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1
Khalili, Laleh. "‘Standing with My Brother’: Hizbullah, Palestinians, and the Limits of Solidarity". Comparative Studies in Society and History 49, n.º 2 (abril de 2007): 276–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417507000497.
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On 30 January 2004, after months of negotiations between Hizbullah and the state of Israel via German mediators, a major exchange of bodies and prisoners was completed. In return for a kidnapped Israeli citizen—alleged to belong to Israeli intelligence services—and the bodies of three Israeli soldiers captured three years previously, Israel released twenty-nine Lebanese and other Arab prisoners, the remains of fifty-nine Lebanese citizens, and, astonishingly, 400 Palestinian prisoners. The prisoner release was something of a coup for Hizbullah and its success led Hizbullah on 12 July 2006 to emulate the same capture operation hoping to precipitate the release of the last remaining Lebanese prisoners in Israeli prisons. In 2004, many from across the political spectrum in Lebanon and Palestine praised Hizbullah's achievement. In Beirut, the welcoming ceremonies for the released Palestinian prisoners were awash in both Palestinian and Lebanese flags. Among the celebrants were tens of thousands of Palestinians. The superior effectiveness of Hizbullah in comparison with then Palestinian leadership was not lost on observers. After all, in its most successful negotiations with the Israeli state the previous August, then Palestinian Prime Minister Abu Mazen had been able to secure the release of only 338 Palestinian prisoners of Israel, most of whom had reached the end of their terms anyway. In his welcoming speech to his Palestinian and Lebanese audience, Hizbullah Secretary General, Sayyid Hasan Nasrallah, further took a swipe at the Fatah-dominated Palestinian National Authority (PNA) by insisting that “We should not fall under any illusions and let ourselves believe that peaceful negotiations are an alternative to military resistance. Effective [military] resistance was the main factor behind our success” (Daily Star, 30 Jan. 2004, my emphases). One Lebanese analyst claimed that the Hizbullah success could not possibly be “a popular deal with Palestinian leadership” (Daily Star, 26 Jan. 2004), because it showed the relative effectiveness of Hizbullah compared to the Fatah-dominated PNA.
2
Karniel, Yuval, Amit Lavie-Dinur e Tal Samuel Azran. "Professional or personal framing? International media coverage of the Israel–Hamas prisoner exchange deal". Media, War & Conflict 10, n.º 1 (27 de fevereiro de 2017): 105–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750635216658717.
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This article explores whether national political agendas influenced the content of domestic and foreign television news media coverage of the 2011 Israel–Hamas Gilad Shalit prisoner exchange deal. The deal, which released Israeli soldier Shalit in exchange for 1,027 prisoners, is the largest prisoner exchange agreement in Israeli history for a single live soldier, but the third largest prisoner exchange agreement as a whole. A quantitative content analysis was conducted on 2,162 news reports from five international and national news networks – BBC, CNN, Fox and Israel’s Channels 1 and 2. The findings suggest important differences in the way foreign and national news networks cover controversial political events. Findings reveal that Israeli networks strongly aligned themselves with the government’s position, while the BBC provided the most balanced coverage. Prominent differences were found between the two US channels – CNN and Fox News. This work builds on a growing body of research on media framing of political events.
3
Francis, Sahar. "Gendered Violence in Israeli Detention". Journal of Palestine Studies 46, n.º 4 (2017): 46–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.46.4.46.
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Women have been instrumental to the Palestinian liberation struggle from its inception, and the role they have played in political, civil, and armed resistance has been as critical, if not as visible, as that of their male counterparts. In addition to experiencing the same forms of repression as men, be it arrest, indefinite detention, or incarceration, Palestinian women have also been subjected to sexual violence and other gendered forms of coercion at the hands of the Israeli occupation regime. Drawing on testimonies from former and current female prisoners, this paper details Israel's incarceration policies and examines their consequences for Palestinian women and their families. It argues that Israel uses the incarceration of women as a weapon to undermine Palestinian resistance and to fracture traditionally cohesive social relations; and more specifically, that the prison authorities subject female prisoners to sexual and gender-based violence as a psychological weapon to break them and, by extension, their children.
4
Karolyi, Paul. "Update on Conflict and Diplomacy". Journal of Palestine Studies 46, n.º 4 (2017): 140–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.46.4.140.
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This update, which summarizes bilateral, multilateral, regional, and international events affecting the Palestinians and the future of the peace process, covers the quarter beginning on 16 February 2017 and ending on 15 May 2017. During this period, the administration of U.S. pres. Donald Trump attempted to put its own stamp on the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, the Israeli government announced a new policy on settlement growth in the West Bank, and the Ramallah-based Palestinian leadership struggled to consolidate power. Palestinians in the West Bank elected new local leaders, despite disagreements among the major parties. Some 1,500 Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails declared a hunger strike, drawing support from across the political spectrum. Meanwhile, Israel's right-wing government kept up a campaign to undermine and delegitimize its opponents, including the Israeli Left, the Palestinian minority in Israel, and the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement.
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Karolyi, Paul. "Chronology". Journal of Palestine Studies 46, n.º 4 (2017): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.46.4.s3.
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This is part 134 of a chronology begun by the Journal of Palestine Studies in Spring 1984, and covers events from 16 February to 15 May 2017 on the ground in the occupied Palestinian territories and in the diplomatic sphere, regionally and internationally. U.S. pres. Donald Trump leads a new, regional effort to restart Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations. With the prospect of peace talks on the horizon, the Israeli government announced a new policy to guide settlement growth in the West Bank, and the Ramallah-based Palestinian leadership struggled to consolidate power. Palestinians in the West Bank elected new local leaders, although the elections were compromised by disagreements among the major political parties. Approximately 1,500 Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails declared a hunger strike (the Dignity Strike), drawing support from across the political spectrum. Meanwhile, the right-wing Israeli government continued its efforts to undermine and delegitimize its opponents, including the Israeli Left, the Palestinian minority in Israel, and the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement. For a more comprehensive overview of regional and international developments related to the Palestine-Israel conflict, see the quarterly Update on Conflict and Diplomacy in JPS 46 (4).
6
Viterbo, Hedi. "Rights as a Divide-and-Rule Mechanism: Lessons from the Case of Palestinians in Israeli Custody". Law & Social Inquiry 43, n.º 03 (2018): 764–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12270.
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Critics have highlighted the complicity of human rights law in mass disempowerment and domination—a criticism equally applicable to child law. This article investigates this issue, as evidenced by three recent developments that Israel has justified by invoking these legal frameworks: an increased separation of Palestinian adults and children in Israeli custody; the Israeli legal system's growing preoccupation with “rehabilitating” the now-segregated Palestinian children; and the Israeli authorities' ever-diminishing interest in such rehabilitation for adult Palestinian prisoners. By canvassing the legal architecture, judicial rationalizations, adverse effects, and sociopolitical context of these developments, this article foregrounds their divide-and-rule logic and structure of driving a generational wedge between Palestinians and potentially weakening their political ties, solidarity, and resistance.
7
Hajjar, Lisa. "International Humanitarian Law and ““Wars on Terror””: A Comparative Analysis of Israeli and American Doctrines and Policies". Journal of Palestine Studies 36, n.º 1 (2006): 21–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2006.36.1.21.
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The second intifada and the U.S. ““global war on terror,”” though quite different, both involve asymmetrical warfare that pits powerful states against non-state organizations. This article focuses on international humanitarian law (IHL) to assess and compare how Israeli and American doctrines and policies for waging ““wars on terror”” have departed from international consensus on norms and rules for military engagement in occupied territories and the treatment of enemy prisoners. Neither Israel nor the United States ignores IHL; rather, they seek to reinterpret it in a manner that permits the pursuit (militarized or otherwise) of political agendas, even while claiming the reinterpretation to be legally valid.
8
BORNSTEIN, AVRAM. "Ethnography and the Politics of Prisoners in Palestine-Israel". Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 30, n.º 5 (outubro de 2001): 546–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/089124101129024268.
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Karolyi, Paul. "Update on Conflict and Diplomacy". Journal of Palestine Studies 47, n.º 1 (2017): 132–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.47.1.132.
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This update summarizes bilateral, multilateral, regional, and international events affecting the Palestinians and Israel. It covers the quarter beginning on 16 May 2017 and ending on 15 August 2017: U.S. president Donald Trump continued working on a largely undefined peace initiative with little success. Violence in the Old City of Jerusalem interrupted U.S. diplomatic efforts and the Israeli government imposed new security measures at Haram al-Sharif. These restrictions sparked a wave of unrest across the occupied Palestinian territories and a Muslim boycott of the sanctuary, testing the nascent U.S. initiative. Palestinian Authority president Mahmoud Abbas increased pressure on Hamas to relinquish control of Gaza to the PA. The 1,500-plus Palestinian prisoners who declared a mass hunger strike last quarter secured key concessions from the Israeli authorities and brought their strike to a close. Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Bahrain, and the United Arab Emirates enacted a diplomatic and economic boycott of Qatar.
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Frantsman-Spector, Alin, e Avihu Shoshana. "Shameless Accounts: Against Psychological Subjectivity and Vulnerable Femininity Among Prisoners’ Wives in Israel". Qualitative Sociology 41, n.º 3 (1 de agosto de 2018): 381–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11133-018-9391-1.
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Shoshana, Avihu. "Ethnographies of Therapeutic Governance and Agentic Resistance in Support Groups for Prisoner’s Wives". Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 48, n.º 2 (8 de maio de 2018): 236–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0891241618769999.
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This article suggests expanding our understanding about the mundane use of therapeutic governance regarding welfare populations, through ethnographies of support groups for prisoners’ wives in Israel. The findings reveal that although prisoners’ wives meet the neoliberal ideal of financial independence (and therefore it is not possible to regulate them by discourse of need), they are regulated via the discourse of desire. The findings also disclose ethnographies of confrontations within all the meetings, and the agentic transition between resistance strategies (from overt conflict and challenging the psychological discourse, to negotiation and strategic passing). The discussion uncovers the ramifications of therapeutic governance, which defines inter alia therapeutic subjectivity via its requirement for nonpolitical awareness, within a welfare population that experiences daily oppression.
12
Polley, Gabriel. "“The Sun is Shining in Salameh”: An American Communist Observes the Nakba". Journal of Labor and Society 26, n.º 1 (10 de fevereiro de 2023): 62–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24714607-bja10110.
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Abstract This paper investigates the writing of A.B. Magil, a journalist for the Communist Party of the USA. In Palestine in 1948, he witnessed the birth of the State of Israel and, correspondingly, the creation of the Palestinian refugee crisis. Magil had unfettered access to Jewish military commanders who later joined Israel’s political elite, but also to Palestinian prisoners of war and Communist politicians. He reported from recently ethnically cleansed towns and villages without seeming to recognise the enormity of what had taken place. A close study of Magil’s coverage throw into relief subsequent shifts in the Western left’s understandings of imperialism, (settler-)colonialism and resistance. After returning to the US, he continued his commentary on the Middle East, his later writings revealing how leftist sympathies for Israel were tested throughout the 1950s, including by the Suez Crisis, though without a re-evaluation of the circumstances of Israel’s creation.
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Cook, Catherine, Adam Hanieh e Adah Kay. "DISCRIMINATION AND DENIAL, ISRAEL AND PALESTINIAN CHILD POLITICAL PRISONERS: A CASE STUDY OF ISRAEL'S MANIPULATION OF THE U.N. HUMAN RIGHTS SYSTEM*". Palestine Yearbook of International Law Online 13, n.º 1 (2004): 91–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221161405x00053.
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Gökatalay, Semih. "British Colonialism and Prison Labour in Inter-War Palestine". Labour History 125, n.º 1 (25 de outubro de 2023): 139–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/labourhistory.2023.23.
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Great Britain ruled modern-day Israel and Palestine from 1917 to 1948. The exploitation of prison labour became a source to fund its colonial government. This study explicates the economic and legal rationale for prison labour, the living and working conditions and discipline of convicts, and public debates and controversies surrounding political prisoners in Mandatory Palestine. With specific references to forced labour in the colonised world, it evaluates the experience of Mandatory Palestine from a transnational perspective and makes a connection between global colonialism and prison labour. Using a rich trove of official documents and newspaper articles as its primary sources, this article links the proliferation of the prison labour system with the introduction and consolidation of British colonialism in Palestine and argues that colonial ideology and practices coloured and justified the use of prison labour.
15
Halberstam, Malvina. "Terrorism on the High Seas: The Achille Lauro, Piracy and the IMO Convention on Maritime Safety". American Journal of International Law 82, n.º 2 (abril de 1988): 269–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203189.
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On October 7, 1985, the Achille Lauro, an Italian-flag cruise ship, was seized while sailing from Alexandria to Port Said. The hijackers, members of the Palestine Liberation Front (PLF), a faction of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), had boarded the ship in Genoa, posing as tourists. They held the ship’s crew and passengers hostage, and threatened to kill the passengers unless Israel released 50 Palestinian prisoners. They also threatened to blow up the ship if a rescue mission was attempted. When their demands had not been met by the following afternoon, the hijackers shot Leon Klinghoffer, a Jew of U.S. nationality who was partly paralyzed and in a wheelchair, and threw his body and wheelchair overboard. The United States characterized the seizure as piracy, a position that has been supported by some commentators and opposed by others.
16
Harlow, Barbara. "Palestine: Kan Wa-Ma Kan?" Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 7, n.º 1 (março de 1998): 75–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.7.1.75.
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Too many memories? Difficulties of diaspora? Or lapses in memory? The spring of 1998 marked the passage of fifty years of nakba, the historic Palestinian “catastrophe.” Israel celebrated the season as an anniversary, commemorating the fifty elapsed years of its statehood. The short-lived “peace process” initiated in the preliminary if protracted negotiations in Madrid in 1990, which were abruptly concluded in their displacement to Oslo, was once again “stalled.” Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu announced plans to expand the boundaries of West Jerusalem, in a move clearly designed to add to the pressures on Arab East Jerusalem and predetermine the “final status” talks of the process by decisively altering both the topography and the demography of greater Jerusalem. And the Israeli Supreme Court referred the highly controversial issue of the legalized torture of Palestinian prisoners back to the Knesset for further determination. What had happened to the “human rights,” and their universal declaration, that were also being commemorated in the year 1998, in celebration of the passage in 1948 of the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights? According to Article 5 of the Declaration, “No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.” And under the terms of Article 13, “Everyone has the right to leave any country, including his own, and to return to his country.” Additionally, according to Article 15, first, “Everyone has the right to a nationality,” and second, “No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his nationality nor denied the right to change his nationality.” What then was happening in Palestine, to the Palestinians, in the spring of 1998 when these anniversaries came up?
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Vetoshkina, E. D. "Holocaust Denial: Social Conditionality and Comparative Analysis of Criminal Law Prohibition". Lex Russica, n.º 11 (15 de novembro de 2020): 129–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2020.168.11.129-138.
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From the second half of the 20th century the revisionist movement has spread among scientists, public and political figures. Publicists and scientists are known for criticizing the testimonies of concentration camp prisoners and their executioners, as well as denying the possibility of mass extermination of prisoners in terms of the technical capabilities of gas chambers.Attempts to reinterpret historical events often border on extremism and pose a threat to national security, leading to a significant deterioration in international relations. At the international level, a number of acts have been adopted indicating that the Holocaust is a fact established by the verdict of the Nuremberg Tribunal, and calling on states to reject any denial of the Holocaust. International organizations that oppose attempts to rewrite history include the Council of Europe, the United Nations, and UNESCO.At the national level, responsibility for denying and justifying the Holocaust has been established in a number of states. The first group includes states that are responsible for denying and approving the Holocaust and other crimes committed by the Nazis (Germany, France, Austria, Israel). The second group includes states that equated Nazi crimes in their legislation with crimes of communism (Hungary, Czech Republic, Lithuania). The third group consists of states that prohibit the denial and justification of any genocide (Switzerland, Luxembourg). Some states (for example, the United States) refused to introduce such bans, citing freedom of speech and belief.In 2014, the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation introduced article 354.1 "Rehabilitation of Nazism", which sets forth responsibility for denying the facts established by the Nuremberg Tribunal verdict. At the same time, the legislator should not selectively approach the protection of historical events. It would be fair to criminalize the denial of genocide and other international crimes recognized by the international community, regardless of any criteria relating to the perpetrators.
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Abu Sitta, Salman, e Terry Rempel. "The ICRC and the Detention of Palestinian Civilians in Israel's 1948 POW/Labor Camps". Journal of Palestine Studies 43, n.º 4 (2014): 11–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2014.43.4.11.
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The internment of thousands of Palestinian civilians in Israeli-run prisoner of war camps is a relatively little known episode in the 1948 war. This article begins to piece together the story from the dual perspective of the former civilian internees and of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). Aside from the day-to-day treatment of the internees, ICRC reports focused on the legal and humanitarian implications of civilian internment and on Israel's resort to forced labor to support its war effort. Most of the 5,000 or so Palestinian civilians held in four official camps were reduced to conditions described by one ICRC official as “slavery” and then expelled from the country at the end of the war. Notwithstanding their shortcoming, the ICRC records constitute an important contribution to the story of these prisoners and also expose the organization's ineffectiveness—absent a legal framework as well as enforcement mechanisms beyond moral persuasion, the ICRC could do little to intervene on behalf of the internees.
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Francis, Sahar. "Status of Palestinian Prisoners in International Humanitarian Law". Journal of Palestine Studies 43, n.º 4 (2014): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2014.43.4.39.
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This essay addresses the legal status of Palestinian political prisoners under international humanitarian and human rights law. At the heart of this issue lies the fundamental question of Israel's right to arrest hundreds of thousands of Palestinians, put them on trial before arbitrary military courts, and treat them as criminals in its capacity as the occupying power given the internationally-recognized right of Palestinians to resist occupation and pursue self-determination. This question takes on all the more urgency considering the illegal nature of the Israeli occupation1 and given that the laws and rules of war are applicable to Palestinian detainees as their status conforms to the definition of prisoners of war and civilians under occupation pursuant to the Geneva Conventions of 1949.
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Shraydeh, Hind. "Prison Report: Palestinians in Israeli Detention during Covid-19". Journal of Palestine Studies 49, n.º 4 (2020): 47–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2020.49.4.47.
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This first-person account, written by the partner of a Palestinian prisoner, brings to life detention conditions in Israeli prisons that have been well documented by human rights and other organizations. It highlights the particular dangers these carceral facilities pose to the men, women, and children being held—many in so-called administrative detention, without trial or charge—during the Covid-19 pandemic. Part reportage and part cri de coeur, this testimonial touches on the most immediate and existential aspects of imprisonment for Palestinians in Israeli prisons: poor sanitary conditions and insufficiency of Covid-19 mitigation measures, as well as systemic medical negligence, such as the withholding of medical care at a time of heightened threat and greater vulnerability.
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Klik, Ella. "Customizing memory: Number tattoos in contemporary Israeli memory work". Memory Studies 13, n.º 4 (14 de dezembro de 2017): 649–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698017741932.
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This article considers the recent appearance of the Auschwitz prisoner number tattoo on the bodies of Israeli descendants of Holocaust survivors. While media attention granted to this phenomenon is disproportionate to its actual size, it reveals something fundamental about Holocaust representation and commemoration in Israel today. Thinking through the concept of postmemory and its reliance on mediation in this context means that the skin itself can be regarded as a medium passing on memories that have not been directly experienced. The significance of the skin as a locus for commemoration is examined in relation and opposition to other various institutionalized forms of memory practices, to argue that re-tattooing is a form of customizable individual and collective memory. This practice serves as a unique form of bodily memorialization that plays out in the context of new media tools, a socio-political context, and generational succession.
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O'Rourke, Norm. "Vigorous Shaking of Political Prisoners as a Means of Interrogation: Physical, Affective, and Neuropsychological Sequelae". Politics and the Life Sciences 18, n.º 1 (março de 1999): 31–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0730938400023534.
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Torture is a crude and ancient method of extracting information and confessions from prisoners. Its use is still widespread throughout the world, but its techniques have become increasingly sophisticated. Today, information and confessions are commonly extracted from political prisoners with few signs of physical trauma. For instance, Israel's General Security Service has come to employ vigorous shaking as one such means of interrogation within the Occupied Territories of the Gaza and West Bank. This procedure may sound innocuous, but there are good reasons to believe that vigorous shaking can induce whiplash-related injuries. Such evidence is found in the child abuse and motor vehicle accident literature. Although global intellect may appear unaffected, more subtle emotional and cognitive dysfunction can create lasting impairment. This article concludes that vigorous shaking of political prisoners is a dangerous and potentially lethal mode of interrogation that should be discontinued by Israel's General Security Forces and avoided by all governments.
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Marshall, Sandy. "The Double-occupation of Palestine". Human Geography 4, n.º 1 (março de 2011): 100–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/194277861100400107.
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This article argues that the recent calm the West Bank is currently experiencing results from the US-Israeli strategy of outsourcing the disciplinary power of the occupation to the Palestinian Authority (PA). It discusses recent security commitments that the US has made to the PA, and popular Palestinian perception of PA police and soldiers. In addition, the article considers how the US/Israel/PA governing strategy manifests itself in new spatial formations in the West Bank, from new roads and shopping festivals, to new prisons and Palestinian-maintained checkpoints. Finally considered is whether a new resistant politics can possibly emerge from the present status quo, whether yet another generation of Palestinians can be expected to struggle and sacrifice, or whether the post-political malaise currently pervasive in Palestine (and elsewhere) will be perpetuated with the creation of a new generation of apolitical young consumers in the West Bank?
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Sabbah, Suheir S., Nura Barqan e Fadwa Halabiyah. "Emotional Deprivation and Its Relation to Psychological Compatibility among Jerusalemite Palestinian Ex-Detainees Who Were in Israeli Prisons". European Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 3, n.º 4 (21 de julho de 2023): 31–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejsocial.2023.3.4.444.
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The harsh conditions to which Palestinian prisoners are exposed are a human experience that carries deep psychological meanings, thereby exposing them to multiple types of traumas, whether physical, material, moral and political violence. This in itself negatively affects their emotions and their compatibility in the future when they are freed from captivity, which consequently affects their psychological compatibility. From this viewpoint, the study aimed to identify the emotional deprivation and its relationship to psychological compatibility among Palestinian ex-detainees in the city of Jerusalem. The study population consisted of 3,613 freed prisoners in Jerusalem. The study sample comprised from 103 released prisoners who were chosen by the accessibility sampling method due to the difficulty of accessing the prisoners. The study used the descriptive correlative approach such that the following two tools were used: emotional deprivation and psychological compatibility, and the validity and reliability of the study tools were verified. The results showed that the level of emotional deprivation and psychological compatibility of the released prisoners in Jerusalem was moderate, with a mean of 2.59 and 3.42, respectively. There was an inverse relationship between emotional deprivation and psychological compatibility among the Palestinian ex-detainees in Jerusalem.
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Hiltermann, Joost R. "Deaths in Israeli Prisons". Journal of Palestine Studies 19, n.º 3 (1990): 101–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2537714.
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Hiltermann, Joost R. "Deaths in Israeli Prisons". Journal of Palestine Studies 19, n.º 3 (abril de 1990): 101–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.1990.19.3.00p0199z.
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Wishah, Um Jabr. "““Prisoners for Freedom””: The Prisoners Issue Before and After Oslo". Journal of Palestine Studies 36, n.º 1 (2006): 71–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2006.36.1.71.
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This is the third and final installment of Um Jabr's ““life story,”” earlier segments of which——on village life in pre-1948 Palestine and on the 1948 war and its aftermath——were published in JPS 138 (winter 2006) and JPS 140 (summer 2006). The current excerpts focus on Um Jabr's intense involvement in the prisoner issue that began when two of her sons were in Israeli jails. In particular, her activism took the form of organizing other women to visit prisoners from Arab countries who had no one to visit them on the twice monthly visits allowed. Um Jabr's 36,000-word ““life story”” was one of seven collected as part of an oral history project, as yet unpublished, carried out by Barbara Bill, an Australian who since 1996 has worked with the Women's Empowerment Project of the Gaza Community Mental Health Program, and Ghada Ageel, a refugee from al-Bureij camp now earning her Ph.D. at the University of Exeter in England. The women who participated in the project were interviewed a number of times during the first half of 2001; after the tapes were transcribed, the memories were set down exactly as they were told, the only ““editing”” being the integration of material from the various interviews into one ““life story.”” Um Jabr, who was in her early 70s at the time of the interviews, still lives in al-Bureij camp, where she has since 1950.
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Hamdan, Mohammed. "“EVERY SPERM IS SACRED”: PALESTINIAN PRISONERS, SMUGGLED SEMEN, AND DERRIDA'S PROPHECY". International Journal of Middle East Studies 51, n.º 4 (27 de agosto de 2019): 525–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743819000680.
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AbstractThis paper investigates the contemporary phenomenon of smuggling sperm from within Israeli jails, which I treat as a biopolitical act of resistance. Palestinian prisoners who have been sentenced to life-imprisonment have recently resorted to delivering their sperm to their distant wives in the West Bank and Gaza where it is then used for artificial insemination. On the level of theory, my analysis of this practice benefits from Jacques Derrida's commentary inThe Post Cardon imaginative postal delivery of sperm to distant lovers. I use Derrida's heteronormative implication to examine how Palestinian prisoners defy the Israeli carceral system via the revolutionary act of sperm smuggling. The article then argues that smuggling sperm challenges the conventional gender codes in Palestinian society that see women in passive roles. Drawing on Derrida's metaphorical connection between masturbation and writing, I problematize the perception of speech/orality as primary in traditional Palestinian culture. Women, who mostly act as smugglers, become social agents whose written stories of bionational resistance emerge as a dominant mode of representation.
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Hill, Thomas W. "From the Small Zinzana to the Bigger Zinzana: Israeli Prisons, Palestinian Prisons". Journal of Palestine Studies 45, n.º 3 (2016): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2016.45.3.7.
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The Palestinian experience has been aptly characterized as carceralism, in both literal and metaphorical senses. It is arguable that ever since the 1967 occupation of the West Bank and Gaza, the most consensual pillar of national Palestinian discourse has been the issue of Palestinians imprisoned by Israel. After Hamas's so-called takeover of Gaza in 2007, however, a new, intra-Palestinian carceralism emerged. This article traces the shifts in Palestinian representations and experiences of the carceral post-2007, their historical resonances in the late Oslo era, and their implications for Palestinian unity after nine years of division.
30
Stroppa, Rachele, e Dana Moss. "Introducing the International Guiding Statement on alternatives to solitary confinement". Torture Journal 33, n.º 3 (28 de dezembro de 2023): 113–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/torture.v33i3.141379.
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Based on the reflections of a multidisciplinary group of experts, Physicians for Human Rights Israel and Antigone worked on the International Guiding Statement on Alternatives to Solitary Confinement, proposing global guidelines for reducing and finally overcoming the use of solitary confinement in prisons
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Khader, Nehad. "Rasmea Odeh: The Case of an Indomitable Woman". Journal of Palestine Studies 46, n.º 4 (2017): 62–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.46.4.62.
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In this profile of Rasmea Odeh, JPS examines the case of a Palestinian woman who has been incarcerated in both Israel and the United States. After a decade of confinement in Israel, Odeh was freed in a prisoner exchange in 1979. Following deportation from the occupied Palestinian territories, she became a noted social justice and women's rights organizer, first in Lebanon and Jordan, and later in the U.S., where she built the now over 800-strong Arab Women's Committee of Chicago. In April 2017, Odeh accepted a plea bargain that would lead to her deportation from the United States after a years-long legal battle to overturn a devastating conviction on charges of immigration fraud. Observers, legal experts, and supporters consider the case to “reek of political payback,” in the words of longtime Palestine solidarity activist, author, and academic Angela Davis. Odeh's generosity of spirit, biting wit, and easy smile did not desert her throughout the years that she fought her case. To know Odeh is to be reminded that the work of organizing for social justice is about the collective rather than the individual, and that engagement, relationship building, and trust are the foundations of such work.
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ABELIOVICH, RUTHIE. "Work and Play: Rolf Hochhuth's The Representative in Tel Aviv (1964)". Theatre Research International 45, n.º 3 (outubro de 2020): 326–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883320000334.
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This paper probes into the 1964 Israeli performance of Rolf Hochhuth's controversial drama The Representative. Staged by Habima National Theatre under the direction of Avraham Ninio, the majority of the cast engaged in this production comprised European-born Jewish refugees and Holocaust survivors. In its cultural context, the theatrical image of Jewish refugees dressed in Nazi uniforms or, conversely, staging visual, gestural or aural markers of Auschwitz prisoners imbued the drama with political meanings, triggering a debate about agency and forms of social and material participation in the aftermath of calamity. Examining the subterranean world of artists and craftsmen and women whose labour is deliberately obscured from view, I argue that the work of theatre emerges as a creative and generative energy that filters from the staged fiction into the ‘real’ world.
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Santos, Madalena. "Relations of ruling in the colonial present: An intersectional view of the Israeli imaginary". Canadian Journal of Sociology 38, n.º 4 (20 de fevereiro de 2013): 509–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/cjs17940.
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This article presents a categorical framework for the interrogation of power relations in the study and analysis of Israeli colonialism in Palestine. Following critical anti-racist feminist approaches, I highlight the relationality between race, class, and gender constructions that are crucial to colonial rule. Extending Chandra Mohanty’s (1991) reading of Dorothy Smith’s “relations of ruling”, I outline six intersecting categories of colonial practices to examine Israel’s particular colonization forms and processes. These categories include: racial separation; citizenship and naturalization forms and processes; construction and consolidation of existing social inequalities; gender, sexuality, and sexual violence, racialized and gendered prisoners; and “unmarked” versus “marked” discourses. Understanding colonial experiences as heterogeneous and plural, I conclude by arguing for the furthering of decolonial and anti-racist feminist analyses from within specific sites of resistance.
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Barak-Erez, Daphne. "The Private Prison Controversy and the Privatization Continuum". Law & Ethics of Human Rights 5, n.º 1 (1 de maio de 2011): 139–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1938-2545.1055.
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Imprisonment calls into question the institutionalized violence of the state and its organs. It touches on the very core of the meaning of state sovereignty and concerns one of the most disempowered groups of society: indicted criminals. Therefore, privatization of prisons signals the willingness to apply privatization policies almost with no limitations. Private prisons have become a known phenomenon in many countries. After the debate on this issue seemed to lose its pragmatic valuein contrast to its importance on the theoretical levelprivatization of prisons reemerged as an issue of legal debate due to the Israeli Supreme Court decision that declared a law authorizing the establishment of a private prison unconstitutional.The following analysis evaluates this decision using it as a microcosm for studying the role of law in regulating privatization policies. The Article starts by studying the full range of privatization policies, in order to offer an analysis that would be relevant also to other cases along the privatization spectrum. It then challenges the traditional premise of public law that the move to privatization is merely a matter of policy and not of law. More concretely, the Article offers an analysis based upon distinguishing among three distinct spheres of discussion: the boundaries of privatization, the privatization process, and the regulation of privatized actions. This model of analysis is then applied to the case-study of prison privatization as decided by the Israeli Supreme Court.
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Karolyi, Paul. "Chronology". Journal of Palestine Studies 47, n.º 1 (2017): 1–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.47.1.s3.
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This is part 135 of a chronology begun by the Journal of Palestine Studies in Spring 1984, and covers events from 16 May to 15 August 2017 on the ground in the occupied Palestinian territories and in the diplomatic sphere, regionally and internationally. U.S. pres. Donald Trump continued work on a largely undefined peace initiative without much progress. Violence in the Old City of Jerusalem interrupted U.S. efforts, and the Israeli government imposed new security restrictions at Haram al-Sharif, sparking a wave of unrest across the occupied Palestinian territories and a Muslim boycott of the sanctuary that put the nascent U.S. initiative to the test. Palestinian Authority president Mahmoud Abbas increased pressure on Hamas to relinquish control of Gaza to the PA. The 1,500-plus Palestinian prisoners who declared a mass hunger strike last quarter secured key concessions from the Israeli authorities and brought their “Dignity Strike” to a close. Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Bahrain, and the United Arab Emirates enacted a diplomatic and economic boycott of Qatar.
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Gordon, Avery F. "Methodologies of Imprisonment". PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 123, n.º 3 (maio de 2008): 651–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2008.123.3.651.
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For a little while now, i've been trying to understand the nature of captivity and confinement in four overlapping but distinct models prominent today. These four are the United States' model of mass imprisonment of surplus racial and ethnic populations as a form of socioeconomic abandonment; military imprisonment, especially in the course of permanent security wars; the European model of the detention of migrants, asylum seekers, and refugees (“Fortress Europe”); and the Israeli model of occupation by encirclement and immobilization. In all these forms, or zones, of captivity, the status of the worker, the enemy, the criminal, the migrant, the resident—and thus the prisoner himself or herself—is being modified and mutated in profound ways. In each, older recognizable dynamics of race and class power persist and extend in new directions. In each, the very physicality of the prison takes at the same time more extreme and more abstract concretization as isolation unit, as camp, as safe haven, as city. I've wanted to develop a conceptual and evocative vocabulary for linking the socioeconomic dynamics of accumulation, dispossession, and political power to the dialectic of social death and social life as these meet in the ontological and epistemological status of the prisoner.
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READ, JAMES H., e IAN SHAPIRO. "Transforming Power Relationships: Leadership, Risk, and Hope". American Political Science Review 108, n.º 1 (29 de janeiro de 2014): 40–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305541300066x.
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Chronic communal conflicts often embody prisoner's dilemmas. Both communities prefer peace to war. Yet neither trusts the other, viewing the other's gain as its loss, so potentially shared interests often go unrealized. Achieving positive-sum outcomes from apparently zero-sum struggles requires a particular kind of risk-embracing leadership. To succeed leaders must (a) see power relations as potentially positive-sum, (b) strengthen negotiating adversaries when tempted to weaken them, and (c) demonstrate hope for a positive future and take great personal risks to achieve it. Such leadership is exemplified by Nelson Mandela and F. W. de Klerk in the South African democratic transition. To illuminate the strategic dilemmas Mandela and de Klerk faced, we examine the work of Robert Axelrod, Thomas Schelling, and Josep Colomer, who highlight important dimensions of the problem but underplay the role of risk-embracing leadership. Finally we discuss leadership successes and failures in the Northern Ireland settlement and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
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Wells, Charles. "From homo sacer to homo dolorosus: Biopower and the politics of suffering". European Journal of Social Theory 22, n.º 3 (abril de 2019): 416–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368431019837900.
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This article argues that the indefinite detention and torture of prisoners at the Guantanamo Bay Detention Camp and the intentional destabilization of Palestinian civilian life in the Israeli occupied Palestinian territories are indicative of the emergence of a new postmodern form of power. Coining the term homo dolorosus – the man who is available to be made to suffer – this article seeks to understand this emergent politics of suffering through a historicized reading of Foucault’s typology of power, informed by the work of Giorgio Agamben. It is argued that, just as discipline was the dark inverse of the modern utopian Enlightenment project of universal democratic inclusion, the politics of suffering is the dark inverse of the postmodern biopolitical project of security. Using the work of Mikkel Joronen, Jasbir Puar and Lauren Wilcox as signposts, this article argues that homo dolorosus is produced by power’s encounter with a population that it perceives or represents as simultaneously risky and dependent. Moreover, it is suggested that homo dolorosus may be the manifestation of a project that aims to do away with freely-deciding subjectivity while keeping the human body alive.
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Sklansky, David A. "Private Policing and Human Rights". Law & Ethics of Human Rights 5, n.º 1 (1 de maio de 2011): 113–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1938-2545.1054.
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Very little of the expanding debate over private policing has employed the language of human rights. This is notable not just because private policing is a distinctly global phenomenon, and human rights have become, as Michael Ignatieff puts it, the lingua franca of global moral thought. It is notable as well because a parallel development that seems in many ways related to the spread of private policingthe escalating importance of private military companieshas been debated as a matter of human rights.This Article asks whether discussions of private policing have been impoverished by their failure to employ the language of human rights. It begins by discussing the dramatic rise, over the past several decades, in the size and significance of private policing. It then summarizes the academic and public policy debates about that development and considers what, if anything, the language of human rights could add to those debates, and whether the addition would be welcome. One strand of the Article compares the debate over private policing with the debate over private military companies. Another strand compares private policing with private prisons, in light of the recent ruling by the Supreme Court of Israel declaring private prisons unconstitutional. The Article concludes that the benefits of introducing the language of human rights into debates about private policing are far from clearwith one exception. Human rights, particularly as codified in international treaties, do seem a promising way to get traction on a particular aspect of police privatization that has received less attention than it deserves: the way in which widespread reliance on private security firms may weaken public commitment to providing everyone with a minimally acceptable degree of protection against private violence.
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Munayyer, Spiro. "The Fall of Lydda". Journal of Palestine Studies 27, n.º 4 (1998): 80–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2538132.
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Spiro Munayyer's account begins immediately after the United Nations General Assembly partition resolution of 29 November 1947 and culminates in the cataclysmic four days of Lydda's conquest by the Israeli army (10-14 July 1948) during which 49,000 of Lydda's 50,000 inhabitants ("swollen" with refugees) were forcefully expelled, the author himself being one of those few allowed to remain in his hometown. Although the author was not in a position of political or military responsibility, he was actively involved in Lydda's resistance movement both as the organizer of the telephone network linking up the various sectors of Lydda's front lines and as a volunteer paramedic, in which capacity he accompanied the city's defenders in most of the battles in which they took part. The result is one of the very few detailed eye-witness accounts that exists from the point of view of an ordinary Palestinian layman of one of the most important and tragic episodes of the 1948 war. The conquest of Lydda (and of its neighbor, Ramla, some five kilometers to the south) was the immediate objective of Operation Dani-the major offensive launched by the Israeli army at the order of Ben-Gurion during the so-called "Ten Days" of fighting (8-18 July 1948), between the First Truce (11 June-8 July) and the Second Truce (which started on 18 July and lasted, in theory, until the armistice agreements of 1949). The further objective of Operation Dani was to outflank the Transjordanian Arab Legion positions at Latrun (commanding the defile at Bab al-Wad, where the road from the coast starts climbing toward Jerusalem) in order to penetrate central Palestine and capture Rumallah and Nablus. Lydda and Ramla and the surrounding villages fell within the boundaries of the Arab state according to the UNGA partition resolution. Despite their proximity to Tel Aviv and the fall of many Palestinian towns since April (Tiberias, Haifa, Jaffa, Safad, Acre, and Baysan), they had held out until July even though little help had reached them from the Arab armies entering on 15 May. Their strategic importance was enormous because of their location at the intersection of the country's main north-south and west-east road and rail lines. Palestine's largest British army camp at Sarafand was a few kilometers west of Lydda, its main international airport an equal distance to the north, its central railway junction at Lydda itself. Ras al-Ayn, fifteen kilometers north of Lydda, was the main source of Jerusalem's water supply, while one of the largest British depots was at Bayt Nabala, seven kilometers to its northeast. The Israeli forces assembled for Operation Dani were put under the overall command of Yigal Allon, the Palmach commander. They consisted of the two Palmach brigades (Yiftach and Harel, the latter under the command of Yitzhak Rabin), the Eighth Armored Brigade composed of the Second Tank Battalion and the Ninth Commando Battalion (the former under the command of Yitzhak Sadeh, founder of the Palmach, the latter under that of Moshe Dayan), the Second Battalion Kiryati Brigade, the Third Battalion Alexandroni Brigade, and several units of the Kiryati Garrison Troops (Khayl Matzav). The Eighth Armored Brigade had a high proportion of World War II Jewish veterans volunteering from the United States, Britain, France, and South Africa (under the so-called MAHAL program), while its two battalions also included 700 members of the Irgun Zva'i Le'umi (IZL). The total strength of the Israeli attackers was about 8,000 men. The only regular Arab troops defending Lydda (and Ramla) was a minuscule force of 125 men-the Fifth Infantry Company of the Transjordanian Arab Legion. The defenders of Lydda (and Ramla) were volunteer civilian residents, like the author, under the command of a retired sergeant who had served in the Arab Legion. The reason for the virtual absence of Arab regular troops in the Lydda-Ramla sector was that the Arab armies closest to it (the Egyptian in the south, the Arab Legion in the east, and the Iraqi in the north) were already overstretched. The Egyptian northernmost post was at Isdud, thirty-two kilometers north of Gaza and a like distance southeast of Ramla-Lydda as the crow flies. The Iraqi southernmost post was at Ras al-Ayn, where they were weakest. And although the Arab Legion was in strength some fifteen kilometers due east at Latrun, the decision had been taken not to abandon its positions on the hills between Ras al-Ayn and Latrun for fear of being outflanked and cut off by the superior Israeli forces in the plains where Lydda and Ramla were situated. Indeed, as General Glubb, commander of the Arab Legion, informs us, he had told King Abdallah and the Transjordanian prime minister Tawfiq Abu Huda even before the end of the Mandate on 15 May that the Legion did not have the forces to hold and defend Lydda and Ramla against Israeli attacks despite the fact that these towns were in the area assigned to the Arabs by the UNGA partition resolution. This explains the token force of the Arab Legion-the Fifth Infantry Company. Thus, the fate of Lydda (and Ramla) was sealed the moment Operation Dani was launched. The Israeli forces did not attack Lydda from the west (where Lydda's defenses facing Tel Aviv were strongest), as the garrison commander Sergeant Hamza Subh expected. Instead, they split into two main forces, northern and southern, which were to rendezvous at the Jewish colony of Ben Shemen east of Lydda and then advance on Lydda from there. After capturing Lydda from the east they were to advance on Ramla, attacking it from the north while making feints against it from the west. Operation Dani began on the night of 9-10 July. Simultaneously with the advance of the ground troops, Lydda and Ramla were bombed from the air. In spite of the surprise factor, the defenders in the eastern sector of Lydda put up stout resistance throughout the 10th against vastly superior forces attacking from Ben Shemen in the north and the Arab village of Jimzu to the south. In the afternoon, Dayan rode with his Commando Battalion of jeeps and half-tracks through Lydda in a hit-and-run raid lasting under one hour "shooting up the town and creating confusion and a degree of terror among the population," as the Jewish brothers Jon and David Kimche put it. This discombobulated the defenders, some of whom surrendered. But the following morning (11 July) a small force of three Arab Legion armored cars entered Lydda, their mission being to help in the evacuation of the beleaguered Fifth Infantry Company. Their sudden appearance both panicked the Israeli troops and rallied the defenders who had not surrendered. The Israeli army put down what it subsequently described as the city's "uprising" with utmost brutality, leaving in a matter of hours in the city's streets about 250 civilian dead in an orgy of indiscriminate killing. Resistance continued sporadically during the 12th and 13th of July, its focus being Lydda's police station, which was finally overrun. As of 11 July, the Israeli army began the systematic expulsion of the residents of Lydda and Ramla (the latter having fallen on 12 July) toward the Arab Legion lines in the east. Also expelled were the populations of some twenty-five villages conquered during Operation Dani, making a total of some 80,000 expellees-the largest single instance of deliberate mass expulsion during the 1948 war. Most of the expellees were women, children, and elderly men, most of the able-bodied men having been taken prisoner. Memories of the trek of the Lydda and Ramla refugees is branded in the collective consciousness of the Palestinians. The Palestinian historian Aref al-Aref, who interviewed survivors at the time, estimates that 350 died of thirst and exhaustion in the blazing July sun, when the temperature was one hundred degrees in the shade. The reaction of public opinion in Ramallah and East Jerusalem at the sight of the new arrivals was to turn against the Arab Legion for its failure to help Lydda and Ramla. Arab Legion officers and men were stoned, loudly hissed at and cursed, a not unintended outcome by the person who gave the expulsion order, David Ben-Gurion, and the man who carried it out, Yitzhak Rabin, director of operations for Operation Dani.
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Ronen, Yaël. "On prisoners, family life and collective punishment: The Namnam case". International Review of the Red Cross, 19 de julho de 2021, 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383121000187.
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Abstract This article examines the 2019 decision by the Supreme Court of Israel (the Court) in the Namnam case, upholding a ban on family visits to Gaza prisoners incarcerated in Israel and affiliated with Hamas.1 This ban was adopted as part of Israel's attempt to pressure Hamas into an exchange of Palestinian detainees and prisoners against missing Israeli civilians and the bodies of Israeli soldiers, apparently being held by Hamas in Gaza. The Court examined the measure primarily in light of Israeli administrative law, and held that it had no grounds to intervene. It held that an analysis under international law would have yielded the same result. This article examines the decision of the Court in light of the applicable international law. It considers the Court's decision in terms of the permissible restrictions on the right to family life and draws on the Court's reasoning for an in-depth analysis of various unarticulated aspects of the prohibition on collective punishment. The article concludes that an international human rights law analysis might have led to a different outcome, and that had the Court applied the prohibition on collective punishment properly, it would have had to declare the measure unlawful. The article then places the decision in the broader context of the Court's engagement with international law in disputes relating to Palestinians residing in the West Bank and Gaza.
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Norman, Julie M. "Negotiating detention: The radical pragmatism of prison-based resistance in protracted conflicts". Security Dialogue, 27 de janeiro de 2021, 096701062097052. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010620970521.
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Critical prison studies have demonstrated how states use imprisonment and detention not only to punish individuals, but also to quell dissent and disrupt opposition movements. In protracted conflicts, however, the use of mass incarceration and unlawful detention often backfires on states as politically motivated prisoners exert their relevance by making imprisonment itself a central issue in the wider conflicts. Rather than retreating to the margins, prisoners have taken back prison spaces as loci of resistance, forcing both state authorities and their own external parties to engage with them seriously as political actors. This subversion of the prison space is not automatic, however; as this article demonstrates, prisoners have exerted the most influence on both authorities and their own factions when they have combined pragmatism and radicalism through multilevel strategies such as establishing praxes for self-education and organizing; using everyday non-compliance to challenge prison administrators; and occasionally, engaging in hunger strikes that exert boomerang pressure from external factions and solidarity networks on state authorities. Drawing from the case studies of Israel–Palestine, Northern Ireland and South Africa, this research shows how these radically pragmatic tactics create a ‘trialectic’ interaction between prisoners, state authorities and external networks, forcing direct and indirect negotiations regarding prisoners’ rights, and, at times, influencing broader conflict dynamics.
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"Documents and Source Material". Journal of Palestine Studies 46, n.º 4 (2017): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.46.4.s5.
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This section comprises JPS summaries and links to international, Arab, Israeli, and U.S. documents and source materials from the quarter spanning 16 February to 15 May 2017. Highlights include Black4Palestine's petition in support of hunger-striking Palestinian prisoners (the “Dignity Strike”); Palestinian grassroots response to PA security coordination with Israel and the Israeli assassination of youth activist and noted thinker Basel al-Araj; and an EU letter denouncing Israeli demolition of Palestinian homes funded by that European body. Also featured are Hamas's new charter, a translation of an interview with Palestinian Authority president Mahmoud Abbas on security coordination, the protest resignation of ESCWA executive secretary Rima Khalaf at the withdrawal of a UN report on Israeli apartheid, and a draft report on worldwide anti-Semitism.
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"Interview with Khalida Jarrar". Journal of Palestine Studies 46, n.º 3 (2017): 43–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.46.3.43.
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In a wide-ranging interview conducted shortly after her release from Israel’s Ofer and Hasharon Prisons, Palestinian National Council member, PFLP activist, and feminist Khalida Jarrar addresses the Israeli occupation, Palestinian women’s issues, and the current state of Palestinian politics. Jarrar, who is a lawyer and human rights activist prominent in Palestinian efforts to take Israel to the International Criminal Court, was working late at her home on research when she was seized by Israeli forces on 2 April 2015. In this deeply personal account, she relates the simultaneous fear and resolve she experienced during her arrest, interrogation, and 15-month-long imprisonment, and speaks of her daily routine, including going from cell to cell to greet and encourage her fellow prisoners. She muses on the interaction between social and political forces that tear at Palestinian women’s lives, and on the necessary work for women to reclaim their power. Jarrar reacts to the controversy that arose after she was hoisted on the shoulders of male comrades in a celebratory gesture at her release from prison. She speaks frankly of the political crisis in the Palestinian Left—and, in the face of the Palestinian Authority’s failure to represent Palestinians, calls for a return to the fundamentals of national struggle: reviving the Palestine National Council and electing a new PLO Executive Committee.
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"Palestine Unbound". Journal of Palestine Studies 46, n.º 4 (2017): 134–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.46.4.134.
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Published each issue and updated regularly on Palestine Square (palestinesquare.com), Palestine Unbound strives to capture the tenor and content of popular conversations related to the Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict held on new and dynamic platforms unbound by traditional media. Items from the quarter 16 February–15 May 2017, selected because they either have gone viral or represent a significant cultural moment or trend, include the opening of British street artist Banksy's Walled Off Hotel in Bethlehem, Palestinian prisoners participating in the Dignity Strike, and popular condemnation of PA security coordination with Israel in reaction to the assassination of Palestinian youth activist Basel al-Araj. Trending hashtags included are #al-Tha'ir_Basel, #SaltWaterChallenge, and #BoycottPizzaHut.
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Porat, Dan. "The Hijacking of El Al Flight 426: The Advent of Air Terrorism". Journal of Contemporary History, 28 de junho de 2022, 002200942211075. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00220094221107501.
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On 23 July 1968, The Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine hijacked El Al flight 426 en route from Italy to Israel and diverted it to Algeria. Scholars largely agree this act marked an important milestone in modern international terrorism and especially in the advent of air terrorism. Yet to date, no one has studied in depth the events as they unfolded in different world capitals, along with their implications for national and global security and politics. Based on previously untapped archival material, this article will focus on how the hijacking of El Al flight 426 modeled a new era of plane hijackings by, for example, setting a standard that hostages of a hijacked plane could be exchanged for prisoners. It will also demonstrate how some elements of this event did not repeat themselves in future hijackings, such as the demand made by the Algerians to hold onto the Israeli plane, arguing it was an instrument of war. In all, this article will exhibit how elements from the 23 July 1968 hijacking served to signify a shift in international air terrorism.
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Farraj, Basil. "The Common Camp: Architecture of Power and Resistance in Israel-Palestine and The Palestinian Prisoners Movement: Resistance and Disobedience". Journal of Palestine Studies, 14 de junho de 2023, 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0377919x.2023.2216591.
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Ciesielska, Maria. "Kim był Eduard Pernkopf i jaka jest prawda o jego atlasie anatomicznym?" Nowa Medycyna 28, n.º 3 (setembro de 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.25121/nm.2021.28.3.110.
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Eduard Pernkopf (1888-1955) was an Austrian professor of anatomy who later served as a dean of the medical school and rector of the University of Vienna. Pernkopf himself joined the Nazi Party’s foreign organization in 1933. He is best known for his seven-volume anatomical atlas Topographical Anatomy of Man (“Topographische Anatomie des Menschen, Lehrbuch und Atlas der regionar-stratigraphischen Praparation”) often colloquially known as the Pernkopf atlas or just “Pernkopf”. It is considered a scientific and artistic masterpiece. It has been in recent years found that Pernkopf and the artists working for him: Erich Lepier, Ludwig Schrott, Karl Endtresser and Franz Batke used executed political prisoners as their subjects. Using a special treatment of the paper used for watercolor they created the images that look like living tissue in print. But they also used the Nazi symbols in their work for the atlas. In 1995 Pernkopf and his atlas came into the focus of a controversy in scientific ethics following the publication of a paper by Professor Edzard Ernst revealed that the subject bodies may have in some cases been those of executed prisoners and children killed in a Viennese hospital. A year later Dr. Howard Israel discovered many of the Nazi symbols in the artists’ signatures. Since then physicians have discussed whether it is ethical to use the atlas. This resulted in the establishment of the Senatorial Project of the University of Vienna in 1997. As a result, the atlas’ publisher directed that an insert noting this possibility be mailed to all libraries holding the atlas, and stopped printing new copies.
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Beydoun, Ahmad. "Relaying Memory through a Generated Environment". FOOTPRINT, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.59490/footprint.14.2.4468.
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Abstract: Khiam Detention Centre (KDC), a detention camp established by Israel in South Lebanon in 1985, is currently under heavy political interference that aims to manipulate and monopolise the writing of its burdened history. The preservation of memory of events that took place in this prison needs to be urgently addressed in the face of multiple attempts of its erasure and biased revisions. This study surveys three types of media sources that contain the memory of KDC: 1) interviews conducted with former prisoners; 2) the data-archives of a radio programme called Nahnu Bikhayr Taminuna Ankom(We are alive, tell us if you are) and 3) the built environment mapped with a sonic device. The extracted memories are then transcluded to a generated environment that virtually relays the mnemonic site of KDC. This project was done out of an urgent need to preserve KDC’s media imprints that are prone to erasure and modification. KDC is situated on the border of South Lebanon, a territory whose land and electromagnetic field have been occupied by state and non-state political actors. Since the claims of technological sovereignty inside the territory are tenuous and rife with the risk of political manipulation, I chose the space of the internet as provisionally more inclusive environment to host the virtual environment of KDC. Through three media sources, the generated environment allows users to experiment with the limitations and imposition of sound, allowing the critical recreation of the KDC site. Keywords: Reconstruction of memory, technological occupation, border territories, electronic surveillance.
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"THE GENEVA ACCORD". Journal of Palestine Studies 33, n.º 2 (1 de janeiro de 2004): 81–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2004.33.2.81.
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One reflection of the rising discontent among Israelis and Palestinians concerning the prospect of continuing violence is the intense debate surrounding a private Israeli-Palestinian ““civil society”” peace initiative announced in Jordan on 10 October. The so-called Geneva Accord, described by its signatories as a ““model draft framework final status agreement,”” has no official standing: it was negotiated in secret by Israeli opposition figures and prominent Palestinians, some of them PA officials but acting in their private capacities. More important, the framework agreement was vigorously denounced by Israeli prime minister Ariel Sharon as soon as it was made public, its Israeli drafters branded in some quarters as ““traitors.”” Despite this official rejection, it has met with considerable international backing: its formal unveiling in Geneva on 1 December was attended by Nobel Peace Prize laureates including former U.S. president Jimmy Carter, and it has been praised by, among others, British prime minister Tony Blair, French president Jacques Chirac, former U.S. president Bill Clinton, former South African president Nelson Mandela, and former Soviet president Mikhail Gorbachev. It was warmly endorsed by the European Parliament. The United States remained cool toward the plan itself, though Secretary of State Colin Powell received the accord's main drafters while they were in Washington promoting the initiative. The interest generated by the Geneva Accord also drew attention to an earlier effort, the Nusseibeh-Ayalon Agreement (see Doc. A1). The project was initiated by former Israeli justice minister Yossi Beilin and PA cabinet minister Yasir ““Abid Rabbuh soon after Israel called off the Taba talks of January 2001; both had been senior negotiators at Taba as well as at earlier Palestinian-Israeli talks. (Beilin had been one of the prime movers behind the Oslo Accord.) In the course of more than two years of meetings, which were underwritten by the Swiss Foreign Ministry, the two negotiating teams called on over 100 Israeli and Palestinian experts in hammering out joint positions on the various issues. In addition to Beilin, the Israeli team comprises Professor Arie Arnon, Brig. Gen. (Res.) Shlomo Brom, MK Avraham Burg, Giora Inbar, Brig. Gen. (Res.) David Kimche, Dr. Menachem Klein, MK Amram Mitzna, MK Haim Oron, and Amos Oz. The Palestinian team, in addition to ““Abid Rabbuh, includes Khadura Faris, Muhammad ““Abd al-Fattah al-Hourani, Basil Jabir, Radi Jamil Jarai, Nazmi Ju'beh, Samih H.A. Karakra, Saman Khouri, Ibrahim Muhammad Khrishi, Zuhayr al-Manasra, Nabil Qassis, Hisham Ali Hassan ““Abd al-Raziq, and Jamal Awad Zaqut. The drafters themselves recognize the blueprint as a ““nonstarter”” as long as the present Israeli government remains in power. Their main goal, beyond formulating a document that can serve as a guide for future negotiations, was to revitalize the Israeli and Palestinian peace camps by demonstrating that there is ““a partner”” on the other side and that a comprehensive agreement ““taking into account the vital interests of both parties”” could be reached even after three years of intifada. An ambitious two-year public information campaign, aimed inter alia at getting a copy of the plan into every Israeli and Palestinian household, has been launched to promote it. By mid-November, this effort was well underway. The draft accord reflects significant ““advances”” by both sides relative to the Taba understandings (see Special Documents in JPS123). It represents the first time that agreement on final status issues has been reached and committed to paper; in this sense, the drafters have argued that the accord, to which Yasir Arafat reportedly gave his blessing, complements the U.S. road map by supplying detailed solutions missing from what is essentially a timetable emphasizing preliminary steps. The document has aroused heated debate in both the Israeli and Palestinian camps. A November 2003 poll in Israel and the occupied territories jointly commissioned by the James Baker Institute at Rice University and the Brussels-based International Crisis Group found 53 percent of Israelis and 56 percent of Palestinians supporting the accord; the survey questions, however, neglected to mention the agreement's more controversial aspects, including renunciation of the refugee right to return, Israeli retention of the largest settlement blocs (but ceding Ariel), and Palestinian control of the Temple Mount (Haram al-Sharif). A poll carried out in October by the Nablus-based Palestinian Center for Public Opinion (where survey questions gave a more complete picture of the accord) found only 31 percent of Palestinians in favor and 51 percent opposed (33 percent strongly). Palestinian opposition among refugees, both in the territories and in surrounding countries, as well as by Palestinian human rights groups has been particularly strong. The accord also includes the ““end of claims”” clause that has bedeviled earlier efforts: Article I (““The Purpose of the Agreement””) specifies that implementation of the agreement ““will settle all the claims of the parties arising from events occurring prior to its signature”” and with the agreement ““no further claims ……mayberaised by either party.”” The ““authoritative English version”” of the accord was made available to Ha'Aretz in mid-October. It comprises seventeen articles dealing with relations between the parties, the formation of joint and verification committees, territory, security, Jerusalem, refugees, road use, religious sites, Palestinian prisoners, and dispute settlement mechanism. Three articles, notably on water, economic relations, and legal cooperation, have yet to be completed, and the annexes referred to in the text have not been made available. JPS is reproducing four articles in their entirety, those dealing with territory, security, Jerusalem, and refugees. The numbering of the paragraphs is as in the original, including inconsistent section numbers and crossreferences.