Artigos de revistas: "Political violence – Northern Ireland – Belfast"

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Abdulhasan Ali, Basma, e Sabah Atallah Diyaiy. "Violence in Martin McDonagh's The Pillowman". Al-Adab Journal 2, n.º 136 (15 de março de 2021): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.31973/aj.v2i136.1279.

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The 1990s have been of utmost importance for Ireland and the Irish as this decade is characterised by a great diversity of problems: economic problems, unemployment and migration which came as a result of these problems, racial harassment experienced abroad, psychological problems, the Troubles whose serious impact was felt not only in Northern Ireland but also in the Republic of Ireland, which emerged as a consequence of the conflict between the Catholics and the Protestants because of the political status of Northern Ireland and which began at the end of the 1960s and ended in 1998 with Belfast Agreement; self-centeredness emerging as a repercussion of the Celtic Tiger period which was witnessed between 1995 and 2000 and which means economic development in Ireland, and, lastly, the problem of violence. Martin McDonagh, an Anglo-Irish playwright represents these problems emphasising the problem of violence encountered in this decade in a satirical but grotesque way particularly in The Pillowman.

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Loane, Geoff. "A new challenge or a new role? The ICRC in Northern Ireland". International Review of the Red Cross 94, n.º 888 (dezembro de 2012): 1481–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383113000520.

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AbstractDespite the narrative of success surrounding the Northern Ireland peace process, which culminated in the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, there remain significant humanitarian consequences as a result of the violence. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has opened an office in Belfast after its assessments demonstrated a need for intervention. While a two-year ‘dirty protest’ in Northern Ireland's main prison has been recently resolved, paramilitary structures execute punishments, from beatings to forced exile and even death, outside of the legal process and in violation of the criminal code. This article examines the face of modern humanitarianism outside of armed conflict, its dilemmas, and provides analysis as to why the ICRC has a role in the Northern Ireland context.

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Dobrianska, Nadia. "The Weaver Street bombing in Belfast 1922: violence, politics and memory". Irish Historical Studies 47, n.º 172 (novembro de 2023): 259–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2023.45.

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AbstractOn 13 February 1922, an unidentified person threw a bomb into Weaver Street, which was full of Catholic children at play, killing four children and two women. The bombing became a locus of political controversy between the British government, the Provisional Government of the Irish Free State and the government of Northern Ireland, and became the archetypal story of innocent Catholic lives taken by the intercommunal conflict in the six counties which became Northern Ireland in 1920‒22. This article seeks to contribute to the understanding of the role of this intercommunal conflict in Irish and British politics, using the Weaver Street bombing as a case study. This article analyses nationalist representation of the conflict as an orchestrated campaign against Catholics, ‘a pogrom’; unionist representation of the conflict as loyalist self-defence against the I.R.A.; and the British government's effort to publicly maintain neutrality in the conflict.

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Cummings, E. Mark, Christine E. Merrilees, Alice C. Schermerhorn, Marcie C. Goeke-Morey, Peter Shirlow e Ed Cairns. "Testing a social ecological model for relations between political violence and child adjustment in Northern Ireland". Development and Psychopathology 22, n.º 2 (28 de abril de 2010): 405–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954579410000143.

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AbstractRelations between political violence and child adjustment are matters of international concern. Past research demonstrates the significance of community, family, and child psychological processes in child adjustment, supporting study of interrelations between multiple social ecological factors and child adjustment in contexts of political violence. Testing a social ecological model, 300 mothers and their children (M = 12.28 years, SD = 1.77) from Catholic and Protestant working class neighborhoods in Belfast, Northern Ireland, completed measures of community discord, family relations, and children's regulatory processes (i.e., emotional security) and outcomes. Historical political violence in neighborhoods based on objective records (i.e., politically motivated deaths) were related to family members' reports of current sectarian antisocial behavior and nonsectarian antisocial behavior. Interparental conflict and parental monitoring and children's emotional security about both the community and family contributed to explanatory pathways for relations between sectarian antisocial behavior in communities and children's adjustment problems. The discussion evaluates support for social ecological models for relations between political violence and child adjustment and its implications for understanding relations in other parts of the world.

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Merrilees, Christine E., Laura K. Taylor, Marcie C. Goeke-Morey, Peter Shirlow e E. Mark Cummings. "Age as a Dynamic Moderator of Relations between Exposure to Political Conflict and Mental Health in Belfast, Northern Ireland". International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, n.º 14 (8 de julho de 2022): 8339. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph19148339.

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Identifying how, when, and under what conditions exposure to political conflict is associated with youth mental health problems is critical to developing programming to help youth exposed to various forms of political violence. The current study uses Time Varying Effects Modeling (TVEM) to examine how relations between exposure to ethno-politically motivated antisocial behavior and mental health problems change as a function of age in a sample of youth from Belfast, Northern Ireland. Young people (N = 583, Mage 16.51 wave 1, 17.23 wave 2) self-reported their exposure to sectarian antisocial behavior, nonsectarian antisocial behavior, and mental health problems as part of a longitudinal study of youth across multiple neighborhoods in Belfast. The results suggest mental health problems and associations with exposure to sectarian antisocial behavior change in nonlinear patterns throughout adolescence, with the strongest links between exposure to political conflict and mental health between ages 16 and 19. Significant relations between nonsectarian antisocial behavior and mental health problems were not indicated for the full sample but the results suggested a relation emerged in later adolescence for Protestant youth, the historical majority group. The value of this exploratory approach to examining relations between key context and psychological variables for youth in contexts of political tension and violence is discussed.

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Cummings, E. Mark, Christine E. Merrilees, Laura K. Taylor, Peter Shirlow, Marcie C. Goeke-Morey e Ed Cairns. "Longitudinal relations between sectarian and nonsectarian community violence and child adjustment in Northern Ireland". Development and Psychopathology 25, n.º 3 (23 de julho de 2013): 615–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954579413000059.

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AbstractAlthough relations between political violence and child adjustment are well documented, longitudinal research is needed to adequately address the many questions remaining about the contexts and developmental trajectories underlying the effects on children in areas of political violence. The study examined the relations between sectarian and nonsectarian community violence and adolescent adjustment problems over 4 consecutive years. Participants included 999 mother–child dyads (482 boys, 517 girls),Mages = 12.18 (SD= 1.82), 13.24 (SD= 1.83), 13.61 (SD= 1.99), and 14.66 (SD= 1.96) years, respectively, living in socially deprived neighborhoods in Belfast, Northern Ireland, a context of historical and ongoing political violence. In examining trajectories of adjustment problems, including youth experience with both sectarian and nonsectarian antisocial behaviors, sectarian antisocial behavior significantly predicted more adjustment problems across the 4 years of the study. Experiencing sectarian antisocial behavior was related to increased adolescent adjustment problems, and this relationship was accentuated in neighborhoods characterized by higher crime rates. The discussion considers the implications for further validating the distinction between sectarian and nonsectarian violence, including consideration of neighborhood crime levels, from the child's perspective in a setting of political violence.

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Knox, Colin, e Seamus McCrory. "Consolidating peace: Rethinking the community relations model in Northern Ireland". Administration 66, n.º 3 (1 de agosto de 2018): 7–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/admin-2018-0025.

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Abstract Northern Ireland has now moved from ‘negative’ peace (the absence of violence, largely) to ‘positive’ peace (confidence-building measures to consolidate gains in voting practice and in reducing discrimination against the minority community in employment and housing allocation). This transition has involved funders at the European, regional and local levels investing in peace and reconciliation measures to consolidate political gains made since the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement in 1998. This paper examines the achievements made to date, the extent to which they have resulted in a peace dividend for those most impacted by the violence, and whether the focus of peace-building interventions should shift away from the traditional community relations model. It finds that the reformed local authorities in Northern Ireland and the border regions could play a pivotal role in making a significant difference to peace-building through new legal powers in community planning.

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Barry, John. "Class, political economy and loyalist political disaffection: agonistic politics and the flag protests". Global Discourse 9, n.º 3 (1 de setembro de 2019): 457–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204378919x15646705882384.

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The flag protests in Northern Ireland (2012–13) offer an opportunity on the one hand to examine the politics of dispossession, national identity, decline and political violence in loyalist areas in Belfast. On the other, they are an opportunity to examine of hope, leadership and change within working class loyalism – not least, around the re-imagining of what Britishness can/could or perhaps should mean in post-Agreement Northern Ireland. This article offers an activist-academic perspective on and interpretation of the meaning and potential of those protests around how they reveal both a fracturing and potential for rethinking Britishness. It suggests the possibilities and limits of an inclusive, civic, rather than ethnic, national identity, and a sense of Britishness sufficient to the task of agonistic (as opposed to antagonistic) engagement and contestation with Irish nationalism and republicanism. By antagonistic I mean relations that are characterised in whole or part in terms of ‘friend-enemy’ thus containing within them the possibility of violence, while by agonistic I mean oppositional relations that do not contain this threat of violence. Agonism (from Greek agon, meaning ‘struggle’) emphasises the potentially positive aspects of certain (but not all) forms of political conflict. It accepts a permanent place for such conflict, but seeks to show how we might accept and channel this positively. It is also to affirm the legitimacy of one’s political adversary and their objectives even if one fundamentally disagrees with those objectives. The article argues that an agonistic conceptualisation of democracy and democratic change understood as non-violent disagreement (as opposed to consensus and agreement) is a more accurate and useful understanding than a conceptualisation of democracy and politics as either agreement or antagonism. In this way one can interpret the flag protests as vacillating between a legitimate democratic agonistic politics of struggle and contestation and an illegitimate, reactionary antagonistic politics of violence and threat.

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Prince, Simon. "Against Ethnicity: Democracy, Equality, and the Northern Irish Conflict". Journal of British Studies 57, n.º 4 (outubro de 2018): 783–811. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2018.117.

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AbstractThe study of the Northern Irish Troubles is dominated by ethnic readings of conflict and violence. Drawing on new scholarship from a range of different disciplines and on fresh archival sources, this article questions these explanations. General theories that tie together ethnicity with conflict and violence are shown to be based on definitions that fail to distinguish ethnic identities from other ones. Their claims cannot be taken as being uniquely or even disproportionately associated with ethnicity. Explanatory models specifically developed for the case of modern Ireland do address that weakness. Yet, this article contends, they rest upon the fallacy that the Catholic and Protestant peoples are transhistorical entities. Political ideas, organizations, and actions cannot be reduced to fixed group identities. This article argues instead that the Troubles centered on a political conflict—one over rival visions of modern democracy. The pursuit of equality, the core value of democracy, led not only to conflicts but also to some of those conflicts becoming violent. Focusing on Belfast in the summer and autumn of 1969, this article sets out how the main political actors asserted competing claims to popular sovereignty and traces how multiple dynamic and intersecting conflicts became arrayed around the central one.

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Maksimova, P. V. "Overcoming Identity Crisis: Limits of Consociationalism and Stagnation in Northern Ireland Conflict Regulation". Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 101, n.º 2 (23 de junho de 2021): 144–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2021-101-2-144-162.

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For many decades, Northern Ireland has been characterized by a tense conflict of identities with frequent outbreaks of political and religious violence. At the end of the 20th century, a consensus was reached between the opposing sides on the need for a peaceful settlement of the contradictions, which was reflected in the 1998 Belfast Agreement. The most important part of the agreement was a transition to the consociational model of governance. Consociationalism was assumed to “cure” the Northern Irish region, save it from violence and antagonism, and help to establish a dialogue between the representatives of the region’s key collective identities — unionists and nationalists. However, although 22 years have passed since the introduction of the consociational system, the settlement of the conflict has not seen any obvious progress. The article attempts to trace the reasons for this state of affairs and, in particular, to find out whether consociational model could, in principle, live up to the expectations. Based on the analysis of the fundamental characteristics of this model, as well as the institutional patterns in the Northern Irish politics, P.Maksimova comes to the conclusion that consociational practices not only failed to contribute to the elimination of the antagonistic moods in the society, but also helped to preserve them. According to the author, consociational system is merely an instrument of crisis management, which, if misinterpreted, can only intensify confrontation and block the final settlement of the conflict. This is exactly what happened in Northern Ireland, where the specific features of the consociational system made it almost impossible to abandon group identities.

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Marchment, Zoe, Michael J. Frith, John Morrison e Paul Gill. "A Multi-Level Analysis of Risky Streets and Neighbourhoods for Dissident Republican Violence in Belfast". ISPRS International Journal of Geo-Information 10, n.º 11 (11 de novembro de 2021): 765. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijgi10110765.

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This paper uses graph theoretical measures to analyse the relationship between street network usage, as well as other street- and area-level factors, and dissident Republican violence in Belfast. A multi-level statistical model is used. Specifically, we employ an observation-level random-effects (OLRE) Poisson regression and use variables at the street and area levels. Street- and area-level characteristics simultaneously influence where violent incidents occur. For every 10% change in the betweenness value of a street segment, the segment is expected to experience 1.32 times as many incidents. Police stations (IRR: 22.05), protestant churches (IRR: 6.19) and commercial premises (IRR: 1.44) on each street segment were also all found to significantly increase the expected number of attacks. At the small-area level, for every 10% change in the number of Catholic residents, the number of incidents is expected to be 4.45 times as many. The results indicate that along with other factors, the street network plays a role in shaping terrorist target selection. Streets that are more connected and more likely to be traversed will experience more incidents than those that are not. This has important practical implications for the policing of political violence in Northern Ireland generally and for shaping specific targeted interventions.

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Daly, Mary E. "'A Third Country': Irish Border Communities". Review of Irish Studies in Europe 6, n.º 2 (6 de dezembro de 2023): 6–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.32803/rise.v6i2.3211.

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Inserting a border where one did not previously exist transforms the mental and physical map of individuals and communities. Those who live along the Irish Border regard themselves as distinct from the rest of Northern Ireland or Ireland – ‘a third country’, that is neglected, and distinct from both Belfast and Dublin. This paper explores the neglect and belated ‘discovery’ of the problems facing border areas: the local impact of partition on population and the economy, the image of the border as a zone of violence and lawlessness, and the importance of the parish and community identities, together with the question of sectarianism. Official interest in the border (apart from security matters), only emerged in 1983 when the Economic and Social Committee of the EEC issued a report on Irish Border Areas highlighting the serious socio-economic problems. Since the 1990s border communities, both north and south, have benefited significantly from an array of programmes funded by the EU, the British and Irish governments and international donors. Most of the practical difficulties of life along the border, such as customs and security posts, were removed during the 1990s, with the introduction of the EU Single Market and the end of paramilitary violence. This has enabled some restoration of traditional cross-border networks. Britain’s decision to leave the EU threatened to restore these administrative barriers, but concerted efforts by the Irish government and the strong support from the EU ensured that this was avoided. Although the Irish border has practically disappeared on the ground, legacies remain. Over the past century it has reconfigured community and personal identities, and it remains a potent political symbol for both nationalists and unionists.

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Ramirez, J. Martin. "The Ulster Peace Process as an experience of peacebuilding: Introductory words from the 2009 CICA‐STR International Conference on Political Violence and Collective Aggression, in Belfast, Northern Ireland". Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression 3, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2011): 72–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19434471003768867.

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Royle, Stephen A. "Island cities: the case of Belfast, Northern Ireland". Miscellanea Geographica 19, n.º 2 (1 de junho de 2015): 5–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mgrsd-2015-0002.

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Abstract The paper considers Belfast as an ‘island city’ with reference to issues of identity and economy and especially in connection with a series of statements from the ‘Futures of Islands’ briefing document prepared for the IGU’s Commission on Islands meeting in Kraków in August 2014. Belfast as a contested space, a hybrid British/Irish city on the island of Ireland, exemplifies well how ‘understandings of the past condition the future’, whilst the Belfast Agreement which brought the Northern Ireland peace process to its culmination after decades of violence known as the ‘Troubles’ speaks to ‘island ways of knowing, of comprehending problems - and their solutions’. Finally, Belfast certainly demonstrates that ‘island peoples shape their contested futures’

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Bew, Paul. "Not in Belfast". Index on Censorship 14, n.º 6 (dezembro de 1985): 23–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228508533986.

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Heskin, Ken. "Political Violence in Northern Ireland". Journal of Psychology 119, n.º 5 (setembro de 1985): 481–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00223980.1985.10542919.

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Okhoshin, Oleg Valer'evich. "The new political crisis in Northern Ireland". Contemporary Europe, n.º 1 (15 de fevereiro de 2023): 46–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0201708323010047.

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In Northern Ireland, after the 2022 local parliamentary elections, the two leading regional parties - the Unionists (DUP) and the Irish Nationalists (Sinn Féin) - failed to form an autonomous government. The article examines the causes of the political crisis in the region and presents an analysis of the model of consocial democracy according to the Belfast Agreement 1998. The political system of dual power, which requires the mandatory representation of religious communities (Catholics and Protestants) in local authorities, has repeatedly created the preconditions for long-term conflicts. The Unionists use the Northern Ireland Protocol after Brexit as its main pretext to put pressure on the central government and lower Sinn Féin's political influence. Divisions between two parties could disrupt the peaceful life in Ulster established in accordance with the Belfast Agreement, and lead to an increase in local separatism. A forecast is given that in the event of a long shutdown of the work of the regional parliament and the autonomous government, Northern Ireland may face severe economic consequences against the backdrop of the global energy crisis and the growing recession in the United Kingdom.

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Fitzpatrick, Lisa. "Breaking Silences: Women, Citizenship and Theatre In Northern Ireland". ABEI Journal 25, n.º 2 (29 de dezembro de 2023): 87–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2595-8127.v25i2p87-100.

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This essay seeks to weave together an analysis of women’s citizenship and its dependency on certain silences, and the exploration of this tension in two recent productions by Belfast- based Kabosh Theatre Company. Kabosh, and company Artistic Director Paula McFetridge, stage work that examines the realities of the region in the post-conflict era. In constructing the theoretical frame for the analysis, the concept of “silence” and “silencing” draws from Kristie Dotson (2015), and from work on violence such as Gayatri Spivak’s concept of “epistemic violence” and a wide range of sources on the performance of violence in theatre. Chantal Mouffe’s concept of agonistic democracy shapes the discussion of the Northern Irish state, and Wendy Brown and Joane Butler are the key scholars for the consideration of citizenship and nation.

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Granshaw, Michelle. "Performing the Northern Athens: Dr. Corry's Diorama of Ireland and the Belfast Riot of 1864". Theatre Survey 61, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2020): 102–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557419000450.

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Although sectarian violence characterized life in Belfast for hundreds of years, 1864 marked a shift in how violence played out in the city. Unlike previous conflicts that occurred in open spaces and reflected long-held rural rituals, the riots of August 1864 took place in the city's rapidly developing urban streets. The violence broke out in response to celebrations around the foundation laying for a new statue of Daniel O'Connell, the late Catholic politician, in Dublin. Thousands of Belfast Catholics traveled to Dublin for the celebration. Upon their return to Belfast, ten thousand Protestant loyalists greeted them by burning an effigy of O'Connell on Boyne Bridge and staging a mock funeral and procession that attempted to enter a Catholic burial ground. The resulting violence and rioting continued for ten days on the city streets, where homes and businesses faced destruction on a scale previously unseen. Expelling residents of opposing views, rioters reinforced older ideas of “communal conflict” expressed through “disagreements over each group's place—literally and imaginatively—in the city” and strengthened notions of neighborhood geography based on religious beliefs. As historian Mark Doyle argues, the shifting patterns of violence resulted from “[t]he steady advance of working-class alienation from the state, the growing hegemony of violent extremists in working-class neighbourhoods, the sectarian alliance between Protestant workers and elites, the insecurity of the Catholics and, above all, the polarising effects of earlier outbreaks of violence.” Lasting reminders of conflict lingered as the city recovered, reminding anyone walking the streets of the city's violent past and the likely potential of future clashes.

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Hopkinson, Michael. "The Craig-Collins pacts of 1922: two attempted reforms of the Northern Ireland government". Irish Historical Studies 27, n.º 106 (novembro de 1990): 145–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400018289.

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The six months following the Anglo-Irish treaty of 1921 saw an appalling level of violence in Belfast and on the border, which threatened the stability of the newly formed Northern Ireland government. Official figures for the period between 6 December 1921 and 31 May 1922 listed seventy-three protestants and 147 catholics killed in Belfast and eight protestants and twenty-two catholics killed in the six counties outside Belfast. In that period two wide-ranging agreements aimed to reform the northern government and security system: they became known, somewhat inaccurately, as the Craig-Collins pacts, of 21 January and 30 March 1922. This article discusses the motivation behind the pacts and the reasons for their failure in a wide context, by giving equal weight to the attitudes of the British government and to opinion on both sides of the Irish border.The Northern Ireland government was established in 1920–21. It was unrecognised by the dáil government in the south and by much of the northern catholic minority. The province developed against a background of violence and upheaval, including the expulsion of catholic shipyard workers from their work in the summer of 1920; the dáil retaliated by boycotting Belfast goods. The period also saw increasing I.R.A. activity in the north during the latter stages of the Anglo-Irish war, and the five-month truce that followed it. Though the northern government was not a party to the treaty negotiations, only reluctantly accepting the granting of dominion status to the south, the months before and after the settlement greatly increased tensions in the north-east.

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Keane, Damien. "Contrary Regionalisms and Noisy Correspondences: The BBC in Northern Ireland circa 1949". Modernist Cultures 10, n.º 1 (março de 2015): 26–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/mod.2015.0096.

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This essay examines the limits and possibilities of the mid-century broadcasting field in Northern Ireland, by attending to the dynamic interplay at the BBC's Belfast station of three competing regional formations: the political regionalism of the Northern Irish state; the cultural regionalism of a coterie of Northern Irish writers and intellectuals; and the broadcasting regionalism instituted as part of the BBC's policy of national programming. These contrary regionalisms each had different and, at times, competing criteria for what constituted particular and typical details of life in the North, and broadcasters had to negotiate the inexact correspondences among them with ears tuned to the political relations triangulated by Belfast, Dublin, and London. Beginning with a consideration of how broadcasters in Northern Ireland produced forms of mediated actuality both in and beyond the studio, the essay concludes with Sam Hanna Bell's This is Northern Ireland (1949), a feature that explores the tension of overspill and containment effected less by the partition of Ireland than by the contradictions inherent to the broadcasting field.

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Lorrimer, Alison. "Northern Ireland Legal Material Since Devolution: a Practical Guide". Legal Information Management 13, n.º 3 (setembro de 2013): 152–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1472669613000388.

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AbstractAlison Lorrimer, who works at the Departmental Solicitor's Office Library in Belfast, reflects on how the sources of legal information have been affected by the changing political landscape in Northern Ireland.

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Hewitt, Christopher. "Explaining Violence in Northern Ireland". British Journal of Sociology 38, n.º 1 (março de 1987): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/590581.

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Anthony, Gordon. "The Uniqueness of Northern Ireland Public Law". Legal Information Management 12, n.º 4 (dezembro de 2012): 262–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1472669612000606.

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AbstractThis article is broadly based upon a presentation given by Gordon Anthony, which was given at the annual conference of the British and Irish Association of Law Librarians on 15 June 2012 in Belfast. Its purpose is to outline some of the ways in which public law in Northern Ireland is unique within the wider setting of the UK. Although it is true that the law of Northern Ireland shares much in common with principle and practice elsewhere in the UK, there are some notable differences that are attributable to the fact that Northern Ireland has its own court system and legal and political history. The article thus examines some of the differences that exist at the constitutional level and which can be associated with, most famously, the Belfast Agreement 1998. It also summaries some of the differences that can be found at the level of legal citation, for instance of case law and statute law for the jurisdiction.

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Polyakova, Elena. "THE PROSPECTS OF NORTHERN IRELAND POLITICAL STABILISATION". Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 38, n.º 2 (30 de abril de 2024): 48–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran220244860.

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The article deals with the reasons of two years political crisis in Northern Ireland. According to the author, it became possible due to Belfast Agreement power-sharing system which means joint government on a cross-community basis between representatives of protestant and catholic traditions. If one of the side ceased to hold office by any reason, the other shall cease to function immediately. The main reason for political crises in February 2022 was the demand of the Democratic unionist party to reconsider the Northern Ireland protocol – part of the Brexit Agreement, and their refusal to hold office. The absence of the Executive led to economic destabilisation, have a negative impact on social situation. Lengthy negotiations between DUP, British, Irish governments and EU resulted in step-by-step changes in protocol and resumption of work in Stormont in February 2024. To avoid further crises it’s required to reform the political institutions.

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Okhoshin, Oleg. "Legacy of the Troubles: crisis of power in Northern Ireland". Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 35, n.º 5 (31 de outubro de 2023): 51–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran520235161.

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The political crisis in Northern Ireland, which has been continuing since 2022, threatens its stable development. It undermines the Belfast Agreement, which ended the bloody conflict between Catholics and Protestants and allowed devolution in the region. The catalyst for inter-party disagreements was the Northern Ireland Protocol – it introduced a special customs regulation regime that did not suit the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP). The actions of London (the approval of the Windsor Framework and The Northern Ireland Troubles (Legacy and Reconciliation) Act), as well as the Sinn Féin’s winning Northern Ireland Assembly and local elections, only intensified the contradictions that had previously arisen. DUP has promised to restore devolved government in Northern Ireland if key provisions of the Windsor Framework are changed. London has no plans to renegotiate the new deal with the EU, but it will be impossible to overcome the political crisis without the cooperation of the unionists. In this article, the author examined the reasons for the ineffectiveness of the consociational democracy in Northern Ireland, the features of different mechanisms of customs regulation in the region, and the key differences between the DUP and Sinn Féin on issues of its further development. According to the author, the new crisis of power-sharing executive in Northern Ireland is associated with the prevalence of narrow interests of unionists over the collective task of the political establishment to achieve inter-party consensus and compliance with the Belfast Agreement, which remains the legal basis for maintaining civil peace in the region.

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Walker, Clive. "Political Violence and Democracy in Northern Ireland". Modern Law Review 51, n.º 5 (setembro de 1988): 605–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2230.1988.tb01775.x.

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Cairns, Ed, e Ronnie Wilson. "Coping with political violence in Northern Ireland". Social Science & Medicine 28, n.º 6 (janeiro de 1989): 621–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0277-9536(89)90257-8.

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Moore, Ronnie. "Language and Cultural Politics in Northern Ireland". European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online 16, n.º 1 (1 de abril de 2019): 152–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116117_01601007.

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This paper presents an outline of the circumstances surrounding the current political stalemate in Northern Ireland. It considers the role of language as a key justification for the unravelling of the complex political arrangements formulated by The Belfast Agreement or Good Friday Agreement (GFA). The discussion begins by problematizing the notions of “identity” and “minority” in the Irish / Northern Irish context as an important backdrop and within the framework of the European commitment to, and Charter for, Regional or Minority Languages (ECRML). In particular it looks at historical memory, constructed history, ideology and notions of nationalism, as well as the role of politics and manipulation of language.

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Baker, Stephen. "Tribeca Belfast and the on-screen regeneration of Northern Ireland". International Journal of Media & Cultural Politics 16, n.º 1 (1 de março de 2020): 11–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/macp_00012_1.

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This article looks at media representations of the projected regeneration of Northern Ireland, paying particular attention to a recent promotional film made to elicit support for the redevelopment of a part of Belfast’s city centre. Commissioned by Castlebrooke Investments, ‘Tribeca Belfast’ offers a future prospectus of the city that is as superficial as it is bland. It is, however, illustrative of two influential ideas and strategies that took flight at the end of the Cold War and the ‘triumph of capitalism’. One seeks peace through the application of neo-liberal nostrums; the other combines brand theory with state-craft in pursuit of global competitiveness. Both propose models of citizenship that are politically benign, either preferring middle class solipsism or demanding brand loyalty. In Castlebrooke’s projection of a future Belfast, this translates into a city peopled by a mobile professional class, waited upon and entertained by servile locals. But such a sterile vision is inimical to building peace and political progress because it underestimates and downplays the significance of marginalized groups who through their activism and expressions of solidarity can lay better claim to the ‘heart and soul’ of Belfast evoked by Castlebrooke.

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Balabanov, Kostyantyn, e Rehina Kussa. "Influence of the Northern Irish factor on BREXIT processes". Bulletin of Mariupol State University. Series: History. Political Studies 10, n.º 28-29 (2020): 153–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-2830-2020-10-28-29-153-161.

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The article considers the influence of the Northern Irish factor on Brexit processes. The authors analyze alternants of the UK-Ireland border regime that were initially offered at Brexit: the «electronic» border, the «hard» border, the «mixed» border, the maintaining United Kingdom’s membership of the EU Customs Union. The importance of maintaining the 1998 Belfast Agreement, which provides for a «soft» border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, in the context of maintaining peace in the region, is substantiated. The course of the negotiations between Britain and the European Union on the conditions of the country’s exit from the organization is considered. This process was most complicated by the Northern Irish factor and led to a political crisis in the United Kingdom. The Brexit agreement was only ratified on the fifth attempt after the snap parliamentary elections. The article considers the pros and cons of the final decision to establish a «mixed» border between states, that is conducting border checks not between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, but between Northern Ireland and other territories of the United Kingdom. The authors conclude that this solution, on the one hand, is conducive to further maintaining peace in the region, but on the other hand, reduces Northern Ireland’s ties with the United Kingdom and increases it with the Republic of Ireland. In the long run, this may lead to the exercise of the right to hold a referendum on the union of Northern Ireland with the Republic of Ireland, as provided for in the Belfast Agreement.

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Lepp, Eric. "Division on Ice: Shared Space and Civility in Belfast". Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 13, n.º 1 (abril de 2018): 32–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2018.1427135.

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In Northern Ireland the Good Friday Agreement brought with it top-down political and social approaches to construct and increase intergroup contact and shared spaces in an effort to reconcile divided Nationalist and Unionist communities. In the period following the peace agreement, the Belfast Giants ice hockey team was established, and its games have become one of the most attended spectator activities in Belfast, trending away from the tribalism, single-space, single-class, and single-gender dynamics of modern sport in Northern Ireland. This article utilises the setting of the Scottish and Southern Energy (SSE) Arena, home of the Giants, to demonstrate normalisation of interactions occurring between supporters who are willing to purchase a ticket beside someone to whom they are politically opposed. This sport and its supporters choose to enjoy the experience of the hockey game, rather than be caught in the politicised attachment of meaning expected of shared space, offering a challenge to the reconciliation-centric assumptions in post-peace agreement Belfast.

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Pini, Barbara, e Sally Shortall. "Gender Equality in Agriculture: Examining State Intervention in Australia and Northern Ireland". Social Policy and Society 5, n.º 2 (abril de 2006): 199–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746405002885.

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This paper is concerned with the extent to which the state offers potential for furthering farm women's status and rights. Using case studies of Australia and Northern Ireland, it examines the extent to which the state has intervened to address gender inequality in the agricultural sector. These two locations provide a particularly rich scope for analysis because while Australia has a long history of state feminism and an extensive legislative framework for pursing gender equity, this is not the case with Northern Ireland. At the same time, the restructuring of the state in Northern Ireland, following on from the Belfast Agreement of 1998 and the Northern Ireland Act of 1998, has generated new opportunities for state intervention regarding gender equality. Moreover, while gender is now for the first time being placed on the state agenda in Northern Ireland, gender reform is being wound back in Australia, as equity discourses are subsumed by the hegemonic discourses of neo-liberalism.

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Okhoshin, Oleg. "25-th Anniversary of the Belfast Agreement: Prospects for Northern Ireland". Analytical papers of the Institute of Europe RAS, n.º 2 (2023): 25–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/analytics21020232530.

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On April 11-15, 2023, US President Joe Biden visited Northern Ireland and the neighboring Republic of Ireland, timing the visit to the 25th anniversary of singing the Belfast Agreement in 1998, which ended the bloody confrontation between Catholics and Protestants in Ulster and contributed to the creation of autonomous authorities in the region. The purpose of the trip was complex – to overcome the protracted political crisis in Northern Ireland and promise to increase US investment in the regional economy should the regional government resume its work; the personal goal of the US president is to increase support from the Irish-American lobby, which is influential in the Democratic Party. London's hopes for a free trade agreement with the United States did not materialize. Keeping peace in Ulster remains an important issue – in 2023, the Catholic Republican paramilitary group (New IRA) said it would fight British power in the region. The political crisis in Ulster has not been overcome.

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Okhoshin, O. V. "THE REGIONAL POLICY OF THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT ON THE BACKGROUND OF BREXIT". Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 3, n.º 3 (25 de setembro de 2019): 352–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2019-3-3-352-359.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of the interaction of the UK government with the leading regional parties of Northern Ireland to address issues of border regulation and prevention of the negative consequences of Brexit. The aim of the article is to comprehend the official line of T. May’s conservative cabinets to maintain a transparent border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland established by the Belfast Agreement of 1998, as well as to overcome the political crisis within the Northern Ireland Assembly, which has continued since January 2017. During the negotiation process between London and Brussels interests of Euroskeptics and Eurooptimists clashed in the UK Parliament and Government, which directly influenced the political processes in the regions of the United Kingdom. Disagreements between the DUP and Sinn Fein created additional socio-economic tensions in Northern Ireland, which made the Brexit negotiation process difficult.

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Weitzer, Ronald, Michael MacDonald e Jeffrey Prager. "Children of Wrath: Political Violence in Northern Ireland." Contemporary Sociology 16, n.º 5 (setembro de 1987): 614. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2069723.

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Ferguson, Neil, e Ed Cairns. "Political Violence and Moral Maturity in Northern Ireland". Political Psychology 17, n.º 4 (dezembro de 1996): 713. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3792135.

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Sugden, John P. "Belfast United: Encouraging Cross-Community Relations through Sport in Northern Ireland". Journal of Sport and Social Issues 15, n.º 1 (março de 1991): 59–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019372359101500104.

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Teague, Paul. "Brexit, the Belfast Agreement and Northern Ireland: Imperilling a Fragile Political Bargain". Political Quarterly 90, n.º 4 (outubro de 2019): 690–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.12766.

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Hewitt, Christopher. "Catholic Grievances and Violence in Northern Ireland". British Journal of Sociology 36, n.º 1 (março de 1985): 102. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/590407.

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Wallace, Rachel. "Gay Life and Liberation, a Photographic Record of 1970s Belfast". Public Historian 41, n.º 2 (1 de maio de 2019): 144–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2019.41.2.144.

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In March 2017, the first LGBTQ+ history exhibition to be displayed at a national museum in Northern Ireland debuted at the Ulster Museum. The exhibition, entitled “Gay Life and Liberation: A Photographic Exhibition of 1970s Belfast,” included private photographs captured by Doug Sobey, a founding member of gay liberation organizations in Belfast during the 1970s, and featured excerpts from oral histories with gay and lesbian activists. It portrayed the emergence of the gay liberation movement during the Troubles and how the unique social, political, and religious situation in Northern Ireland fundamentally shaped the establishment of a gay identity and community in the 1970s. By displaying private photographs and personal histories, it revealed the hidden history of the LGBTQ+ community to the museum-going public. The exhibition also enhanced and extended the histories of the Troubles, challenging traditional assumptions and perceptions of the conflict.

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Porter, Elisabeth. "Political Representation of Women in Northern Ireland". Politics 18, n.º 1 (fevereiro de 1998): 25–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00057.

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Increasing the political representation of women in Northern Ireland is part of fostering political pluralism. First, the political representation of women requires democratic participation and a justification of ‘women’ as a category. Second, specific factors of culture and the church unique to Ireland hinder women's participation in elected politics, and there are additional factors of class, violence, and nationalism that are peculiar to Northern Ireland. Third, gender quotas are successful elsewhere, but alone will not alter the powerful resistance to feminist change in Northern Ireland. Structures to encourage inclusionary politics must create spaces for political women to be transformative agents.

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White, Robert W. "On Measuring Political Violence: Northern Ireland, 1969 to 1980". American Sociological Review 58, n.º 4 (agosto de 1993): 575. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2096077.

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Cairns, Ed, e Ronnie Wilson. "Mental Health Aspects of Political Violence in Northern Ireland". International Journal of Mental Health 18, n.º 1 (março de 1989): 38–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00207411.1989.11449117.

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Thompson, J. L. P. "Deprivation and Political Violence in Northern Ireland, 1922-1985". Journal of Conflict Resolution 33, n.º 4 (dezembro de 1989): 676–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002789033004005.

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Kempny-Mazur, Marta. "Between transnationalism and assimilation: Polish parents’ upbringing approaches in Belfast, Northern Ireland". Social Identities 23, n.º 3 (23 de maio de 2016): 255–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13504630.2016.1186535.

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Brennan, Seán, e Branka Marijan. "Contested Spaces and Everyday Peace Politics in Northern Ireland". Treatises and Documents, Journal of Ethnic Studies / Razprave in Gradivo, Revija za narodnostna vprašanja 90, n.º 90 (1 de junho de 2023): 97–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/tdjes-2023-0007.

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Abstract In 2022, the United Kingdom downgraded the security threat in Northern Ireland from “severe” to “substantial”, first set in 2010. The latter means that an attack is likely but not highly likely. For many analysts and political observers, the twenty-five years of peace that followed the signing of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement (B/GFA) though interspersed with periods of political stalemate, have led to an overall external sense the conflict has ended. This downgrading of the security threat in Northern Ireland appears to confirm this sense of a settled peace. Still, the type of peace that has been achieved, and particularly the political dynamics regarding contentious spatial issues, continue to shape the quality of peace experienced by the local population. In turn, it is precisely this everyday quality of peace that reflects the real success, or failure, of various peacebuilding efforts as such practices produce the empirical evidence of sustainable reconciliation or continue sectarian divisions in a post-conflict space.

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Dowler, Lorraine. "Waging Hospitality: Feminist Geopolitics and Tourism in West Belfast Northern Ireland". Geopolitics 18, n.º 4 (outubro de 2013): 779–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14650045.2013.811643.

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Donnelly, Caitlin, e Robert D. Osborne. "Devolution, Social Policy and Education: Some Observations from Northern Ireland". Social Policy and Society 4, n.º 2 (abril de 2005): 147–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746404002283.

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Many commentaries on social policy in the UK assume that policy as developed in England applies to the constituent countries of Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland. However, the advent of political devolution in the last five years is slowly being reflected in the literature. This paper takes education policy in Northern Ireland and discusses recent policy developments in the light of the 1998 Belfast Agreement. The Agreement, it is suggested, is providing a framework which promotes equality, human rights and inclusion in policy making. Some early indications of this are discussed and some of the resultant policy dilemmas are assessed. The paper concludes that accounts of policy development in the UK, which ignore the multi-level policy-making contexts created by devolution, do a disservice to the subject.

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Horgan, Goretti, e Julia S. O'Connor. "Abortion and Citizenship Rights in a Devolved Region of the UK". Social Policy and Society 13, n.º 1 (18 de abril de 2013): 39–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746413000146.

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The 1998 Belfast Agreement seemed to promise women in Northern Ireland equality. This article examines the extent to which that promise has been met by exploring abortion rights in the region. It situates abortion within a citizens’ rights framework. The article explores the interconnectedness of civil, political and social rights and the implications of an inability to vindicate any aspect of those rights.

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