Bibliografias temáticas / Political prisoners – Israel

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Literatura científica selecionada sobre o tema "Political prisoners – Israel"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 25 de julho de 2024

Última modificação: 31 de julho de 2024

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Artigos de revistas sobre o assunto "Political prisoners – Israel"

Khalili, Laleh. "‘Standing with My Brother’: Hizbullah, Palestinians, and the Limits of Solidarity". Comparative Studies in Society and History 49, n.º 2 (abril de 2007): 276–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417507000497.

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On 30 January 2004, after months of negotiations between Hizbullah and the state of Israel via German mediators, a major exchange of bodies and prisoners was completed. In return for a kidnapped Israeli citizen—alleged to belong to Israeli intelligence services—and the bodies of three Israeli soldiers captured three years previously, Israel released twenty-nine Lebanese and other Arab prisoners, the remains of fifty-nine Lebanese citizens, and, astonishingly, 400 Palestinian prisoners. The prisoner release was something of a coup for Hizbullah and its success led Hizbullah on 12 July 2006 to emulate the same capture operation hoping to precipitate the release of the last remaining Lebanese prisoners in Israeli prisons. In 2004, many from across the political spectrum in Lebanon and Palestine praised Hizbullah's achievement. In Beirut, the welcoming ceremonies for the released Palestinian prisoners were awash in both Palestinian and Lebanese flags. Among the celebrants were tens of thousands of Palestinians. The superior effectiveness of Hizbullah in comparison with then Palestinian leadership was not lost on observers. After all, in its most successful negotiations with the Israeli state the previous August, then Palestinian Prime Minister Abu Mazen had been able to secure the release of only 338 Palestinian prisoners of Israel, most of whom had reached the end of their terms anyway. In his welcoming speech to his Palestinian and Lebanese audience, Hizbullah Secretary General, Sayyid Hasan Nasrallah, further took a swipe at the Fatah-dominated Palestinian National Authority (PNA) by insisting that “We should not fall under any illusions and let ourselves believe that peaceful negotiations are an alternative to military resistance. Effective [military] resistance was the main factor behind our success” (Daily Star, 30 Jan. 2004, my emphases). One Lebanese analyst claimed that the Hizbullah success could not possibly be “a popular deal with Palestinian leadership” (Daily Star, 26 Jan. 2004), because it showed the relative effectiveness of Hizbullah compared to the Fatah-dominated PNA.

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Karniel, Yuval, Amit Lavie-Dinur e Tal Samuel Azran. "Professional or personal framing? International media coverage of the Israel–Hamas prisoner exchange deal". Media, War & Conflict 10, n.º 1 (27 de fevereiro de 2017): 105–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750635216658717.

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This article explores whether national political agendas influenced the content of domestic and foreign television news media coverage of the 2011 Israel–Hamas Gilad Shalit prisoner exchange deal. The deal, which released Israeli soldier Shalit in exchange for 1,027 prisoners, is the largest prisoner exchange agreement in Israeli history for a single live soldier, but the third largest prisoner exchange agreement as a whole. A quantitative content analysis was conducted on 2,162 news reports from five international and national news networks – BBC, CNN, Fox and Israel’s Channels 1 and 2. The findings suggest important differences in the way foreign and national news networks cover controversial political events. Findings reveal that Israeli networks strongly aligned themselves with the government’s position, while the BBC provided the most balanced coverage. Prominent differences were found between the two US channels – CNN and Fox News. This work builds on a growing body of research on media framing of political events.

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Francis, Sahar. "Gendered Violence in Israeli Detention". Journal of Palestine Studies 46, n.º 4 (2017): 46–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.46.4.46.

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Women have been instrumental to the Palestinian liberation struggle from its inception, and the role they have played in political, civil, and armed resistance has been as critical, if not as visible, as that of their male counterparts. In addition to experiencing the same forms of repression as men, be it arrest, indefinite detention, or incarceration, Palestinian women have also been subjected to sexual violence and other gendered forms of coercion at the hands of the Israeli occupation regime. Drawing on testimonies from former and current female prisoners, this paper details Israel's incarceration policies and examines their consequences for Palestinian women and their families. It argues that Israel uses the incarceration of women as a weapon to undermine Palestinian resistance and to fracture traditionally cohesive social relations; and more specifically, that the prison authorities subject female prisoners to sexual and gender-based violence as a psychological weapon to break them and, by extension, their children.

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Karolyi, Paul. "Update on Conflict and Diplomacy". Journal of Palestine Studies 46, n.º 4 (2017): 140–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.46.4.140.

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This update, which summarizes bilateral, multilateral, regional, and international events affecting the Palestinians and the future of the peace process, covers the quarter beginning on 16 February 2017 and ending on 15 May 2017. During this period, the administration of U.S. pres. Donald Trump attempted to put its own stamp on the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, the Israeli government announced a new policy on settlement growth in the West Bank, and the Ramallah-based Palestinian leadership struggled to consolidate power. Palestinians in the West Bank elected new local leaders, despite disagreements among the major parties. Some 1,500 Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails declared a hunger strike, drawing support from across the political spectrum. Meanwhile, Israel's right-wing government kept up a campaign to undermine and delegitimize its opponents, including the Israeli Left, the Palestinian minority in Israel, and the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement.

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Karolyi, Paul. "Chronology". Journal of Palestine Studies 46, n.º 4 (2017): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.46.4.s3.

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This is part 134 of a chronology begun by the Journal of Palestine Studies in Spring 1984, and covers events from 16 February to 15 May 2017 on the ground in the occupied Palestinian territories and in the diplomatic sphere, regionally and internationally. U.S. pres. Donald Trump leads a new, regional effort to restart Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations. With the prospect of peace talks on the horizon, the Israeli government announced a new policy to guide settlement growth in the West Bank, and the Ramallah-based Palestinian leadership struggled to consolidate power. Palestinians in the West Bank elected new local leaders, although the elections were compromised by disagreements among the major political parties. Approximately 1,500 Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails declared a hunger strike (the Dignity Strike), drawing support from across the political spectrum. Meanwhile, the right-wing Israeli government continued its efforts to undermine and delegitimize its opponents, including the Israeli Left, the Palestinian minority in Israel, and the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement. For a more comprehensive overview of regional and international developments related to the Palestine-Israel conflict, see the quarterly Update on Conflict and Diplomacy in JPS 46 (4).

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Viterbo, Hedi. "Rights as a Divide-and-Rule Mechanism: Lessons from the Case of Palestinians in Israeli Custody". Law & Social Inquiry 43, n.º 03 (2018): 764–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12270.

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Critics have highlighted the complicity of human rights law in mass disempowerment and domination—a criticism equally applicable to child law. This article investigates this issue, as evidenced by three recent developments that Israel has justified by invoking these legal frameworks: an increased separation of Palestinian adults and children in Israeli custody; the Israeli legal system's growing preoccupation with “rehabilitating” the now-segregated Palestinian children; and the Israeli authorities' ever-diminishing interest in such rehabilitation for adult Palestinian prisoners. By canvassing the legal architecture, judicial rationalizations, adverse effects, and sociopolitical context of these developments, this article foregrounds their divide-and-rule logic and structure of driving a generational wedge between Palestinians and potentially weakening their political ties, solidarity, and resistance.

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Hajjar, Lisa. "International Humanitarian Law and ““Wars on Terror””: A Comparative Analysis of Israeli and American Doctrines and Policies". Journal of Palestine Studies 36, n.º 1 (2006): 21–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2006.36.1.21.

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The second intifada and the U.S. ““global war on terror,”” though quite different, both involve asymmetrical warfare that pits powerful states against non-state organizations. This article focuses on international humanitarian law (IHL) to assess and compare how Israeli and American doctrines and policies for waging ““wars on terror”” have departed from international consensus on norms and rules for military engagement in occupied territories and the treatment of enemy prisoners. Neither Israel nor the United States ignores IHL; rather, they seek to reinterpret it in a manner that permits the pursuit (militarized or otherwise) of political agendas, even while claiming the reinterpretation to be legally valid.

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BORNSTEIN, AVRAM. "Ethnography and the Politics of Prisoners in Palestine-Israel". Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 30, n.º 5 (outubro de 2001): 546–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/089124101129024268.

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Karolyi, Paul. "Update on Conflict and Diplomacy". Journal of Palestine Studies 47, n.º 1 (2017): 132–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.47.1.132.

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This update summarizes bilateral, multilateral, regional, and international events affecting the Palestinians and Israel. It covers the quarter beginning on 16 May 2017 and ending on 15 August 2017: U.S. president Donald Trump continued working on a largely undefined peace initiative with little success. Violence in the Old City of Jerusalem interrupted U.S. diplomatic efforts and the Israeli government imposed new security measures at Haram al-Sharif. These restrictions sparked a wave of unrest across the occupied Palestinian territories and a Muslim boycott of the sanctuary, testing the nascent U.S. initiative. Palestinian Authority president Mahmoud Abbas increased pressure on Hamas to relinquish control of Gaza to the PA. The 1,500-plus Palestinian prisoners who declared a mass hunger strike last quarter secured key concessions from the Israeli authorities and brought their strike to a close. Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Bahrain, and the United Arab Emirates enacted a diplomatic and economic boycott of Qatar.

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Frantsman-Spector, Alin, e Avihu Shoshana. "Shameless Accounts: Against Psychological Subjectivity and Vulnerable Femininity Among Prisoners’ Wives in Israel". Qualitative Sociology 41, n.º 3 (1 de agosto de 2018): 381–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11133-018-9391-1.

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Teses / dissertações sobre o assunto "Political prisoners – Israel"

El-Jamal, Basim. "Palestinian political prisoners and Israeli imprisonment policy". Thesis, University of Exeter, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.403079.

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Saleh, Samah. "The politics of 'sumud' : former Palestinian women prisoners' experience of incarceration under Israeli occupation". Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2016. http://research.gold.ac.uk/19422/.

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This thesis examines former Palestinian women prisoners’ experiences of imprisonment in Israeli colonial prisons. It traces their life experiences before, during and after prison, examining the boundaries imposed around them by Palestinian culture, which treats women’s bodies and sexuality as the representation of family honour and reputation. Another important layer of restriction is imposed by the Israeli occupation, which targets Palestinian women in their everyday lives, using various tactics to expose Palestinian private space to the public as a means of exercising power. As part of these practices, the occupation uses women’s bodies as an object of threat to control the Palestinian community, which in turn becomes more conservative in issues relating to women. I argue through the thesis that different boundaries are multilayered and far from fixed. Furthermore, the politics of social relations and interaction that take place within them are varied and affect women in different ways. It is in this context that I suggest that women create a space of negotiation according to their awareness of the nature of a space, and their boundaries within it, to exercise their political subjecthood and agency. I discuss how former Palestinian women prisoners’ political subjecthood and their political performance shift between visibility – as community workers, mothers of political prisoners, participants in funerals, marches, or protests, and even as housewives – to invisibility when they take roles in the military resistance groups and employ different tactics to hide their activities from their families and communities. Hence, women are in a continuous process of spatial negotiation, demanding constant understanding and awareness of their boundaries and limitations. Sumud (steadfastness) is an important element for Palestinian women in their encounter with the Israeli occupation, and also in constructing their space of negotiation. Their practices of sumud are shaped and reshaped according to the politics of the space of negotiation these women create. Before their imprisonment, Palestinian women perform their sumud by bearing the Israeli occupation’s efforts to control Palestinian homes. After imprisonment, this sumud is reconstructed as resistance against collaboration with the Israeli prison authority, and determination to challenge the limitations of prison by centering their daily lives on politics and preparation for life after their release. In this thesis, drawing on feminist standpoint theories, I facilitate voicing the former Palestinian women prisoners’ silenced experiences and shed light on their often-unrecognized roles in resisting the Israeli occupation.

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Kamhaui, Nida. "Big prisons : a study for the effects of the Israeli wall on Ni’lin village, in comparison with the effects of Berlin wall on Leipzig through Human Rights perspective". Thesis, Gotland University, Department of Human Geography and Ethnology, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-322.

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George Gregory wrote in his book ‘The Colonial Presents’ in defining the Post colonialism; since the last decades of the 20th century, Andreas Huyssen suggested that the ‘present future to present pasts’ became the post-colonialism, which is a whole commitment to a future that is free from colonial power, and the growth in the disposition is part of the criticism of continuity between the colonial past and present colonial rule. But they almost denied the capacities that belong to the colonial past are confirmed and activated again in the colonial present. And this is appearing in many histories of the colonialism, but post-colonialism came to distinguish from these projects or histories by the tight relation between culture and power.

Building up Apartheid walls is a result to the colonial and Post colonial projects. As wall entered the political concept, we can see many built Apartheid walls through history.

The Essay’s main aim is to study two selective walls; the Israeli wall in Palestine and Berlin wall, from human rights perspective, which can let readers to have fair information about those two walls, and their effects on people’s lives that live or lived beside those walls.

A discussion will follow the illustrated information which I took them from many references which include direct information about those two walls.

My results are that these two Apartheid walls affect and undermine people’s rights who are living beside and around those walls.

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Nashif, Esmail 1967. "Identity, community, and text : the production of meaning among Palestinian political captives". 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/12806.

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Livros sobre o assunto "Political prisoners – Israel"

Saʻdāt, Aḥmad. Ṣadá al-qayd. Bayrūt: Dār al-Fārābī, 2017.

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International, Amnesty, e Amnesty International USA, eds. Israel and the occupied territories: Torture and ill-treatment of political detainees. New York, N.Y: Amnesty International USA, 1994.

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(Organization), Human Rights Watch, ed. Prison conditions in Israel and the occupied territories. New York: Human Rights Watch, 1991.

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Ṣaghīr, Rashād Aḥmad. al- Qarār: Alfan wa-ithnā ʻashar yawman- fī sujūn al-iḥtilāl. ʻAmmān: Dār al-Jalīl, 1986.

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Qāsim, ʻAbd al-Sattār. Ayyām fī Muʻtaqal al-Naqab. Dayr al-Ghuṣūn, Ṭūkarm: [s.n.], 1989.

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Amnesty International. Israel/South Lebanon: The Khiam detainees, torture and ill-treatment. New York (322 8th Ave., New York 10001): Amnesty International, 1992.

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Hopshṭeṭer, Noʻam. Ticking bombs: Testimonies of torture victims in Israel. Jerusalem: Public Committee against Torture in Israel, 2007.

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Khushaysh, ʻAlī Aḥmad. Wa-lā budda lil-qayd an yankasir: Qiṣṣah wāqiʻīyah min muʻtaqal al-Khiyām. Dimashq: Dār al-Quds, 2001.

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Lieblich, Amia. Seasons of captivity: The inner world of POWs. New York: New York University Press, 1994.

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Daʻnā, ʻAbd al-ʻAlīm. Muʻtaqal al-Naqb al-ṣaḥrāwī, Anṣār 3: Dirāsah iqtiṣādīyah, ijtimāʻīyah, siyāsīyah li-muʻtaqalī al-intifāḍah. al-Khalīl [West Bank]: Rābiṭat al-Jāmiʻīyīn, al-Khalīl, Dāʼirat al-Baḥth wa-al-taṭwīr, 1993.

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Capítulos de livros sobre o assunto "Political prisoners – Israel"

Bernstein, Alyssa G. "Palestinian Imprisonment in Israel". In Palestinian Political Organizations in Israeli Prisons, 49–71. Oxford University PressOxford, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192846532.003.0003.

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Abstract In 1967, Israel occupied the West Bank and Gaza Strip and dramatically increased the number of Palestinians under its control. The chapter provides background on this imprisonment over time, including an analysis of numbers of those arrested and imprisoned over time, both from 1967 and since the Oslo Accords. It examines how this has affected the ability of the Prisoners Movement to mobilize. The chapter also explains types of prisons, Israeli law on prison, interrogation, and administrative detention, or indefinite detention without known evidence, among other concepts. It explores the restrictive conditions that Palestinian security-classified prisoners are placed under in contrast to Jewish security-classified prisoners.

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Bernstein, Alyssa G. "Epilogue: Does the Prisoners Movement Still Exist?" In Palestinian Political Organizations in Israeli Prisons, 253–68. Oxford University PressOxford, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192846532.003.0011.

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Abstract The Epilogue sums up this book’s major findings and extends its analysis of the Prisoners Movement to 2021. Using three case studies and the explanations of still-imprisoned Palestinian political leaders, it explores whether the Prisoners Movement has any power within Israeli prisons. Looking at Marwan Barghouti’s 2017 hunger strike, clashes in 2019 between Hamas and the Israel Prison Service over the installation of cell-phone-blocking devices, and finally at the 2021 escape through the ‘Tunnel of Freedom’ in Gilboa prison, the chapter shows that Palestinian prisoners still control a great deal of the environment of their ‘fortresses’. The Prisoners Movement, and Palestinians in prison generally, respond to and symbolically lead Palestinian resistance. In prison, where Israeli power has the greatest weight, Palestinians are not immune from the issues plaguing group resistance overall, yet might still innovate ways to overcome them.

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Bernstein, Alyssa G. "Division in Prison". In Palestinian Political Organizations in Israeli Prisons, 202–19. Oxford University PressOxford, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192846532.003.0009.

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Abstract Already weakened by the Israel Prison Service’s strategic repression of collective action and intra-faction competition, the Prisoners Movement was ill prepared for the 2007 conflict between Hamas and Fatah. Leaders in prison produced a reconciliation proposal, known as the Prisoners’ Document or Reconciliation Document, but outside leadership rejected it. A short time later, the outbreak of violence in Gaza between Fatah and Hamas created the necessity—or pretext—for the prison authority to divide the Movement. Some prisons were still divided until 2015, when the research concluded. The separation benefited Hamas, Fatah, and the prison administration, and so in many prisons, it became permanent. Despite the division, the Prisoners Movement fought a collective threat together: IPS switched its uniforms from brown to bright orange, which the Palestinian captives saw as an attempt to equate them with US detainees in the war on terror. Palestinian politically motivated prisoners’ uniforms remain brown.

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Bernstein, Alyssa G. "The Collapse of Solidarity". In Palestinian Political Organizations in Israeli Prisons, 171–201. Oxford University PressOxford, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192846532.003.0008.

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Abstract The Oslo period was supposed to end in a final status agreement. When it did not, frustration at both increased Israeli settlement activity and the repression of the Palestinian Authority led to the outbreak of the Second Intifada. Israel arrested and imprisoned activists, but they lacked the same organization and leadership that characterized those arrested during the First Intifada. Fighters began organizing by hometown (baladiyyat) rather than political faction and rejecting the Prisoners Movement’s leadership. The dissolution of the counterintelligence system within prison and competition between sub-factions meant there was a lack of trust between people in prison. Despite weakness in the collective structure, the Prisoners Movement organized a mass hunger strike in 2004. The chapter contains details of how a hunger strike is organized and maintained, as well as how it collapses. The disappointment that followed the strike’s failure radically transformed the Prisoners Movement’s ability to rally collective resistance.

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Bernstein, Alyssa G. "Repression, Co-optation, and Institutionalization". In Palestinian Political Organizations in Israeli Prisons, 103–23. Oxford University PressOxford, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192846532.003.0005.

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Abstract The Oslo Accords, the agreements between Israel and the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO), transformed Palestinian politics. The Oslo Accords were a set of agreements made between 1992 and 1999. Prisoners were not mentioned in the agreements until they sent representatives to Palestinian leadership to point out their importance to Palestinian nationalism and demand inclusion. In 1995, 5,000 individuals were released, many to the custody of the Palestinian Authority (PA). The creation of the PA had significant implications for the Prisoners Movement. Fatah’s transformation into the primary power of the PA, the incorporation of former prisoners into the PA’s elite and security forces, and outside organizations’ influence on prison conditions, all changed resistance inside prison. The system under which the PA gave monthly stipends to prisoners and their families encouraged compliance rather than resistance. This chapter unpacks the effects of these external dynamics and their effects inside prison.

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Heckman, Alma Rachel. "Co-Optation: The Moroccan Cold War, Israel, and Human Rights". In The Sultan's Communists, 176–223. Stanford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.11126/stanford/9781503613805.003.0006.

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Chapter 5 analyzes the infamous Years of Lead and how Moroccan Jewish Communists diverged in their responses. Morocco began to publicly embrace its Jewish past while imprisoning its most well-known Jewish Communists in horrendous conditions. Some prominent Moroccan Jewish Communists worked with the state, notably supporting the 1975 Green March. Others supported Sahrawi independence and faced decades of imprisonment. This chapter examines the development of the state’s narrative of Moroccan Jewish tolerance alongside King Hassan II’s relationship with Israel and the United States. Meanwhile, international human rights organizations militated on behalf of prominent Moroccan political prisoners, among them Jews, pressuring the monarchy to release them. With the end of the Cold War and the death of King Hassan II, the state embraced the previously marginalized and reviled Moroccan Jewish Communists as national heroes, upheld as symbols of Moroccan Jewish exceptionalism within the region.

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Bernstein, Alyssa G. "Analytical and Ethical Framework". In Palestinian Political Organizations in Israeli Prisons, 27–48. Oxford University PressOxford, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192846532.003.0002.

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Abstract This chapter lays out the theoretical and ethical framework for this study. The theoretical framework aims to analyse and compare collective action in resistance. It explains key terms from social movement theory, including framing and demobilization. The chapter contextualizes this study geographically and epistemologically, explaining the importance of terminology, this study’s stances and words, and translations from Arabic and Hebrew. It lays out the reasons why the book uses the term ‘politically motivated prisoner’ rather than ‘political prisoner’ and ‘security prisoner’ and contrasts Israel’s security discourse with the term terrorism. It also elucidates the research methodology, which relied on interviews with released prisoners and their supporters. Finally, it provides background on the identity and affiliation of interviewees and why this information cannot be revealed on a per-interview basis.

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Coyle, Andrew. "The Jericho Monitoring Mission". In Prisons of the World, 174–97. Policy Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447362470.003.0012.

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From time to time prisons are forced centre stage in the world of international politics, often in conflict or post conflict situations. One such occasion came in the early 2000s when the UK and US governments attempted to resolve an impasse in the increasing violence between the State of Israel and the Palestinian Authority. An immediate point of conflict arose after an Israeli cabinet minister was assassinated in Jerusalem. The Palestinian Authority detained the men who had carried out the killing but the Israeli government was not convinced that the men were really in custody. At very short notice the author was asked to set up a monitoring system which satisfied the demands of both sides. This chapter describes how arrangements evolved in dramatic fashion, often under the glare of international media and with face to face meetings with Ariel Sharon and Yasser Arafat. The Jericho Monitoring Mission was an extreme example of how the closed world of prisons often cannot be separated from wider public circumstances and political considerations.

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Bernstein, Alyssa G. "Establishing a Prisoners’ Collective". In Palestinian Political Organizations in Israeli Prisons, 72–100. Oxford University PressOxford, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192846532.003.0004.

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Abstract The Palestinian Prisoners Movement emerged out of the need to organize against intolerable crowding and starvation-level rations in the 1960s and 1970s. Aided by prison management’s attempt to disperse ‘hothead’ prisoners, leaders were able to bring new organizational ideas across the prison system. This chapter explains this history and the role of political factions—primarily Fatah, Hamas, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, and Palestinian Islamic Jihad—in structuring the Movement’s daily life, education, and leadership. It describes the Movement’s repertoire of resistance, that is, strategies that members used to assert control over space, educate themselves, maintain security, and wrest demands from the prison authorities during the Movement’s height before and during the First Intifada. The chapter also delves into the ‘Mother of All Battles’, a massive 1992 hunger strike, and how leadership structures developed in prison provided a model for leadership of the First Intifada.

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Bernstein, Alyssa G. "Introduction—The Rise and Fall of the Prisoners Movement". In Palestinian Political Organizations in Israeli Prisons, 1–24. Oxford University PressOxford, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192846532.003.0001.

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Abstract The Introduction provides an overview of concepts explored in this study and begins to explain how the Palestinian Prisoners Movement became weaker over time. After exploring prison as a focal point of power in conflict, means of coping and resistance, and politically motivated prisoners’ specific strategies, it explains the evolution of women’s participation in the Prisoners Movement. These changes demonstrate transformations in the broader Prisoners Movement, from demanding separation from criminal prisoners to conducting a months-long strike for releases during the Oslo Accords. Women in prison went on strike not by refusing to eat but by refusing instead to leave their rooms. They succeeded in their demand that all of them be released under the framework of the Oslo Accords. The releases, however, contributed to the loss of knowledge and experience that contributed to the individualized state of resistance today.

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