Teses / dissertações sobre o tema "Political violence – Northern Ireland – Belfast"
Crie uma referência precisa em APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, e outros estilos
Veja os 21 melhores trabalhos (teses / dissertações) para estudos sobre o assunto "Political violence – Northern Ireland – Belfast".
Ao lado de cada fonte na lista de referências, há um botão "Adicionar à bibliografia". Clique e geraremos automaticamente a citação bibliográfica do trabalho escolhido no estilo de citação de que você precisa: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
Você também pode baixar o texto completo da publicação científica em formato .pdf e ler o resumo do trabalho online se estiver presente nos metadados.
Veja as teses / dissertações das mais diversas áreas científicas e compile uma bibliografia correta.
Lee, Stuart Joseph Wilson. "The relationship between political violence and conventional crime in Northern Ireland". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609888.
Texto completo da fonteRichards, Anthony. "Political fronts of terrorist groups : a comparative study of Northern Ireland political fronts, their evolution, roles and potential for attaining political change". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14395.
Texto completo da fonteIves-Allison, Nicole D. "P stones and provos : group violence in Northern Ireland and Chicago". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6925.
Texto completo da fonteO'Kane, Damian Patrick. "Stress and the appraisal of political violence : a longitudinal study in Northern Ireland". Thesis, University of Ulster, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.260477.
Texto completo da fonteReilly, Paul John. "Framing online communications of civil and uncivil groups in post-conflict Northern Ireland". Connect to e-thesis. Move to record for print version, 2008. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/131/.
Texto completo da fontePh.D. thesis submitted to the Faculty of Law, Business and Social Sciences, Department of Politics, University of Glasgow, 2008. Includes bibliographical references. Print version also available.
Ellis, Kate. "The impact of community and political violence on children in Northern Ireland and Israel". Thesis, University of Ulster, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.554240.
Texto completo da fontede, Pretis Maura. "Women, politics and political violence in Northern Ireland : a study in historical feminist criminology". Thesis, University of Bristol, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.368719.
Texto completo da fonteBrock, Christopher. "Political violence and inter-ethnic conflict : An analysis with reference to Chechnya and Northern Ireland". Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.523009.
Texto completo da fonteVoronkova, Anastasia. "Understanding the dynamics of ethnonationalist contention : political mobilization, resistance and violence in Nagorno-Karabakh and Northern Ireland". Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2012. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/2516.
Texto completo da fonteMarotte, Guilhem. "« The war is not over » : Analyse géopolitique d'une stratégie violente de contrôle du territoire communautaire républicain dans un Belfast post-conflit". Thesis, Paris 8, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA080071/document.
Texto completo da fonteThanks to the Good Friday Agreement (GFA) signed in 1998, Northern Ireland knows a period of pacification unknown since the Troubles (1969-1998). In this post-conflict situation, violence in the form of confrontation between paramilitary groups and British security forces has greatly decreased. Nevertheless, small republican paramilitary groups are still opposing the peace treaty. The goal of this dissertation is to understand why republican paramilitaries opposed to the GFA continue to rely on violence while recognizing that, in the current context, armed struggle has little chances of leading to the reunification of Ireland. In Belfast, spatial analysis of intracommunal violence (carried out within an alternative justice system) and attacks against the police indicate that the strategy of the paramilitary organizations opposed to the GFA relies on creating a cycle of unrest. This is a strategy of local development aiming at maintaining territories of exception. This concept here means territories where the normalization sought by the peace process is limited by anti-GFA republicans’ actions and where the monopole of legitimate violence is disputed. This strategy of communal territory control is however facing a series of problems. Anti-GFA paramilitary organisations are indeed small fragmented groups which often splinter overtime. Finally, anti-GFA paramilitary organizations’ influence is limited by a social context extremely unfavourable to armed struggle, by security forces, and by the presence and strategy of the Sinn Féin
Uležić, Sanjin. "'Making the most of it': the emergence, maintenance, and legitimation of the contemporary Northern Irish republican armed struggle". Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/459252.
Texto completo da fonteThe thesis is focused on the contemporary iteration of the Northern Irish republican armed struggle, which has been active since the time of the peace process in the late 1990s. Despite being characterised by a lower intensity than the armed conflict that took place between 1969 and 1998, the ongoing campaign of political violence is still lethal, with periodic instances of violence directed against both entities if the state and those understood to be threatening the nationalist communities. The presented doctoral thesis takes up the task of studying this armed struggle in a tripartite focus, by looking at the emergence, maintenance, and legitimation thereof. This work is defined by its exploratión of the interwoven nature of the different forms of political violence that makes up the armed struggle, with this most evident in the mutually constituting nature of the facilitating conditions for the existence of political violence. It is the first work to problematise this relationship and thus offers a novel understanding of the studied phenomena.
Steenkamp, Christina Johanna. "The Political Implications of Violence after Peace Accords : Civilian Perceptions of Physical Insecurity in Northern Ireland and South Africa". Thesis, University of York, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.507485.
Texto completo da fonteNadeau, Selina. "In Defense of Propaganda: The Republican Response to State-created Narratives Which Silenced Political speech During the Northern Irish Conflict, 1968-1998". Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1493395475794123.
Texto completo da fonteLynch, Robert John. "The Northern IRA and the early years of partition 1920-22". Thesis, University of Stirling, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/1517.
Texto completo da fonteFinnegan, Patrick. "Developing cohesion in non-state militaries : a case study of the Provisional IRA". Thesis, University of Exeter, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/32785.
Texto completo da fonteDucastelle, Lison. "L'IRA : de la violence armée au désarmement (1969-2005) : enjeux, symboles et mécanismes". Thesis, Paris 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA030190/document.
Texto completo da fonteThe Irish Republican Army (IRA), the main Republican paramilitary group in Northern Ireland was founded in 1969. From then on it fought to put an end to the British presence in Northern Ireland and to achieve the unification of Ireland. The decommissioning of the IRA, which seemed unrealizable until 2001, was indeed accomplished between 2001 and 2005, as part of the Peace Process. On 26 September 2005, the IRA officially laid down its weapons. What mechanisms played a role in the IRA putting its arsenal beyond use during the Northern Ireland Peace Process, despite the armed group’s declaration in 1998 that there would be no disarmament? As mentioned in the title of this thesis, three questions underlie our analysis: What was at stake in the giving up of violence and in decommissioning for the IRA and Sinn Féin during the Peace Process? What was the symbolic significance of decommissioning for the IRA and for the whole Republican movement? Finally, what diplomatic and psychological mechanisms managed to convince the IRA to give up violence and then to disarm? At the clandestine group’s own request, the technical aspects of decommissioning and the number of arms which were destroyed still remain confidential. Therefore, this study does not reveal any State secrets, but rather underlines the dynamics of the process which led the IRA from armed violence to the giving up of arms
McConaghy, Kieran. "Terrorism and the state : intra-state dynamics and the response to non-state terrorism". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6535.
Texto completo da fonteSolleder, Stefan. "Die Visualisierung symbolischer Ordnungen im Kontext gewalttätiger Konflikte". Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/18620.
Texto completo da fonteThis doctoral thesis develops a performance theory of violent ethnic group conflicts by combining theories of ethnicity and boundaries (M. Weber, F. Barth, A.D. Smith, A. Wimmer, R. Brubaker, M. Lamont, V. Molnár, C. Tilly) with theories of power and violent conflicts (H. Popitz, R.V. Gould) and the cultural sociology of J.C. Alexander. This theoretical framework is applied on the Northern Ireland conflict (1966–2013). The result is an explanation for its long duration and later transformation into a non-violent one (peace process). The empirical analysis traces the relations between social and symbolic boundaries throughout the conflict. The development of social boundaries is reconstructed through an analysis of violent events during the conflict, the development of symbolic boundaries is reconstructed based on the central visual means of political communication used by the protagonists of the conflict, i.e. the murals painted in republican and loyalist strongholds. The development of murals (understood as belated stage settings) is interpreted in the context of the course of the violent conflict. In the early 1980s – a stalemate had developed on the level of social boundaries – the murals on the republican side (PIRA) transformed the meaning of violence: It was disconnected from an instrumental logic. Paradoxically, this transformation enabled at the same time the continuation of the violent conflict as well as its later transformation into a non-violent one. The loyalist murals (UDA, UVF) – compared to the republican ones – were characterized by ruptures and a lack of a coherent development. They exhibited a diversification of themes and a search for new (re-)uniting collective symbols. They did not enable the continuation and transformation of the conflict through systematic symbolic changes, but through the emergence of a patchwork of diverse (old and new) collective symbols and 'identities'.
Bazin, Cécile. "Images du conflit politique nord-irlandais dans le cinéma". Thesis, Paris 3, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA030098.
Texto completo da fonteThis study centres on films dealing with the political conflict in Northern Ireland from 1968 to 1998 and attempts to trace the relationship between cinema and this ongoing conflict. Through its discursive construction, its independent voice and its popular reach, cinema provides a unique vehicle for the exploration of the Troubles and the peace process. The films about the Troubles, shot during this period, look mainly at the IRA and its relationship with England. The films made during the peace process reflect the question of identity - a central facet of the peace process - by representing, for example, some members of the IRA engaged in the search for their identity turning away from political violence. The comedies - also made during the peace process - use irony to denounce the political violence of the Troubles and depict the hope that the peace process generates. These films, mostly shot during the peace process which reconsiders t! he East-West relations and the internal relations in Northern Ireland between the two communities, focus primarily on the catholic community [nationalists and republicans] in its relationship with the British. Intercommunal relations appear rarely in films and the protestant community, relatively absent from the screen, is represented almost exclusively by loyalist paramilitaries. Therefore these films display a certain interest for the catholic point of view and some of them concentrate on catholic victims of specific events of the Troubles and offer an alternative to the official version of history endowing cinema with a role as historical source and also as a space for the memory of the victims. Thus, cinema does not only retranscribe history in a static way but takes part in the changes going on in Northern Ireland
MCANDREW, WILLIAM ROBERT. "DETERMINANTS AND JUSTIFICATIONS FOR THE USE OF TERRORIST VIOLENCE IN SEPARATIST SITUATIONS (NORTHERN IRELAND, QUEBEC, CANADA)". Thesis, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1911/13235.
Texto completo da fonteJacobson, Ruth. "Whose peace process? Women¿s organisations and political settlement in Northern Ireland, 1996 - 1997". 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/2318.
Texto completo da fonte