies and extensive interventions, provoked the differences apparent in its politics. These differences are evinced in the North's disparate political culture, political priorities, and political structure. Furthermore, this thesis confirms that Northern Ontario politics feature a low level of political efficacy which is primarily the result of its "centre-periphery" connection with Southern Ontario.

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October, Lauren Sue. "Liberation movements as governments : understanding the ANC's quality of government." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/96657.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015. ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Liberation struggles and the way liberation movements are organised can leave a lasting impact on post-liberation societies. This research project was conducted in order to research liberation movements as governments and how the quality of governance is affected in post-liberation societies when liberation movements become governments. The South African liberation movement is seen as having contributed to one of the most peaceful transitions of power on the African continent. However, the stigma surrounding liberation movements prompted a study of the South African liberation movement and to establish whether or not the ANC as ruling party has made a success of its governance of South Africa. This thesis uses South Africa as a case study to determine how quality of governance is affected when liberation movements become governments. This thesis focused on the lingering effects of the structure and organisation of liberation movements. It is thus an exploratory as well as descriptive study where the legacies of the South African liberation movement are investigated and where the ANC as a liberation movement is compared to the ANC as a ruling party. Using historical analysis to discover the structure and internal governance of the liberation movement, this thesis seeks to explain the legacies that still influence the ANC today after its transition from a liberation movement into a political party. To do this the thesis used the theoretical framework of quality of government taken from Rothstein and Teorell (2008), who define it as impartiality. These legacies of the South African liberation movement are believed to have had an impact on the quality of governance of the ANC as a ruling party in post-liberation South Africa. By researching the last twenty years of ANC rule in South Africa’s post-liberation society, this thesis investigated the impartiality of government institutions in order to evaluate the quality of governance in South Africa, and thereby to discover what happens to the quality of governance when liberation movements become governments. The findings of this thesis indicate three conclusions. First, the legacies of the South African liberation movement still have a great influence on the modus operandi, the structure and the goals of the ANC today. Second, these legacies have contributed to the decline of the impartiality of government institutions, in particular through the National Democratic Revolution (NDR) project and its cadre deployment strategy, where appointments are made without the consideration of the principle of impartiality. The legacies of the South African liberation movement have thus had a negative impact on the quality of the ANC’s governance. Finally, this thesis has found that in the case of South Africa, when the ANC as liberation movement took over as the ruling party in a post-liberation society, it negatively affected the quality of governance. Further research in this field is needed in order to compare these findings with other countries that have liberation histories so as to be able to generalise about other liberation movements and to improve the quality of governance in other countries. AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Bevrydingstryde en die manier waarop bevrydingsbewegings georganiseer is kan 'n blywende impak op post-bevryding samelewings laat. Hierdie studie is uitgevoer om bevrydingsbewegings as regerings na te vors en ondersoek in te stel oor hoe die kwaliteit van staatsbestuur beïnvloed word in post-bevryding samelewings wanneer bevrydingsbewegings regerings word. Die Suid-Afrikaanse bevrydingsbeweging het bygedra tot een van die mees vreedsame oorgange van mag op die Afrika-kontinent. Die stigma rondom bevrydingsbewegings het egter gelei tot die implementering van 'n studie oor die Suid-Afrikaanse bevrydingsbeweging en of die ANC as regerende party wel 'n sukses van sy staatsbestuur van Suid-Afrika gemaak het. Hierdie tesis gebruik Suid-Afrika as 'n gevallestudie om te bepaal hoe die kwaliteit van bestuur beïnvloed word wanneer bevrydingsbewegings regerings word. Hierdie tesis is gefokus op die voortslepende gevolge van die struktuur en organisasie van bevrydingsbewegings. Dit is dus 'n verkennende asook beskrywende studie waar die nalatenskappe van die Suid-Afrikaanse bevrydingsbeweging ondersoek word en waar die ANC as 'n bevrydingsbeweging staan in vergelyking met die ANC as 'n regerende party. Die gebruik van historiese ontleding om die struktuur en interne bestuur van die bevrydingsbeweging te ontdek, is in hierdie tesis gebruik om die nalatenskappe, wat vandag nog ’n invloed het op die ANC selfs ná sy oorgang van 'n bevrydingsbeweging na 'n politieke party, te verduidelik. Om dit te kan doen het die tesis gebruik gemaak van Rothstein en Teorell (2008) se teoretiese raamwerk van die gehalte van bestuur wat gedefineer word as onpartydigheid. Hierdie nalatenskappe van die Suid-Afrikaanse bevrydingsbeweging het kwansuis 'n impak op die gehalte van die staatsbestuur van die ANC as 'n regerende party in 'n post-bevryding Suid-Afrika gehad. Deur navorsing te doen oor die laaste twintig jaar van die ANC-regering in Suid-Afrika se post-bevryding gemeenskap, ondersoek hierdie tesis die onpartydigheid van staatsinstellings om sodoende die gehalte van regering in Suid-Afrika te evalueer, en om daardeur te ontdek wat word van die kwaliteit van staatsbestuur wanneer bevrydingsbewegings regerings word. Die bevindings van hierdie studie dui aan op drie gevolgtrekkings. Eerstens, die nalatenskappe van die Suid-Afrikaanse bevrydingsbeweging het vandag nog 'n groot invloed op die modus operandi, die struktuur en die doelwitte van die ANC. Tweedens, hierdie nalatenskappe het bygedra tot die agteruitgang van die onpartydigheid van staatsinstellings, in die besonder as gevolg van die Nasionale Demokratiese Revolusie (NDR) projek en sy kaderontplooiing strategie waar aanstellings gemaak is sonder om die beginsel van onpartydigheid in ag te neem. Die nalatenskappe van die Suid-Afrikaanse bevrydingsbeweging het dus 'n negatiewe impak op die gehalte van die ANC se staatsbestuur. Laastens het hierdie tesis bevind dat in die geval van Suid-Afrika, toe die ANC as bevrydingsbeweging oorgeneem het as die regerende party in 'n post-bevryding samelewing, die gehalte van bestuur negatiewelik geaffekteer is. Verdere navorsing in hierdie gebied word benodig om hierdie bevindinge met ander lande wat ’n soortgelyke geskiedenis deel te vergelyk en om sodoende te veralgemeen oor ander bevrydingsbewegings en gevolglik die kwaliteit van bestuur in ander lande te verbeter.

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Watson, Patrick Gordon. "The interface of (social) science with government and politics : An ethnography of political action." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.514429.

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This dissertation explores the possibility of conducting an ethnography of political action through the detailed examination of politician's use of a specific political phenomenon: performance measurements. Performance Measurements are a combination of actuarial, managerial and social science assessments of which culminate, in the UK case, as a ranking of municipal performance, on each individual publicly (municipally) provided service as well as an overall ranking of local authorities in England. Using performance measurements as a departure point from which to explore the structures of politics more generally, I will illustrate how ethnomethodologically informed ethnography responds to Foucault's proposed examination of the arts and sciences of government in light of recent developments in politics and public policy in the Western world. Over the last thirty-or-so years, governments in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) have been, nearly unanimously, incorporating what are considered business management techniques for monitoring and assessing public service provision. This ranges from various levels of government (central/federal, provincial/state/regional, municipal) and reforms have been implemented in a variety of ways. As a general description, it can be said that the advent of cost-benefit accounting combined with business management expectations and assorted social science techniques have furnished the assessment regimes with varying degrees of acceptance and success. At the same time, political scientists, management theorists, and social scientists, aware of this paradigm shift in the practice of governance, have been examining methods for approaching the phenomenon of the governmental actor. In a handful of cases (c.f. Gains, 2009; Yannow, 2006; Rhodes, 2005; Abram and Cowell, 2004) ethnographic approaches to the phenomenon of political action have been proposed, explored developed and implemented. However there is a great deal of deliberation on what might properly be said, ethnographically, about government activity, and the new field of ethnography of government or governance is struggling to come to terms with a mode a purpose. I will propose an ethnomethodologically informed ethnography of government can provide insights to what Foucault (1991) described as governmentality: the rational and practical features of government action. While Foucault proposed a historically informed examination of the discourses of government, I will suggest that an observationally informed inquiry garners knowledge on "rational action", as well as organisational rule usage, decision making practices and accountability structures or practices in a way that other forms of inquiry cannot achieve. In a time of flux in the structures and practices of governance, I will suggest that ethnomethodologically informed ethnography is one approach with rich insights towards the inquiry of these new governmental arrangements.

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Çetin, Elif. "Political debates, policy objectives and outcomes in British and Italian immigration politics, 1997-2010." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708065.

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Jhappan, Carol R. (Carol Radha). "The language of empowerment : symbolic politics and Indian political discourse in Canada." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/30656.

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The question of how subordinated groups in democratic states set about shifting their political relationship with their encompassing societies has received little attention among political scientists in Canada. Groups which lack significant political, legal, and economic resources, and which are stigmatized by an inferior status (reinforced by law and policy) do not enjoy the level playing field predicted by pluralist interest group theory. Yet they are sometimes able to overcome these obstacles and to renegotiate their political and legal status. The question is how some groups are able to do this, and what strategies are available to or obligatory for groups wishing to initiate political bargaining. According to the theory of symbolic politics developed here, disadvantaged minorities seeking political benefits from the state will typically conduct politics at the symbolic level. That is, they tend to invoke a range of political symbols and myths: first, to build in-group solidarity by presenting an analysis of a common past and present, as well as a vision of the future society, and thereby legitimate their political aspirations. In the first stage of minority politicization, such groups must: (a) build a sense of community of interests and goals which can be said to represent the reference group as a whole; (b) reverse the stigmatic identity ascribed to them by the dominant society; and (c) find ways of competing with the dominant society, not on the latter's terms, but on alternative ideological grounds. In the second stage of politicization, minorities must: (a) create appropriate demands; (b) learn to use the mechanisms, methods and institutions of the mainstream political process; and (c) eventually routinize conflict by negotiating stable norms to guide on-going relations with government. Subordinated groups do not normally seek purely material benefits. They usually seek symbolic benefits in the form of rights, and a redefined status within society. Thus, much of their politicking is conducted in public, and is largely devoted to capturing public sympathy which can be used as a resource against government. The political myths and symbols employed are characteristically emotive and imprecise. Political goals are presented in symbolic terms, and are advanced at the level of principle rather than substance. When applied to the case of Native Indian politics in the Canadian context, the evidence confirms the accuracy of these hypotheses. Indians have pursued the symbolic strategies predicted by the model: the essence of their political aspirations has been captured in the symbols of aboriginal title/aboriginal rights, land claims, and ultimately, self-government; at the macro level, they have sought predominantly symbolic benefits, as represented by legislative and constitutional recognition of certain rights and privileges; and they have attempted to win public support to use as a bargaining chip vis-a-vis government. However, they have not been entirely successful in their use of the symbolic strategies outlined, and the evidence suggests that they have reached a public opinion impasse. Despite their efforts, public opinion on native and native issues has remained remarkably stable over the last twenty years, so that further effort in this area is likely to bring diminishing returns. In the end, symbolic politics, while necessary for subordinated groups in their fledgling stages of politicization, must eventually give way to more conventional political methodologies as groups become institutionalized in the mainstream political process. Arts, Faculty of Political Science, Department of Graduate

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Dunn, Elizabeth Margaret. "Women's issues and politics : getting the childcare issue onto a municipal political agenda." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/30544.

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This thesis examines women's issues and the political agenda. Several factors affect the likelihood of a women's issue getting onto the formal political agenda of government (municipal, provincial, and federal). The nature of the issue (the degree to which it challenges the status quo) affects the political outcome: those issues which have fit into current and historical legislative patterns (such as welfare state guidelines) have been more successful. A patriarchal family ideology places limitations on the proper role of women: women have held primary responsibility for the care of children and family. Women's labour force participation creates parameters for government involvement in issues such as childcare. The lobbying and organizational skills of the political actors involved are prerequisites for gaining access to government decision-makers. While the entry of women into the political arena has not insured the entry of women's issues onto the political agenda, female politicians have been especially important in bringing women's issues forward for debate and action. However, government bureaucracy has often been a barrier in the implementation of legislation concerning women's issues. I present a case study of a particular women's issue (childcare) at the municipal level of government. Five locations are examined in the Greater Vancouver area, using a combination of qualitative methods (personal interviews) and quantitative research techniques (government statistics, official documents, and reports from a variety of community organizations). In spite of the steadily increasing labour force participation of women in all locations, the response of local governments to the childcare issue has varied greatly — childcare is on Vancouver's political agenda but not that of the four district municipalities examined. Vancouver's involvement has been more comprehensive and longterm (more childcare spaces, an involved Social Planning Department, two task forces, a Children's Advocate, and buildings and sites for childcare purposes). The response of municipal councils continues to reflect patriarchal notions of the family (where childcare is a private, family responsibility). Alternatively, Vancouver council has recognized a permanent restructuring of the family and the ongoing involvement of the larger community in childcare. At the same time, the lobbying approach of Vancouver childcare advocates has followed long established patterns concerning childcare and governments -- the argument has been based on child welfare, not the rights or welfare of women. Arts, Faculty of Sociology, Department of Graduate

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Tucker, Penelope. "Government and politics : London 1461-1483." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.297286.

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This thesis discusses the nature of London's governmental and political system and the part played by the city in the political, commercial and legal life of the nation in the late fifteenth century. The first three chapters examine the city's electoral processes, the backgrounds of its most senior governors, and the relationships between its governing bodies and other civic organisations, such as the city companies. From this, it emerges that Edwardian London's political system was hierarchical rather than oligarchic, even though its governors were able to secure election to high office without following a lengthy civic cursus honorum. However, change was already under way, as the aldermen came to rely less on the wards and more on the companies for political support and legitimisation. The more oligarchical style of government clearly visible in the sixteenth century can be shown to have had its roots in the late fifteenth century. Chapters Four and Five examine the effectiveness of the city's financial organisations and system of law courts. In raising revenue for both civic and royal purposes, the city was relatively efficient, though its methods were ponderous and their effectiveness was heavily dependent on individual financial officers. The city's law courts remained busy and responsive to the needs of litigants, contributing to the effectiveness and prestige of civic government by their activities. In the final chapter, London's place in national and international political events is considered. The governors' normal aim was, above all, to protect the city's interests. Although London played an important role in the wider political scene, it had that role largely thrust upon it by others. This stance helped to prevent the city from mirroring the national tumults of the late fifteenth century.

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Dorado, Maria-Cristina. "Local government politics in Pereira, Colombia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670328.

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Nikolenyi, Csaba. "Party politics in a non-western democracy : a test of competing theories of party system change, government formation and government stability in India." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ48684.pdf.

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Pouilot, Simon-Pierre. "Politics and emotions : making sense of the emotional component in political communications." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33919.

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In the 20th century, political communications have evolved at a tremendous pace. In its present version, as can be encountered everywhere in the Western world, this type of communication increasingly makes use of marketing-related techniques. These techniques, coupled with the naturally affective characteristics of modern media have influenced political campaigning into featuring more and more emotional messages. This tendency has decisively affected the quality of the information that political actors (politicians, parties, etc.) contribute to the public sphere, thus impeding on citizens' capacity to construct rational opinion on a variety of political matters. This thesis sets out to explore two examples from Quebec's history to show how this increasing use of emotional messages in political communications has found its way into the province's social environment.

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Chen, Xi. "Mass Media as Instruments for Political and Social Control in China: Media Role in Chinese Politics." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/35389.

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Under the influence of Soviet media theory, Chinese media have been held under the control of the Communist Party of China ever since the Party was established in 1921. However, this practice of control was subject to change as a result of rapid economic development and many social changes brought about by economic reform after 1978. This thesis explores the current situation of media control in China. Although the mass media in China began to enjoy more autonomy and diversity after the nation adopted its policies of reform and opening up to the outside world, given that political reform did not keep pace with economic reform, this study hypothesizes that the degree of government control varied according to the nature of the issues involved. It is expected that there would be tighter government control over the media in reporting political issues than reporting economic and social issues. The result of these case studies confirmed the original hypothesis. This study demonstrates that the relaxation of media control only happened in the non-political sphere. For those issues with political implications, there remained tight government control. In other words, the media are still used as instruments for political and social control in current day China. This study also explores the detailed approaches adopted by the government in controlling media content, management and operation. Furthermore, based on the study of both the historical development and the current situation of media control in China, this research points out the possible future developments for media control in China. Master of Arts

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SABA, RAUL PHILLIP. "POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT AND DEMOCRACY IN PERU: CONTINUITY WITHIN CHANGE AND CRISIS (BELAUNDE, VELASCO, MORALES-BERMUDEZ, COMPARATIVE POLITICS)." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/188128.

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This study examines the development of Peruvian politics and government from 1962 to 1985. It describes the programs and policies of the interim military junta (1962-63), the Velasco (1968-75) and Morales Bermudez (1975-80) phases of the Armed Forces Revolution, and the two Belaunde administrations (1963-68, 80-85) and posits a basic commonality of goals and continuity of reforms despite differences in policy orientation and emphasis. The study begins with a contextual discussion of the ideological underpinnings of contemporary Peruvian political reform, establishing linkages to the revolutionary thought of Gonzalez Prada, Mariategui, and Haya de la Torre, as well as to the more moderate reformist positions of Víctor Andres Belaunde, Bustamante y Rivero, and Basadre. Continuing with an in-depth historical analysis of the period under study, the contextual discussion demonstrates the underlying continuities of political reform in the programs and goals of the several regimes. The focus of the study then shifts to an analysis of the reformist and democratic evolution of the Peruvian polity. It analyzes the central government's budgets according to administrative, social, and economic categories. The analysis demonstrates all the governments since 1962 pursued generally common reformist policies and none reversed the progressive trend set. An analysis of Peruvian foreign policy reorientations vis-a-vis the United States, the Socialist bloc, and the Third World shows that the progressive changes and reforms begun under one administration continued to evolve and crystalize under the policies of succeeding governments. The point is highlighted by an analysis of Peru's voting pattern in the United Nations General Assembly, where divergence with U.S. policy became greater with each change in government after 1963. Finally, in looking to overall political development as political modernization and institutionalization, the analysis shows that Peru has undergone progressive and incremental changes heightening political awareness and participation and thus strengthening its potential for political democracy and social development. Each government since 1962 made substantial, if varying, contributions to the increase of political legitimacy and stability within the polity. In sum, a continuum of political development prevailed.

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Poata-Smith, E. S. Te Ahu, and n/a. "The political economy of Maori protest politics, 1968-1995 : a Marxist analysis of the roots of Maori oppression and the politics of resistance." University of Otago. Department of Political Studies, 2002. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070508.153703.

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This thesis provides a Marxist analysis of the political economy of contemporary Maori protest politics in the years from 1968 to 1995. It is argued that Maori protest politics embraces a range of competing political ideologies, which are informed by different assumptions about the causes of Maori inequality in wider society, and in turn, different sets of strategies for ameliorating and transcending that inequality. Overall, the thesis has two central concerns: firstly, it identifies the critical economic, political and ideological conditions and context that have allowed particular competing political ideologies and strategies to dominate contemporary Maori protest politics. This involves a particular focus on understanding and explaining the rise of identity politics and cultural nationalism as the dominant political strategy within Maori protest politics. This involves a particular focus on understanding and explaining the rise of identity politics and cultural nationalism as the dominant political strategy within Maori protest politics. Secondly, the thesis critically assesses the effectiveness of contemporary Maori struggles against racism and oppression on the basis of whether they involve, or are likely to contribute towards, the transformation of the generative structures that give rise to manifest inequalities between Maori and non-Maori. It is argued that the systematic alienation of land and the inequality that exists between Maori and non-Maori are not simply the result of the underlying cultural values of individual non-Maori but are rather the result of the historical process of capitalist development in Aotearoa and the economic, political and ideological requirements necessary for the generalised commodification of indigenous labour-power. The thesis explores how the politics and practice of Maori protest has been shaped and influenced to a large extent by the underlying social, economic, political and ideological forces of global capitalism. It is argued that the international collapse of the long boom, the global upturn in class struggle and the emergence of the New Left internationally from the late 1960s had an enormous influence on the political direction of Maori protest in the New Zealand context. The success of the working class offensive and the growing political influence of rank and file Maori workers ensured that Maori protest groups formed part of the progressive social movements of the time. Indeed, although some were explicitly nationalist in their orientation, these movements were consciously part of the Left. The balance of political forces within the Maori protest movement changed considerably during the late 1970s and early 1980s with the rise of the New Right as a political force internationally together with the rise of employer militancy, the defeat and demoralization of the working class movement internationally, the decline of the social movements and the absence of mass struggle. This had important implications for the influence of the various ideological factions that co-existed uneasily in the Maori political milieu from the early 1970s onwards. The downturn in militant mass struggle saw the rise in the influence of identity politics as cultural nationalist strategies came to dominate Maori protest politics, representing a fundamental retreat from Left-wing ideas. In practice this entailed a rejection of the class politics and mass struggle that had informed the politics and strategies of Maori protest groups from the late 1960s, and its replacement with a politics of cross-class alliances and a personal rejection of �Pakeha society�. In practice this was a recipe for passivity and divisiveness within the Maori protest movement itself. The politics of cultural nationalism left Maori ill-equipped to resist the ruling class counter-offensive and the anti-working class policies that successive governments introduced to restore the conditions for profitable capital accumulation. In particular, the rejection of a class analysis of Maori inequality in capitalist society has undermined the capacity of working class Maori to resist the neo-liberal agenda and a Treaty of Waitangi settlement process that has resulted in a substantial shift in resources to those sections of Maori society already wealthy and powerful. Although the settlement process represented an important concession by the state, it has never compensated for the anti-working class policies of governments since 1984, which have widened the social and economic inequalities in New Zealand society. In this way, the emphasis on cultural identity alone as the determining factor in Maori oppression has been counter-productive for working class Maori as successive governments shifted the costs of the economic crisis on to the weakest sections of the community. As New Zealand entered a new period of economic and social crisis in the 1990s, the commercial interests of Maori tribal executives, Maori corporate enterprises, and the Maori bureaucracy were clearly at odds with the material interests of the vast majority of working class Maori families. This fundamental conflict in class interests was to set the scene for a revival of militancy on scale not seen since the 1970s.

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Lee, Ronald Arthur. "Government and politics in Scotland, 1661-1681." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.295339.

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Lorman, Thomas Anselm. "The domestic politics of the Bethlen government." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.269979.

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RIBEIRO, BERNARDO BARBOZA. "POLITICS OF GOVERNMENT ADVERTISING: EVIDENCE FROM BRAZIL." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2017. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=31792@1.

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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO CONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICO Usando uma base de dados inédita com informações sobre o gasto do governo federal brasileira com propaganda, nós lançamos luz sobre o comportamento de anunciantes do setor público a relação entre propaganda governamental e voto. Em particular, nós investigamos possíveis motivações políticas por trás da alocação do orçamento dedicado à propaganda governamental e seu impacto sobre voto. No espírito da literatura de distributive politics, primeiro nós calculamos a correlação entre gasto com anúncios por entes públicos e votos no partido do governo no nível local. Em seguida, nós exploramos a variação exógena gerada pela cobertura de sinais de rádio para testar a hipótese de que o gasto com propaganda aumenta os votos recebidos pelo partido do governo. Nossos resultados sugerem que, ainda que resultados de eleições passadas prevêem onde no território o governo anuncia, os eleitores não parecem ser persuadidos pelos anúncios a votar em favor do partido no poder. Using a unique data set of central government expenditure on advertising in Brazil, we shed light on the behavior of public advertisers and the relation between government ads and voting. In particular, we investigate political motivations behind the allocation of the advertisement budget by the federal government and its impacts on voting. Borrowing insights from the literature of distributive politics, we first correlate ad money and votes for the government s party on the local level. Next, we exploit plausible exogenous variation on radio signal coverage to test if money spent on ads turn into votes for the government s party. Our findings show that although past presidential election outcomes predict where in the territory the government places ads, voters do not seem to be persuaded by those ads to favor the party in power.

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Hoyland, Bjorn Kare. "Government and opposition in EU legislative politics." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2902/.

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This thesis presents a model of EU legislative politics. The model sees national political parties as actors, rather than institutions, countries or trans-national party groups. The empirical focus is on the Codecision procedure after the Amsterdam reform came into effect in 1999. In essence, the thesis argues that governing parties dominate EU legislative politics. The governing parties' advantage stems from two factors. First, they are represented in the Upper House, the Council of Ministers, while opposition parties are not. Second, the shifting majority requirements in the European Parliament (EP) mean that a qualified majority in the Council can impose its preferences on the EP if the Council has the support from a blocking minority in the EP. Nevertheless, the qualified majority requirement in the Council also means that most governing parties would like to see a larger change in policy than what the Council can agree to in their common position. This has implications for the legislative strategy of both governing and opposition parties. Three hypotheses are tested. Hypothesis 1: Governing parties are more active as Codecision agenda- setters (rapporteurs) than opposition parties. Hypothesis 2: Rapporteurs from governing parties are more likely to see their initial legislative proposal being accepted by the Council of Ministers in the first reading. Hypothesis 3: The majority of governing parties and ideologically close opposition parties are more likely to support second reading amendments than other parties. The empirical evidence supports the hypotheses. Thus, there are empirical grounds for arguing that government and opposition exist in EU legislative politics. The governing coalition is the qualified majority of the governing parties and its ideologically close parties in the EP. The opposition is the losing minority in the Council and its ideologically close parties in the EP. The opposition also includes those parties that are neither ideologically close to the minority nor close to the majority of the governing parties. The evidence shows that behaviour differences are more evident between governing and opposition parties from adversarial member states. In non-adversarial states, which often have minority or oversized coalition government, the difference between governing and opposition parties is smaller.

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Boateng, Joseph. "Complementarity in Politics-Administration Relationship: Interpersonal Trust Between Political Appointees and Career Public Managers in State Government." University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron1399993559.

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Corvetto, Piero. "Non-party governments: The recruitment of personnel in the relationship between the government and the governing party in Peru (1980-2011)." Revista de Ciencia Política y Gobierno, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/48646.

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The paper studies the relationship between governments and political parties in Peru from 1980 to 2011 Specifically, it aims to analyze the partisanship of government: the participation at government of the political organization with the one the president won the elections First, it orders the Peruvian governments around four types of partisanship: (i) the governing party, (ii) the government without a party (or government of the Messiah), and the coalition government in any of its two versions; that is (iii) the government of hegemonic coalition and (iv) the pluralist coalition government Second, it aims to explain the two types of partisanship found in this country: on one hand, hegemonic coalition governments such as Fernando Belaunde (19801985) and Alan Garcia (1985-1990), and on the other hand, the non-party governments like those of Alberto Fujimori (1990-2000), Alejandro Toledo (2001-2006) and Alan Garcia (20062011) To do this, it discards explanations focused on the type of political regime and those who focus solely on party institutionalization or only on personalism In contrast, it suggests that the combination of the last two factors explains the type of partisanship found in each case El artículo estudia la relación entre los gobiernos y los partidos de gobierno en el Perú entre 1980 y 2011 Específicamente, se propone analizar el partidismo del gobierno: la participación en el gobierno de la organización política con la que el presidente ganó las elecciones En primer lugar, ordena los gobiernos peruanos alrededor de cuatro tipos de partidismo: (i) el gobierno de partido, (ii) el gobierno sin partido (o «gobierno del mesías»), y el gobierno de coalición en cualquiera de sus dos versiones; es decir, (iii) el gobierno de coalición hegemónica y (iv) el gobierno de coalición pluralista En segundo lugar, se propone explicar los dos tipos de par- tidismo encontrados en el país: por un lado, los gobiernos de coalición hegemónica como los de Fernando Belaúnde (1980-1985) y Alan García (1985-1990) y, por otro lado, los gobiernos sin partido como los de Alberto Fujimori (1990-2000), Alejandro Toledo (2001-2006) y Alan García (2006-2011) Para ello, descarta explicaciones enfocadas en el tipo de régimen político y aquellas que se centran únicamente en la institucionalización partidaria o únicamente en el personalismo Por el contrario, propone que la combinación de los últimos dos factores explica el tipo de partidismo encontrado en cada caso O artigo estuda a relação entre os governos e os partidos de governo no Peru entre 1980 e 2011Especificamente, este artigo propõe analisar o partidismo do governo: a participação no governo da organização política com ao que presidente ganhou as eleições No primeiro lugar, ordena os governos peruanos ao redor de quatro tipos de partidismo: (i) o governo do partido, (ii) o governo sem partido («governo do messias»), e o governo de coligação em suas dois versões; que podem ser (iii) o governo de coligação hegemônica e (iv) o governo de coligação pluralista No segundo lugar, este artigo propõe explicar os dois tipos de partidismo encontrados no país: os governos de coligação hegemônica como o governo Fernando Belaúnde (1980-1985) e o governo do Alan Garcia (1985-1990) e, por outro lado, os governos sem partido como o governo de Alberto Fujimori (1990-2000), o governo do Alejandro Toledo (2001-2006) e Alan García (2006-2011) Para isso, descarta as explicações centralizadas no tipo de regime político e aqueles que só centralizam na institucionalização partidária ou só no personalismo Pelo contrario, este artigo propõe que a mistura dos últimos dois fatores explicam o tipo de partidismo encontrado em cada caso

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Pellegata, A. "Government Alternation and its Implications on Democratic Performance." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/170243.

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The thesis deals with the concept of government alternation and its potential implications. The purpose of the thesis is twofold. On one side it gives an appropriate definition of the concept of alternation both in theoretical and empirical terms. On the other side the thesis aims at testing empirically the effects of government alternation on two important dimensions of democratic performance: accountability and responsiveness. Government alternation, enhancing the degree of competitiveness of political systems, strengthens the relation of accountability between voters and their representatives and makes governments responsive to voters preferences. The concept of alternation is analysed according to two fundamental dimensions: the possibility of alternation, determined by the political-institutional setting of countries, and its empirical occurrence. The present work distinguishes among three different types of alternation: partisan, ideological and complete ideological alternation. Accountability is operationalized with the capacity of states to control political corruption, whereas responsiveness is defined by the levels of ideological congruence among the median voter, the median legislator and the government. Empirical results show that the possibility of alternation has no effects on democratic performance, whereas its empirical occurrence, especially in the ideological dimension, plays a positive and significant role

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Madsen, Steven K. "Precinct Government in Salt Lake County, Utah 1852-1904." BYU ScholarsArchive, 1986. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/4897.

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This thesis traces the origin, development, and decline, from 1852 to 1904, of Salt Lake County's judicial precincts. A precinct functioned as the basic subdivision of county government. Its boundaries were generally coterminous with those of local communities. It was established to allow for a degree of local control by the people.Chapter two reveals that precinct justices experienced over time a marked decline in socio-political prominence. This is largely due to legislative statutes that decreased their jurisdictional powers. Chapter three examines the evolution of precinct boundaries. It is demonstrated that geographic distribution of individuals played a major role in the growth and eventual consolidation of community precincts. The relative availability of government services also fostered the development of county districts. Chapter four studies the role of the minor precinct officials in local government--constables, estray poundkeepers, and fenceviewers. The last chapter devotes attention to the factors that influenced the institution. The appendix lists the county's justices of the peace from 1852 to 1904.

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García, John A., Gabriel R. Sanchez, and J. Salvador Peralta. "Latino politics: a growing and evolving political community (a reference guide)." University of Arizona Libraries (Tucson, AZ), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/622149.

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Table of Contents: Frontmatter / Chapter One: Latino Politics: Both a Growing and Evolving Political Community / Chapter Two: Methodology and User Guide / Chapter Three: History, Demographics and Mass Media / Chapter Four: Latino Identity / Chapter Five: Books Focused on Ethnic Studies / Chapter Six: Political Attitudes and Political Behavior / Chapter Seven: Latino Elites, Representation, and Institutions / Chapter Eight: Inter-group Relations / Chapter Nine: Public Policy Issues / Chapter Ten: Methodology and Measurement Issues / Chapter Eleven: Reference Sources / Appendixes

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Dobie, Robert. "The Ballot and the Bible: an Examination of the Role that Faith Played in the 2018 Tennessee Gubernatorial Election." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2141.

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This paper analyses the circumstances that allowed for faith to play such an outsized role in the 2018 Tennessee gubernatorial election compared to others in the past, investigates the ongoing relationship between faith and politics in Tennessee, and considers whether or not the inclusion faith in our politics is healthy for government and healthy for politics. It finds that the decline of centrism and the inclusion of issues of sex and the family in Tennessee politics has created a political atmosphere in which faith has become a winning cause, and that although faith has been shown to increase democratic participation among some political coalitions, it may also deepen partisan divisions.

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Feng, Dongning. "Text, politics and society : literature as political philosophy in post-Mao China." Thesis, University of Stirling, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/2216.

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The purpose of this study is to arrive at a critical overview of politics and literature in the Chinese context. The relationship has increasingly become a "field" of studies and theoretical inquiry that most scholars in either disciplines are wary to tread. This thesis tries to venture into this problematic field by a theoretical examination as well as an empirical critique of Chinese literature and politics, where the relationship seems even more paradoxical, but adds more insight into the argument. The Introduction and Chapter One set up a framework by asking some general but fundamental questions: what literature is, and how it is to be related to politics. Chapter Two examines the historical function of literature and Chinese writers in society to establish the basis of argument in the Chinese context. Chapter Three focuses the discussion on the relationship between politics and literature during the Mao era and after. Chapters Four analyses the literary works published during the post-Mao period to establish the argument that literature, as part of our perception of the world, is most concerned with human society and social amelioration and participates in the socio-political development by contributing to it through a discourse that is otherwise inaccessible. Chapter Five explores the argument further by extending it into the field of cinema, which basically comes from the same narrative tradition of prose literature, but offers a wider and different dimension to the argument pursued. Chapter Six and the Conclusion try to draw together the argument by examining literature as both form and content to argue how and why literature is related to politics and how it has functioned in a political manner in Chinese society. To summarise, Chinese literature in this period will b& shown to be involved In a process of political reform and development by way of bringing the reader to participate in a critical and philosophical dialogue with power, history and future. In the long run, it offers emancipating visions and possibilities revealed to the reader in ways that are historical, developmental, philosophical and comparative. This study focuses on the prose fiction published in this period, for it is the leading force in China's cultural development and constitutes the major trunk of the modern Chinese canon. In addition, the research also extends to drama and films, and the way they, together with prose fiction, make up the most popular perception and intellectual discovery of contemporary Chinese society and politics and best inform the argument of the study of politics and literature.

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Durazo, Herrmann Julián. "Subnational politics and regime change in Mexico." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102799.

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What happens to subnational states when the parent federation undergoes a regime change process? This is a crucial question in understanding political processes in federal countries. The visible political differentiation amongst subnational states belonging to the same federation underscores the fact that some processes are at work that are being ignored by the literature's current focus on national developments. To fill this lacuna, I develop an analytical model that seeks to explain regional differentiation during federal regime change by focusing directly on subnational politics and institutions in comparative fashion, while accounting for the inescapable influence of broader federal actors and processes. In constructing this model, I draw extensively from the theories of federalism, regime change and political parties. I argue that the decision to initiate a transition in an authoritarian setting belongs to the federation. However, regional political actors mediate federal processes in their territory and give them a profoundly subnational logic. Regionally specific institutions, interests and histories thus become intangible frontiers between subnational politics and external processes. The constant repetition of this mechanism throughout the transition creates distinct subnational polities. To test my hypothesis, I study three cases in central-northern Mexico: Guanajuato, San Luis Potosi and Zacatecas.

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Klaas, Brian Paul. "Bullets over ballots : how electoral exclusion increases the risk of coups d'état and civil wars." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2492d39d-522f-494e-9549-28b3f6fc7db3.

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Does banning opposition candidates from ballots increase the risk that they will turn to bullets instead? Globally, since the end of the Cold War, blatant election rigging tactics (such as ballot box stuffing) are being replaced by 'strategic rigging': subtler procedural manipulations aimed at winning while maintaining the guise of legitimacy in the eyes of international observers. In particular, incumbents (in regimes stuck between democracy and authoritarianism) are turning to 'electoral exclusion', neutralizing key rivals by illegitimately banning certain candidates, in turn reducing the need for cruder forms of election day rigging. I used mixed methods - combining insights from an original global dataset with extensive elite interviews conducted in five countries (Madagascar, Thailand, Tunisia, Zambia, and Côte d'Ivoire) - to establish that electoral exclusion is an attractive short-term election strategy for vulnerable incumbents that produces a much higher chance of victory but comes with high costs in the longer-term. Global probit modeling (using electoral exclusion as an independent variable and coups d'état and civil wars as separate dependent variables) suggests that, since the end of the Cold War, excluding opposition candidates from the ballot roughly doubles the risk of a coup d'état or quadruples the risk of civil war onset. In spite of these risks, incumbents fall into this 'exclusion trap' because of the shortened time horizon that frequently accompanies competitive multi-party elections. Vulnerable incumbents worry more about the short-term risk of losing an election than the long-term but ultimately unknown risk that political violence will ensue after the election. Finally, the inverse corollary of these findings is that inclusion of opposition candidates during multi-party elections can be a stabilizing factor. Though it may seem counterintuitive, fragile 'counterfeit democracies' - and so-called 'transitional' regimes - may be able to stave off existential threats to regime survival by extending an olive branch to their fiercest opponents. These findings combine to form the overarching argument of this dissertation: when opposition candidates are excluded from the ballot, they become more likely to turn to bullets by launching coups d'état and civil wars.

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Greig, Lorne Cameron George. "Court politics and government in England 1509-1515." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1996. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1733/.

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The aim of this thesis is to provide an overview of the period 1509-1515 in England, this being the first six years of the reign of Henry VIII. Within this timespan it is possible to witness the rise of Thomas Wolsey and also to examine the political situation before his ascendancy. Reaction to the new king will be examined on a number of fronts. His succession and the expectations placed on him will be looked at, expectations not only from his own people but also from those abroad. The highly visual natural of Henry VIII's court heightened this sense of expectancy and set the boundaries of the succeeding years. That group of men which attached itself to the king at work and play provides the starting point for this thesis. These were the middling courtiers, the men who sought favours and provided services. The desire for promotion at court provided a common bond for this diverse group. Young courtiers on the up, seasoned campaigners seeking rejuvenation and men of service, all sought promotion, through patronage, pedigree, personal ability or the grace of the king. Many men continued in positions of responsibility as held under Henry VII, creating a certain amount of continuity in administration. Edmund Dudley and Richard Empson felt the wrath of a monarch anxious to clear the air at the start of the reign and stamp his own brand of kingship on the court. Their associate Thomas Lovell continued and prospered under a king with no intention of embarking on a purge. William Compton rose from humble beginnings to become one of the king's closest confidants, recognised by many as the man to befriend. Opportunities were available for the ambitious courtier.

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Pratchett, Lawrence. "The politics of new technologies in local government." Thesis, De Montfort University, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/2086/4107.

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Brydon, William. "Politics, government and society in Edinburgh, 1780-1833." Thesis, Bangor University, 1988. https://research.bangor.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/politics-government-and-society-in-edinburgh-17801833(c9331ddf-c99a-4f2f-9972-74b42eba0a8c).html.

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The aim of this thesis is to analyse the development and impact of popular political consciousness in Edinburgh during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Particular attention is drawn to the growing political assertiveness of the middling orders in Edinburgh and to the threat which this posed both to the traditional political establishment in the city and to the established political constitution. The first section of the thesis examines some of the mechanisms by which popular political consciousness was nurtured and expressed. The structure, membership and influence of the myriad clubs and societies which flourished in Edinburgh are examined in Chapter Two. The role and influence of the press in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries are examined in Chapter Three. The second section of the thesis (Chapter Four) looks at the Town Council of Edinburgh, the lynchpin of government in the city. The third section of the thesis examines the impact which growing popular political consciousness had on the pattern of politics and government in Edinburgh. Chapter Five examines the municipal and parliamentary elections of 1780, in which disputes within the political establishment helped fuel growing politicisation out-of-doors. Chapter Six examines the radical Friends of the People reform movement of the 1790s and the reaction to it within the community. Chapter Seven discusses the origins and development of the Edinburgh Police Commission, which was set up in 1805. The role of the Commission is discussed in depth, as are the social and political themes which the controversies surrounding the Commission helped develop. Chapters Eight and Nine chart the course of reform in Edinburgh between the end of the Napoleonic Wars and the coming of the great reforms of the 1830s.

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Alketbi, Hamad. "An evaluation of e-government effectiveness in Dubai smart government departments." Thesis, Southampton Solent University, 2018. http://ssudl.solent.ac.uk/3809/.

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This PhD thesis examines the E-government implementation in Dubai and examines the critical success factors and barriers to a successful E-government implementation. The study is based on primary research conducted on the subject of E-government in the United Arab Emirates. The thesis critically reviewed extant literature on E-government implementation. The methodology used for this research is a mixed-methodological design comprising of quantitative survey of 450 employees of the Dubai Smart Government Department. A survey questionnaire was designed to assess the impact of various independent and dependent variables on the effectiveness of E-government implementation. To complement the shortcomings of the high level of abstraction often associated with quantitative methodology, a qualitative methodology was used which involved in-depth interviews with 25 middle and high ranking officials in the Dubai Smart Government Department. The results of these questionnaires and interviews helped provide a theoretical framework for the postulation of standard operating procedures, which could ensure the success of E-government implementation, in Dubai. The research analyses and discusses the primary data (questionnaire and interviews) to generate insights regarding the success of E-government implementation in Dubai. The analysis also examines the various factors which limit and hinder successful E-government implementations and offers recommendations for improvement. The study finds that some of the major barriers to E-government in Dubai include: technology, security, legal, monetary and strategic. Employees surveyed also generally expressed fear of complexity, system integration, data security, and job losses. Researchers have repeatedly shown that there is need for empirical based studies to understand contextually relevant aspects of E-government implementation in non-western contexts. This PhD thesis contributes to this debate with fresh empirical data sets from Dubai on E-government implementation including the identification of critical successes factors and barriers of a successful E-government implementation. This study also contributes theoretically by challenging the popular normative stage models with a more robust theoretical framework encompassing both human centeredness and context relevance. In so doing, the study came up with a tripartite approach comprising management support, cultural change, and system design. The study concludes that dynamic interplay between internal and external forces; socio-economic and technological factors (including maturity of ICT capabilities) are all relevant for a successful implementation of E-government in Dubai. This study’s key significance lies in its contribution to improve the implementation of a successful E-government in the UAE context, thereby leading to a development of a road map for facilitating practical implementation of strategies and reversing the declining trend of E-government participation in Dubai. In addition, the study’s emphasis on the public sector, could lead to strengthening of the role of E-government for administrative and institutional reform and inclusion in the public sector. The study could provide a useful guide both for the Dubai Smart Government Department and other E-government agencies in Arab regions and for internal stakeholders in the field who wish to gain insight into the process of E-government globally.

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Paskeviciute, Aida. "The role of political parties for political system support in established and new democracies." Online access via UMI:, 2005.

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Edwards, Jesse. "Our Government is Perpetuating the Tobacco Crisis: An Analysis of the Relationship Between the Tobacco Industry and the Government." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1287.

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The following paper explores the relationship between the tobacco industry and the United States government. Through an extensive literature review, I conclude that the government is perpetuating the tobacco crisis in the United States by aligning their policymaking actions with the interests of the industry in exchange for receiving campaign support. I find that the primary method of support the industry provides is through monetary contributions, essentially bribing legislators to assist them on tobacco control regulations. I argue that this mode of persuasion is most effective because the tobacco industry is appealing to the egos of the legislators by bolstering their finances which in turn greatly enables them to sustain their power in office. For future research, I recommend analyzing this relationship regarding the rising trend of e-cigarettes and vaping, especially among adolescents.

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Lembani, Samson Brown. "The influence of institutional arrangements on intra-party democracy in Malawi." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2006. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_9358_1182234535.

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This research study seeks to investigate how institutional arrangements impact on intra-party democracy in Malawi. Intra-party democracy is essential as it promotes party unity through reduced fragmentation and factionalism, encourages a culture of democratic debate and deliberation of critical issues within the party and therefore collective ownership of decisions. Further, it creates legitimate internal conflict management systems and finally, reduces opportunistic and arbitrary use of delegated authority. These are fundamental tenets of any functioning democratic entity. These elements of intra-party democracy are attainable if they are formerly stipulated and governed by the party&rsquo s constitutional rules. Where such rules either do not exist or are not effectively enforced, major operational problems arise. These may include: non-inclusive candidate selection procedures, centralised coalition negotiation processes, unprocedural conflict management mechanisms and unconstitutional or illegitimate party conventions. Consequently, the resulting outcomes include party instability and factionalism stimulated by resignations and expulsions, declining electoral support and weak coalitions. These factors undermine the party&rsquo s contribution to democracy. The next section gives the context and historical evolution of parties in Malawi.

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Henin, Thibaud. "The Strategic Use of Transnational Private Standards: Strengthening or Weakening Government Regulation?" Thesis, University of Oregon, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/23112.

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Over the past two decades, transnational private standards such as “dolphin-safe,” “fair-trade,” and “sustainably produced timber,” have become ubiquitous. The regulatory landscape of many issue areas includes a mix of these private standards and government regulation. This is puzzling as firms adopting these standards voluntarily commit to exceeding government regulation, yet may not recoup the additional costs related to production changes and certification of their processes. To understand why firms adopt transnational private standards and how these standards affect government policies, this dissertation examines how the adoption of sustainable forestry standards changed the regulatory dynamics between firms and governments between 1997 and 2016. The dissertation consists of three analyses of the interaction between standards’ adoption and government regulation. The first study quantitatively evaluates forest sector policies in 38 countries, and demonstrates that whether industries use their adoption of transnational private standards to gain competitive advantages over foreign rivals, or alternatively, to avert further government regulation depends on market conditions and the willingness of consumers to pay a premium for certification. The second study investigates the extent to which to which governments in Australia, Canada, and the United Kingdom have included transnational private standards in regulation to provide producers in import-competing industries competitive benefits over foreign producers. It establishes that in most cases, governments calibrated forest sector policies to increase trade benefits in response to the trade orientation of sectors and their level of transnational private standards adoption. The third study examines lobbying across industries and finds that industries adopted lobbying strategies on different forest sector policies based on whether those policies would improve their competitiveness and the extent to which to which they believed they could influence government policy. In aggregate, these studies demonstrate that governments of more-developed countries incorporated transnational private standards into their forest sector policies to the extent that doing so would provide economic benefits to their industries, and that they did so due to corporate lobbying. 10000-01-01

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Brooks, Michael Sheldon. "Seizing power from within : an analysis of intra-party transitions in Canada." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ56511.pdf.

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Sundet, Geir. "The politics of land in Tanzania." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1f73c896-4495-4aa7-89c5-a7cbc69a44c4.

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This is a study of the politics of public policy. It provides analysis of land policy and a study of policy making and of the Tanzanian state. Rather than deducing the state's agenda from its actions and the policies it produces, this thesis seeks to examine the interactions between the significant factions and personae of the Tanzanian political and administrative elites. This approach goes beyond identifying the divisions within the state between the Party leadership, the technocrats within the Government, and the Presidency. The thesis demonstrates how the ways in which conflicts are resolved, or deferred, and compromises are reached can lead to outcomes which do not necessarily constitute the sum of identifiable interests. In particular, a 'hidden level of government' is uncovered which consists of a technocratic elite which has, to a large extent, managed to depoliticise otherwise sensitive and controversial policy decisions and thus impose their stamp on policy outcomes. This approach to the analysis of rural land policies reveals the continuities in the state's approach to land issues. Since the colonial period, the objective of Tanzania's land policies has been to transform the countryside from the presumed inefficiencies of the 'traditional' modes of land use to fit the needs of a 'modern' and monetised economy. The modernising policies have provided the rationale for an authoritarian approach to land tenure and have been implemented by a centralised land administration. This thesis' historical analysis of the policies associated with the period of ujamaa and villagisation, and of the case studies of the 1983 Agricultural Policy and the 1995 National Land Policy, show that a modernising discourse and centralising administrative practices have remained at the centre of the policy agenda, despite dramatic changes in economic strategies and political institutions, and controversies over the future direction of land policies. The resulting land tenure regime relies on discretionary decision making by politicians and land officials and fails to provide workable procedures of checks and controls against malpractice. This study's detailed examination of the formulation of the National Land Policy reveals how a small elite of senior civil servants were able to hijack the policy making process and side-step political pressure for reform. They ignored, or appropriated selectively, the evidence and recommendations produced by comprehensive policy reviews, including the 1992 Presidential Commission of Inquiry, to maintain their direction of land policy while failing to address the evident shortcomings of the existing land policy regime.

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Cooper, Ian David. "Parties, factions and votes : a comparative study of electoral politics in post-colonial Namibia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:41d3105a-4d05-4604-9944-75b34de64e26.

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Since Africa’s ‘second liberation’ from authoritarianism at the beginning of the 1990s, political parties have assumed a critically important role in the processes by which social interests are articulated, institutions are legitimised and conflicts are managed. Many authors question the extent to which these organisations recognise the intrinsic value of free political competition, personal liberty, political accountability and social inclusion, although relatively few studies have attempted a comprehensive exploration of either party or voter behaviour. This research project represents a hypothesis-building case study of Namibia and addresses three areas of concern. First, it builds upon existing party system research to demonstrate that Namibia’s opposition vote is characterised by acute volatility and attributes this phenomenon to weak parties, salient ethnic identities and a permissive electoral system, all of which serve to encourage party fragmentation. Second, it investigates the more proximate causes of party fragmentation and concludes that leadership succession contests tend, in Namibia, to trigger splinter group formation either when factional support has been mobilised around a divisive issue or when defeated contenders are coerced into submission. Third, it explores the nature and drivers of dominant-party motivation, challenging an assumption that ruling elites are primarily interested in gangster-style theft and demonstrating that Namibia’s governing party has pursued, not only a formally legitimate path to wealth accumulation, but also a set of progressive social policies designed to empower its support base. Finally, it argues that Namibia’s opposition parties are not primarily motivated by a desire to secure ministerial office through election or co-optation, as the literature would suggest, but by a determination to capture the salaries, party income and media opportunities associated with parliamentary office. Each of these four arguments is tested through comparative analysis, using secondary literature, of Namibia, South Africa and Botswana.

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45

Martí, Tomàs David. "Explaining territorial demands : party competition as a driver of self-government claims in decentralised stateless nations." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/31567.

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The first wave of stateless nationalist mobilisation triggered decentralisation processes in several Western European states. Political autonomy provided European stateless nations with sub-state institutions with significant competences to manage their own affairs. Multinational federalism scholars have long debated whether political decentralisation to accommodate stateless nations appeases demands for secession or rather exacerbates them. Autonomous institutions created a new sub-state political system which political entrepreneurs, most significantly Stateless Nationalist and Regionalist Parties, are able to exploit to put forward demands for further empowerment of sub-state institutions. In the last decade territorial demands have been progressively raised by political parties in some Western European stateless nations, thus casting doubt on the effectiveness of political decentralisation as a valid mechanism to prevent secession. Scotland voted on independence on September 2014 whereas Catalan nationalist parties have been attempting to hold their own referendum since 2013. By looking specifically at the effects of political party competition at the sub-state level, this research aims at providing an explanation for the dynamics of territorial demands that have led to a high saliency of the territorial question in many Western European multinational states. An in-depth qualitative analysis of party competition in Catalonia aims to provide a successful explanation for the escalation of territorial demands in that country, also taking into account the role played by central institutions and the increasing support that secession shown amongst the population. The Catalan case is compared to Flanders and Scotland to test whether the dynamics of party competition can tell us a bit more about the ongoing territorial demands put forward by political parties in these three countries. The territorial accommodation of multinational states have tended to be analysed from an institutionalist perspective whereas multi-level party competition has kept a blind eye on constitutional change. This research aims at contributing to the growing literature of sub-state party politics and its capacities to explain constitutional change processes.

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46

Kalseth, Jorid. "Politics and resource use in local government service production." Doctoral thesis, Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Department of Economics, 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:no:ntnu:diva-184.

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This thesis included five essays studying the performance of local governments in Norway. Four of the essays address variation in resource allocation and efficiency between the local governments, the fifth analyses variation in service level. The thesis has mainly an empirical orientation. One essay, presented in Chapter 4, provides a theoretical contribution to the study of efficiency variation in public sector service production. The empirical analyses concentrate on two spending components local government administration and long-term care. Chapter 2 and 3 study variation in the size of local government administration. Administration is a necessary input in both service provision and in the political decision-making process, and administrative spending competes with the welfare services for resources. The size of the administrative component determines the amount of resources available for the production of welfare services. Cost efficiency and service level within long-term care are the topics of Chapter 5 and 6 respectively. Long-tem care for elderly and disabled persons is, besides primary education, the major expenditure component of the municipalities. Chapter 2 is reprinted with kind permission from Elsevier, sciencedirect.com

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47

Fleming, David Anthony. "The government and politics of provincial Ireland, 1691-1761." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.439735.

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48

Nazarahari, Reza. "Early Islamic politics and government in Nahj al-balaghah." Thesis, University of Kent, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.294321.

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49

Timmer, Sanne. "Causal factors of election violence in Africa : a comparative analysis of Kenya´s 2007 elections and Zimbabwe´s 2008 elections." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20394.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Africa has made tremendous progress over the past decades in its transition to democratic regimes. When evaluating the leverage such an enormous change has, and the haste Africa was in when making this change, the continent has been able to achieve a considerable amount of revision in their regimes. One fundamental aspect of a democracy is competitive Presidential elections. This has however shown to be a problem in Africa as many cases of violent elections have been reported on, with Nigeria’s 2011 elections being the latest example. The focus of this thesis is on the causal factors behind electoral violence in African democracies. More specifically, a comparative analysis of Kenya’s 2007 Elections and Zimbabwe’s 2008 elections is presented. The five possible causal factors under analysis are 1) free and fair elections, 2) international assistance, 3) political/electoral systems and 4) socio-economic factors and 5) ethnicity. Additionally, background information on the history of Kenya and Zimbabwe is presented. The research is conducted around the framework of one of the foremost African scholars in the field, Gilbert Khadiagala. His typology suggests two angles ‘In the first order of causes, electoral violence is the outcome of events and circumstances that emanate from broader political conflicts, particularly in societies that are beset by ethnic, communal and sectarian fissures. In the second category, electoral violence is a consequence of imperfect electoral rules; imperfections that allow some parties to manipulate elections through electoral fraud, vote buying, and rigging’ (Khadiagala, 2010:17). Next to this a discussion on Khadiagala’s fourth wave of democracy is analysed which proves of major importance for Kenya and Zimbabwe to prevent election violence. Not only because of the fact that the contemporary form of their democracies clearly show major flaws, but also because a democracy has proved to encourage socio-economic development. Firstly, the findings suggest that the people are fed up with stolen elections and they are demanding the free and fair conduct of elections. The use of violence is the means to express this ‘demand’. Furthermore, in both Kenya and Zimbabwe, the land occupation of colonizers caused the start of deep social cleavages and ethnic tensions. In Kenya it is concluded that the cause of violence was not purely the flawed election process, this was merely a trigger for underlying ethnic tensions. In Zimbabwe in turn, the violence was mainly sparked by President Mugabe’s government who used extreme means to gain votes. The system was highly manipulated and due to weak institutions and electoral rules, President Mugabe was able to rig the elections. The role of international assistance is discussed and proves to be of little influence towards election violence. In the case of Zimbabwe, no international observers were invited, in the case of Kenya, international observers were invited and present. In both cases violence broke out. The establishment of a stronger socio-economic society proves vital for the development of a democracy. The connection between ethnic, social and economic differences to the electoral system recognizes that further deepening and strengthening of the democratic institutions needs to become a reality in order to conduct more peaceful elections. The elections are far from free and fair and as a result of weak democratic institutions the possibility of rigging is created. With the underlying ethnic tensions and broader political cleavages, Kenya and Zimbabwe proved prone to violence. AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Wanneer daar in ag geneem word dat Afrika onder moeilike omstandighede en in ‘n baie kort tydperk, beweeg het van meerderheid autokratiese state na demokrasieë, is dit regverdig om te argumenteer dat Afrika ‘n kenmerkende vordering gemaak het in die laaste dekades om ‘n demokratiese samenleving te berwerkstellig. Helaas, n fundamentele aspek van n demokrasie is die beoefening van gereelde en kompeterend verkiesings. Oor die jare is daar bewys dat verkiesings n problematiese aspek van demokrasie is in meeste Afrika state, meerderheid van verkiesings in Afrika is geneig om uit te loop in konflik en geweld. Dus is die fokus van die studie op die faktore wat bydra tot konflik gedurende n verkiesings tydperk in jong Afrika demokrasieë. Meer spesifiek sal daar n vergelykende studie gedoen word van die 2007 verkiesing in Kenia en die 2008 verkiesing in Zimbabwe. Die vyf faktore wat bydra tot konflik gedurende verkiesings is : 1) vry en regverdige verkiesings, 2) internasionale hulpvelening, 3) politiese en verkiesingsstelsels, 4) sosio-ekonomiese faktore, 5) etnisiteit, word elk bespreek. Ook word die agtergrond van beide die verkiesings in Zimbabwe en Kenia bespreek. Die teoretiese aspekte van die studie is gebaseer op die werk van Gilbert Khadiagala, n hoogs ge-respekteerde kenner op die gebied. Sy teorie veronderstel dat konflik plaasvind as gevolg van politiek konflikte en etniese verskille. Tweedens, beweer hy dat verkiesingskonflik n produk is van foutiewe verkiesingsstelsels, veral waar een groep die ander groep kan manipuleer en waar bedrog moontlik is. Langs dit is 'n bespreking oor Khadiagala se vierde golf van demokrasie ontleed en bewys dit van groot belang vir Kenia en Zimbabwe om verkiesings geweld te voorkom. Nie net as gevolg van die feit dat die demokrasieë duidelik groot foute toon nie, maar ook en meer belangrik, omdat 'n demokrasie sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkeling aanmoedig. Daar word gevind dat meeste mense eenvoudig keelvol is met ‘gesteelde’ verkiesings en dat hulle begin aandring op vry en regverdige verkiesings en konflik en geweld is die enigste manier om hulle wense te verwesenlik. Ook, in beide Kenia en Zimbabwe het kolonialiseerders n groot skeuring veroorsaak tussen verskillende etniese groepe in beide lande, wat vandag voordurende etniese spanning veroorsaak. In Kenia blyk dit dat dit die etniese verskille was wat gelei het tot die verkiesingsgeweld in 2007 eerder as foutiewe verkiesingsstelsels. In Zimbabwe was dit verkiesingskorrupsie en President Robert Mugabe se oneerlike wyse van stemme werf wat gelei het tot konflik. Dit is aangetoon dat die aanwesigheid van internationale hulp min invloed het op verkiesings geweld. In die geval van Zimbabwe, is daar geen internasionale waarnemers genooi nie en in die geval van Kenia, is daar wel internasionale waarnemers is genooi en was hulle daadwerklik aanwesig. In beide gevalle het geweld uitgebreek. Daar word gevind dat ‘n sterke sosio-ekonomiese sameleving belangrik is vir demokratiese ontwikkling van ‘n land. Verder word daar geargumenteer dat sterk en onafhanklik politieke en demokratiese instansies bevorder moet word ten einde meer vreedsame verkiesings te hou. Tans in Afrika is verkiesings ver van vry en regverdig, gesamentlik met etniese spanning kan dit n plofbare situasie veroorsaak soos bewys in Kenia en Zimbabwe.

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50

Behrens, Gerd. "The other two Houses : the first five years of the Houses of Representatives and Delegates." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/15830.

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Bibliography: pages 353-378. Defying widespread predictions, the tricameral Parliament not only continues to function but, after five years, has become an integral part of the political realities in South Africa. This thesis is concerned with an assessment of the dynamics of the new dispensation in general and the role played by the Houses of Representatives and Delegates in particular. It evaluates the implications of the new dispensation for the government, participants in government created, racially segregated bodies and the extra-Parliamentary opposition. In addition, it synthesizes empirical data and theory by applying concepts of ethnicity and by reviewing the tricameral system in the light of the theoretical discussions on consociation and "control". The general elections of September 1989 have been used as a cut-off point for this study because the poll amongst Coloureds and Indians provides an opportunity to observe the effects of the performance of the "other" two Houses. Although it is too early for an exhaustive evaluation of the tricameral system, three preliminary conclusions can be drawn. Firstly, despite its failure to gain legitimacy in wider circles, the new dispensation proved to be a qualified success for the government, particularly in so far as it has managed to involve Coloured and Indian participants in the administration of their "own" affairs. Secondly, after an acquiescent start the two new chambers began to utilize the not inconsiderable potential innate to the Constitution of 1983 but failed to bridge the gulf separating them from the mainstream of black opposition. Thirdly, events in and more significantly outside Parliament, seriously undermined the success of the boycott strategy employed by the extra-Parliamentary opposition. While conducting research into apartheid institutions it has become necessary to use official terminology, for example, whites, Coloureds, Indians, Africans. It goes without saying that this does not imply any measure of acceptance of government policy. The methodology of the study is outlined in a brief appendix.

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