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1
Lee, Stuart Joseph Wilson. "The relationship between political violence and conventional crime in Northern Ireland". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609888.
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Richards, Anthony. "Political fronts of terrorist groups : a comparative study of Northern Ireland political fronts, their evolution, roles and potential for attaining political change". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14395.
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This thesis outlines the evolution and roles of the political fronts in Northern Ireland and their potential for attaining political change. It will assess the impact of a number of selected 'variables', both 'internal' and 'external', on the utility (or lack of utility) of these fronts. The variables that have been selected for consideration are: 1) Ideology, structure and leadership, 2) The notion of violence as a habit, 3) Popular support, 4) State response and 5) Other factors and events in the External Environment. Alexander George's 'structured, focused, comparison' methodology will be employed and the selected cases are the Irish Republican Army, the Ulster Defence Association and the Ulster Volunteer Force. Although all of the 'variables' have had a significant impact the thesis argues that the greatest motivation behind the use of Simi Fein has been the desire to mobilise or tap perceived existing support. In the case of the loyalist political fronts the domestic external environment, specifically the perception that the loyalist working classes had been manipulated by 'respectable' unionist politicians, was the most important factor behind their greater use. Paradoxically, it is unionist culture (such as its 'law abiding' nature and division of labour ethos) that has presented the most significant obstacle to their utility. The thesis will then assess whether or not political fronts represent moderation towards the use of violence on the part of the groups. It will suggest that they have in the loyalist cases. Although the following argues that political fronts are very much part of the 'terrorist machinery' as the political voices and propaganda outlets for terrorist groups, and that it is a misconception to view them as the 'moderate half of a movement, the thesis will contend that Sinn Fein has also ultimately come to represent moderation towards the use of violence. The conclusion will then suggest that the selected variables be tested in other examples and, assuming that Sinn Fein has come to represent moderation towards the use of violence, will then attempt to draw some lessons from the case of the IRA and its political front that might be considered when studying other cases.
3
Ives-Allison, Nicole D. "P stones and provos : group violence in Northern Ireland and Chicago". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6925.
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Although the government of the United States of America was established to protect the rights to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness among all American citizens, this thesis argues intractable gang violence in inner-city Chicago has persistently denied these rights, in turn undermining fundamental (and foundational) American political values. Thus, gang violence can be argued to represent a threat to both civil order and state legitimacy. Yet, where comparable (and generally lower) levels of community-level violence in Northern Ireland garnered the sustained attention and direct involvement of the United Kingdom's central government, the challenge posed by gang violence has been unappreciated, if not ignored, by the American federal government. In order to mobilise the political commitment and resources needed to find a durable resolution to Chicago's long and often anarchic 'uncivil war', it is first necessary to politicise the problem and its origins. Contributing to this politicisation, this thesis explains why gang violence in Chicago has been unable to capture the political imagination of the American government in a way akin to paramilitary (specifically republican) violence in Northern Ireland. Secondly, it explains how the depoliticisation of gang violence has negatively affected response, encouraging the continued application of inadequate and largely ineffective response strategies. Finally, it makes the case that, while radical, a conditional agreement-centric peace process loosely modelled on that employed in Northern Ireland might offer the most effective strategy for restoring the sense of peace and security to inner-city Chicago lost over half a century ago.
4
O'Kane, Damian Patrick. "Stress and the appraisal of political violence : a longitudinal study in Northern Ireland". Thesis, University of Ulster, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.260477.
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Reilly, Paul John. "Framing online communications of civil and uncivil groups in post-conflict Northern Ireland". Connect to e-thesis. Move to record for print version, 2008. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/131/.
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Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Glasgow, 2008.Ph.D. thesis submitted to the Faculty of Law, Business and Social Sciences, Department of Politics, University of Glasgow, 2008. Includes bibliographical references. Print version also available.
6
Ellis, Kate. "The impact of community and political violence on children in Northern Ireland and Israel". Thesis, University of Ulster, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.554240.
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The following body of work consists of 4 studies examining the impact of community and political violence on children in Northern Ireland and Israel. The first study is an examination of mother's reports of their children's experiences and examines a number of factors including social identity, emotional security as well as emotional and behavioural adjustment. The first phase of the study involved conducting four focus groups in Belfast to guide the construction of two measures of sectarian and non sectarian anti social behaviour in Northern Ireland. The second phase then involved the administration of the questionnaire battery to mothers living in Londonderry with at least one child under the age of 17 years old. The second study was an investigation into children's experiences of political and community violence carried out with a sample of school children aged 15-18 years old living in Belfast and Londonderry. The study examined the impact of exposure on outcomes such as emotional and behavioural adjustment and depressive symptomology. This was a quantitative study of children's self reports. The third study was a replication of the Northern Irish school study with Israeli children. All measures were translated into Hebrew in order to allow a cross cultural comparison of two countries experiencing varying levels of political conflict. Finally, an investigation of the psychometric properties of the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (Good man, 1996). Both the Northern Irish sample and the Israeli sample responses were examined and a comparison made of the different factor structures obtained through factor analysis.
7
de, Pretis Maura. "Women, politics and political violence in Northern Ireland : a study in historical feminist criminology". Thesis, University of Bristol, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.368719.
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Brock, Christopher. "Political violence and inter-ethnic conflict : An analysis with reference to Chechnya and Northern Ireland". Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.523009.
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Voronkova, Anastasia. "Understanding the dynamics of ethnonationalist contention : political mobilization, resistance and violence in Nagorno-Karabakh and Northern Ireland". Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2012. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/2516.
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This thesis analyzes the dynamics of ethnic conflict evolution, mobilization and radicalization with a focus on Nagorno-Karabakh (1987–1992) and Northern Ireland (early 1960s–1969). It concentrates upon the periods when intersocietal communication was gradually being reinterpreted and reshaped on an ethnic basis, which also became increasingly crucial to public discourse. I argue that many of the weaknesses of the existing interpretations of these conflicts arise from an absolutization of single theoretical and methodological approaches. This study utilizes a synthesis of the literatures on ethnic conflict, social movements, collective action and nationalism. The perspective offered in this research sees nationalist activity as embedded in cultural contexts, social networks and intersubjective relations of reciprocity. I stress that the understanding of these dimensions is crucial to account for temporal evolution within and variation across nationalist movements. Securing the success of a specific nationalist agenda requires operating in an interdependent field of rival strategies of legitimation. The study also highlights unintended consequences in the trajectory of conflict development. Many academic accounts approach this subject from the point of view of one of the respective communities without recognizing the value of alternative conceptualizations. This study systematically examines the interactions, perceptions and attitudes of the main parties to the conflicts in question avoiding one-sided and often static interpretations. The thesis builds on extensive documentary and press material, archival research and over 50 semi-structured interviews. New empirical evidence presented here casts doubt on strong versions of the ‘ethnic entrepreneurship’ literature by emphasizing the fact that the connection 3 between developments on the ground and elite conduct was not purely automatic, and drawing attention to the symbolic repertoires, selfperceptions, categorizations and ideas that feed into the collective representation of the nation. I suggest that the constraints facing elites within each ethnic bloc, as well as ‘external’ (state) leaders, are built into the process of ethnic contestation. Overall, the thesis makes a strong case for greater attention to the limits of elite flexibility in sustaining uniform group preferences, freely opting for the path of compromise and/or (constitutional) reform.
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Marotte, Guilhem. "« The war is not over » : Analyse géopolitique d'une stratégie violente de contrôle du territoire communautaire républicain dans un Belfast post-conflit". Thesis, Paris 8, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA080071/document.
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Grâce au Good Friday Agreement (GFA) signé en 1998, l’Irlande du Nord connait une période de pacification sans précédent depuis les Troubles (1969-1998). Dans cette situation de post conflit, la violence liée aux affrontements entre groupes paramilitaires et forces de sécurité britannique a très largement diminué. Cependant, de petits groupes paramilitaires républicains s’opposent toujours au traité de paix. Cette thèse a pour objectif comprendre pourquoi les paramilitaires républicains anti-GFA continuent d’utiliser la violence alors qu’ils reconnaissent que, dans le contexte actuel, la lutte armée a peu de chance de conduire à la réunification de l’Irlande. A Belfast, l’analyse spatiale des violences intracommunautaires (perpétuées dans le cadre d’un système de justice alternatif) et des attaques contre les forces de police montre que la stratégie des organisations paramilitaires anti-GFA repose sur la création d’un cycle d’agitation. Il s’agit d’une stratégie de développement locale qui vise à maintenir des territoires d’exception. Ce terme désigne ici des territoires où la normalisation voulue par le processus de paix est limitée par les actions des républicains anti-GFA et où le monopole de la violence légitime est disputé. Cependant, cette stratégie de contrôle du territoire communautaire se heurte à toute une série de problèmes. En effet, les organisations paramilitaires anti-GFA sont de petits groupes fragmentés qui tendent à se diviser dans le temps. Enfin, l’influence des paramilitaires anti-GFA est limitée par un contexte social extrêmement défavorable à la lutte armée, par les actions des forces de sécurité, et par la présence et la stratégie du Sinn FéinThanks to the Good Friday Agreement (GFA) signed in 1998, Northern Ireland knows a period of pacification unknown since the Troubles (1969-1998). In this post-conflict situation, violence in the form of confrontation between paramilitary groups and British security forces has greatly decreased. Nevertheless, small republican paramilitary groups are still opposing the peace treaty. The goal of this dissertation is to understand why republican paramilitaries opposed to the GFA continue to rely on violence while recognizing that, in the current context, armed struggle has little chances of leading to the reunification of Ireland. In Belfast, spatial analysis of intracommunal violence (carried out within an alternative justice system) and attacks against the police indicate that the strategy of the paramilitary organizations opposed to the GFA relies on creating a cycle of unrest. This is a strategy of local development aiming at maintaining territories of exception. This concept here means territories where the normalization sought by the peace process is limited by anti-GFA republicans’ actions and where the monopole of legitimate violence is disputed. This strategy of communal territory control is however facing a series of problems. Anti-GFA paramilitary organisations are indeed small fragmented groups which often splinter overtime. Finally, anti-GFA paramilitary organizations’ influence is limited by a social context extremely unfavourable to armed struggle, by security forces, and by the presence and strategy of the Sinn Féin
11
Uležić, Sanjin. "'Making the most of it': the emergence, maintenance, and legitimation of the contemporary Northern Irish republican armed struggle". Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/459252.
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La tesi es centra en l'actual interació de la lluita armada republicana a Irlanda del Nord, activa des de l'època del procés de pau a finals dels anys noranta. Tot i caracteritzar-se per una intensitat menor que la del conflicte armat que es va produir entre 1969 i 1998, l'actual campanya de violència política continua sent letal, amb episodis periòdics de violència dirigits contra ambdues entitats estatals i contra aquells entesos com a amenaces per a les comunitats nacionalistes. La tesi doctoral aquí presentada
assumeix la tasca d'estudiar aquesta lluita armada des d'una triple perspectiva, observant-ne l'emergència, el manteniment i la legitimació. Aquesta tasca es caracteritza per la seva exploració de la naturalesa entrellaçada de les diferents formes de violència política que constitueixen la lluita armada, fent-se especialment evident en el caràcter mútuament constitutiu de les condicions que faciliten l'existència de violència política. La present és la primera investigació en problematitzar aquesta relació
i, per tant, ofereix una comprensió innovadóra dels fenomens estudiats.The thesis is focused on the contemporary iteration of the Northern Irish republican armed struggle, which has been active since the time of the peace process in the late 1990s. Despite being characterised by a lower intensity than the armed conflict that took place between 1969 and 1998, the ongoing campaign of political violence is still lethal, with periodic instances of violence directed against both entities if the state and those understood to be threatening the nationalist communities. The presented doctoral thesis takes up the task of studying this armed struggle in a tripartite focus, by looking at the emergence, maintenance, and legitimation thereof. This work is defined by its exploratión of the interwoven nature of the different forms of political violence that makes up the armed struggle, with this most evident in the mutually constituting nature of the facilitating conditions for the existence of political violence. It is the first work to problematise this relationship and thus offers a novel understanding of the studied phenomena.
12
Steenkamp, Christina Johanna. "The Political Implications of Violence after Peace Accords : Civilian Perceptions of Physical Insecurity in Northern Ireland and South Africa". Thesis, University of York, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.507485.
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Nadeau, Selina. "In Defense of Propaganda: The Republican Response to State-created Narratives Which Silenced Political speech During the Northern Irish Conflict, 1968-1998". Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1493395475794123.
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14
Lynch, Robert John. "The Northern IRA and the early years of partition 1920-22". Thesis, University of Stirling, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/1517.
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The years i 920-22 constituted a period of unprecedented conflct and political change in Ireland. It began with the onset of the most brutal phase of the War ofIndependence and culminated in the effective miltary defeat of the Republican IRA in the Civil War. Occurring alongside these dramatic changes in the south and west of Ireland was a far more fundamental conflict in the north-east; a period of brutal sectarian violence which marked the early years of partition and the establishment of Northern Ireland. Almost uniquely the IRA in the six counties were involved in every one of these conflcts and yet it can be argued was on the fringes of all of them. The period i 920-22 saw the evolution of the organisation from a peripheral curiosity during the War of independence to an idealistic symbol for those wishing to resolve the fundamental divisions within the Sinn Fein movement which developed in the first six months of i 922. The story of the Northern IRA's collapse in the autumn of that year demonstrated dramatically the true nature of the organisation and how it was their relationship to the various protagonists in these conflcts, rather than their unceasing but fruitless war against partition, that defined its contribution to the Irish revolution.
15
Finnegan, Patrick. "Developing cohesion in non-state militaries : a case study of the Provisional IRA". Thesis, University of Exeter, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/32785.
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This work is based on the belief that the Provisional IRA developed its combat effectiveness through enhancing its small-unit effectiveness. Although PIRA ultimately failed in its objective to reunify Ireland, it successfully waged a thirty-year long campaign against the British military. The current state of terrorism studies does not explain how this was possible. It can explain the development of PIRA’s strategy, membership type and weapons used but it lacks sufficient explanation of small-unit dynamics. By drawing on the ideas of Huntington and King, among others, this work argues that PIRA successfully professionalised its small-unit tactics and this was the source of its increased effectiveness. By examining changes in structure, training, specialisation, motivation and identity it will be possible to demonstrate whether professionalism did have an effect. Ultimately, the findings of this research will provide an example for others to follow in their efforts to understand past and present terror threats.
16
Ducastelle, Lison. "L'IRA : de la violence armée au désarmement (1969-2005) : enjeux, symboles et mécanismes". Thesis, Paris 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA030190/document.
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L’Irish Republican Army (IRA), le principal groupe paramilitaire républicain, fut fondé en 1969. Dès lors, il lutta contre la présence britannique en Irlande du Nord et pour la réunification de l’île d’Irlande. Le désarmement de l’IRA, considéré comme irréalisable jusqu’en 2001, s’accomplit pourtant bel et bien entre 2001 et 2005 dans le cadre du processus de paix. Le 26 septembre 2005, l’IRA avait officiellement déposé les armes. Quels mécanismes avaient alors permis, au sein du processus de paix nord-irlandais, d’aboutir à la "mise hors d’état de nuire" de l’arsenal de l’IRA qui déclarait pourtant encore en 1998 qu’il n’accepterait pas de rendre les armes ? Comme l’annonce le titre de cette thèse, trois questions sous-tendent notre analyse : quels étaient les enjeux de l’abandon de la violence et du désarmement pour l’IRA et le Sinn Féin durant tout le processus de paix ? Quelle était la portée symbolique du désarmement pour le groupe armé clandestin et pour le mouvement républicain dans son ensemble ? Enfin, quels mécanismes, tant diplomatiques que psychologiques, avaient pu convaincre l’IRA d’abandonner la violence puis de désarmer ? À la demande du groupe clandestin, la nature du dispositif de désarmement et le nombre d’armes détruites demeurent confidentiels. Cette étude ne prétend donc pas révéler des secrets d’État, mais bien de mettre en évidence la dynamique du processus qui a mené l’IRA de la violence armée à l’abandon des armesThe Irish Republican Army (IRA), the main Republican paramilitary group in Northern Ireland was founded in 1969. From then on it fought to put an end to the British presence in Northern Ireland and to achieve the unification of Ireland. The decommissioning of the IRA, which seemed unrealizable until 2001, was indeed accomplished between 2001 and 2005, as part of the Peace Process. On 26 September 2005, the IRA officially laid down its weapons. What mechanisms played a role in the IRA putting its arsenal beyond use during the Northern Ireland Peace Process, despite the armed group’s declaration in 1998 that there would be no disarmament? As mentioned in the title of this thesis, three questions underlie our analysis: What was at stake in the giving up of violence and in decommissioning for the IRA and Sinn Féin during the Peace Process? What was the symbolic significance of decommissioning for the IRA and for the whole Republican movement? Finally, what diplomatic and psychological mechanisms managed to convince the IRA to give up violence and then to disarm? At the clandestine group’s own request, the technical aspects of decommissioning and the number of arms which were destroyed still remain confidential. Therefore, this study does not reveal any State secrets, but rather underlines the dynamics of the process which led the IRA from armed violence to the giving up of arms
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McConaghy, Kieran. "Terrorism and the state : intra-state dynamics and the response to non-state terrorism". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6535.
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Although there has been a wealth of academic literature which has examined counter-terrorism, both in the general sense and in case study focused approaches, there has seldom been an engagement in terrorism studies literature on the nature of the state itself and how this impacts upon the particular response to terrorism. Existing literature has a tendency to either examine one branch of the state or to treat (explicitly or implicitly) the state as a unitary actor. This thesis challenges the view of the state as a unitary actor, looking beneath the surface of the state, investigating intra-state dynamics and the consequences for counter-terrorism. I highlight that the state by its nature is ‘peopled', demonstrating through comparative analysis of case studies from Spain, France, and the United Kingdom, how the individual identities and dispositions of state personnel at all levels from elites to entry level positions determine the nature and characteristics of particular states. I show that if we accept that the state is peopled, we must pay attention to a series of traits that I argue all states exhibit to understand why campaigns of counter-terrorism take the shape and form that they do. I posit that we must understand the role that emotional and visceral action by state personnel in response to terrorism plays, how the character of particular state organisations can impact upon the trajectory of conflicts, and how issues of intra-state competition and coordination can frustrate even the best laid counter-terrorism strategies. Furthermore, I show how the propensity for sub- state political violence to ‘terrorise' populations makes the response to terrorism a powerful political tool, and how it has been deployed in the past for political gain rather than purely as an instrument to improve security. I conclude that future academic analyses of counter-terrorism must take this into consideration, and likewise, state personnel must be mindful of the nature and character of their state should they wish to effectively prevent terrorism and protect human rights and the rule of law.
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Solleder, Stefan. "Die Visualisierung symbolischer Ordnungen im Kontext gewalttätiger Konflikte". Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/18620.
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Diese Dissertation vereint Theorien ethnischer Gruppen und Grenzen (M. Weber, F. Barth, A.D. Smith, A. Wimmer, R. Brubaker, M. Lamont, V. Molnár, C. Tilly) mit den Macht- und Konflikttheorien von H. Popitz und R.V. Gould sowie der cultural sociology J.C. Alexanders in einer Performanztheorie gewalttätiger ethnischer Gruppenkonflikte.
Mit Hilfe dieser theoretischen Konzeption gelingt es, anhand einer empirischen Verlaufsanalyse des Nordirlandkonflikts (1966–2013) eine Erklärung für dessen lange Dauer und spätere Transformation in einen gewaltfreien Konflikt zu geben.
Der Verlauf der Gewalthandlungen (soziale Grenzen) wird in Beziehung gesetzt zu den zeitlichen Wandlungen der zentralen visuellen Propagandamedien der Akteure (symbolische Grenzen), den Murals in den Hochburgen der Republikaner und Loyalisten.
Die Bilder (als nachträgliche Bühnenbilder) entzogen ab den frühen 1980ern auf Seiten der Republikaner (PIRA) die Anwendung von Gewalt der Logik eines Kampfes um "bindende Aktionsmacht" (Popitz). Die Gewalttätigkeiten konnten daher trotz der sich damals abzeichnenden Pattsituation fortgesetzt werden. Paradoxer Weise legten diese frühen Murals zugleich den Grundstein für die spätere Transformation des Konflikts gerade dadurch, dass sie Gewalt nicht mehr als Mittel zum Zweck legitimierten, sondern zu etwas relativ 'Beliebigem' stilisierten.
Auf loyalistischer Seite (UDA, UVF) kam es zeitgleich zu vergleichsweise größeren Brüchen auf visuell-symbolischer Ebene. In Vergleich zu den republikanischen Murals zeichneten sich die der Loyalisten nicht durch eine relativ geradlinige und einheitliche Entwicklung aus, sondern durch eine Diversifikation der Motive und die Suche nach (neuen) Symbolen, die die eigene Gruppe neu begründen und einen konnten. Die Möglichkeit zur Konfliktfortsetzung und -transformation wurzelte hier nicht in einem systematischen symbolischen Wandel, sondern in einem patchwork divergierender (alter und neuer) Selbstverständnisse.This doctoral thesis develops a performance theory of violent ethnic group conflicts by combining theories of ethnicity and boundaries (M. Weber, F. Barth, A.D. Smith, A. Wimmer, R. Brubaker, M. Lamont, V. Molnár, C. Tilly) with theories of power and violent conflicts (H. Popitz, R.V. Gould) and the cultural sociology of J.C. Alexander. This theoretical framework is applied on the Northern Ireland conflict (1966–2013). The result is an explanation for its long duration and later transformation into a non-violent one (peace process). The empirical analysis traces the relations between social and symbolic boundaries throughout the conflict. The development of social boundaries is reconstructed through an analysis of violent events during the conflict, the development of symbolic boundaries is reconstructed based on the central visual means of political communication used by the protagonists of the conflict, i.e. the murals painted in republican and loyalist strongholds. The development of murals (understood as belated stage settings) is interpreted in the context of the course of the violent conflict. In the early 1980s – a stalemate had developed on the level of social boundaries – the murals on the republican side (PIRA) transformed the meaning of violence: It was disconnected from an instrumental logic. Paradoxically, this transformation enabled at the same time the continuation of the violent conflict as well as its later transformation into a non-violent one. The loyalist murals (UDA, UVF) – compared to the republican ones – were characterized by ruptures and a lack of a coherent development. They exhibited a diversification of themes and a search for new (re-)uniting collective symbols. They did not enable the continuation and transformation of the conflict through systematic symbolic changes, but through the emergence of a patchwork of diverse (old and new) collective symbols and 'identities'.
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Bazin, Cécile. "Images du conflit politique nord-irlandais dans le cinéma". Thesis, Paris 3, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA030098.
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Cette étude porte sur les films qui traitent du conflit politique nord-irlandais de 1968 à 1998 et elle entend mettre en lumière les relations entre le cinéma et l’évolution de ce conflit. Le cinéma, dans sa construction discursive, à sa travers sa voix indépendante et sa portée populaire, offre un véhicule unique pour l’exploration des Troubles et du processus de paix. Les films sur les Troubles, réalisés pendant cette période, abordent principalement l’IRA dans ses rapports avec l’Angleterre, tandis que les films sortis pendant le processus de paix reflètent la remise en question identitaire, avec entre autres, des membres de l’IRA qui, dans leur quête d’identité, se détournent de la violence politique. Les comédies qui datent du processus de paix dénoncent, de manière ironique, la violence politique des Troubles et illustrent l’espoir que génère ce processus en libérant progressivement l’Irlande du Nord de la violence. Ces films, réalisés pour la plupart pendant le processus de paix - qui repense les rapports anglo-irlandais et les relations entre les deux communautés en Irlande du Nord - se focalisent sur l’un des acteurs du conflit : la communauté catholique (les nationalistes et les républicains) et ses liens avec les Britanniques. Les rapports intercommunautaires sont peu abordés et la communauté protestante, relativement absente de l’image, n’est évoquée qu’à travers les loyalistes. Si ces films explorent principalement la perspective catholique, certains d’entre eux se concentrent sur les victimes catholiques d’événements particuliers des Troubles et ces films proposent une version alternative à l’histoire officielle, conférant au cinéma la fonction de source historique mais aussi de lieu de mémoire des victimes. Ainsi, le cinéma ne retranscrit pas seulement l’histoire de façon figée mais s’intègre dans l’évolution de la situation en Irlande du NordThis study centres on films dealing with the political conflict in Northern Ireland from 1968 to 1998 and attempts to trace the relationship between cinema and this ongoing conflict. Through its discursive construction, its independent voice and its popular reach, cinema provides a unique vehicle for the exploration of the Troubles and the peace process. The films about the Troubles, shot during this period, look mainly at the IRA and its relationship with England. The films made during the peace process reflect the question of identity - a central facet of the peace process - by representing, for example, some members of the IRA engaged in the search for their identity turning away from political violence. The comedies - also made during the peace process - use irony to denounce the political violence of the Troubles and depict the hope that the peace process generates. These films, mostly shot during the peace process which reconsiders t! he East-West relations and the internal relations in Northern Ireland between the two communities, focus primarily on the catholic community [nationalists and republicans] in its relationship with the British. Intercommunal relations appear rarely in films and the protestant community, relatively absent from the screen, is represented almost exclusively by loyalist paramilitaries. Therefore these films display a certain interest for the catholic point of view and some of them concentrate on catholic victims of specific events of the Troubles and offer an alternative to the official version of history endowing cinema with a role as historical source and also as a space for the memory of the victims. Thus, cinema does not only retranscribe history in a static way but takes part in the changes going on in Northern Ireland
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MCANDREW, WILLIAM ROBERT. "DETERMINANTS AND JUSTIFICATIONS FOR THE USE OF TERRORIST VIOLENCE IN SEPARATIST SITUATIONS (NORTHERN IRELAND, QUEBEC, CANADA)". Thesis, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1911/13235.
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An argument that the use of terror in cases of national separatism, particularly for the cases of the IRA in Northern Ireland and the FLQ in Quebec, is not indiscriminant or mindless, but part of an overall strategy used by groups based on societal determinants and the long term and short term goals of the terrorist group.
The main societal determinants appear to be the past use of violence in the area under question and the ability for the nationalist community to effectively control its situation through political representation. For the terrorist group, while separation is the obvious long term goal, other goals for the group, the community it represents, the system in which it acts and the government from which it wishes independence also play an important role in the choice of violence and its possible effects on interfering with accomplishment of other goals.
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Jacobson, Ruth. "Whose peace process? Women¿s organisations and political settlement in Northern Ireland, 1996 - 1997". 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/2318.
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