Teses / dissertações sobre o tema "Political participation – Popular works"
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Nyendu, Morgan. "Popular participation in Ghana's political decentralization program, real or symbolic?" Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ56721.pdf.
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Golooba-Mutebi, F. "Decentralisation, democracy and development administration in Uganda, 1986-1996 : limits to popular participation". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.299458.
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Sherlock, Andrew. "Re-presenting the city : a dramatist's contextualisatioon of his works on Liverpool, post-1990". Thesis, Liverpool John Moores University, 2015. http://researchonline.ljmu.ac.uk/4402/.
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The main body of this submission is a contextualised discussion of five, full-length, professionally performed theatre scripts. Each project examines and theatrically presents key influences of the major social and cultural forces that have both impacted on and shaped Liverpool. Each play is also placed with generic reference and development of a British, popular, policised, theatre tradition.
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Blackburn, James. "Popular participation in a prebendal society : a case study of participatory municipal planning in Sucre, Bolivia". Thesis, University of Sussex, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.340828.
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Eikås, Elisabet. ""It is open, but not so open" : gaining access to participation among Kabuli youths /". Oslo : Department of Social Anthropology, Universitetet i Oslo, 2007. http://www.duo.uio.no/publ/sai/2007/53789/xitxisxopenxxbutxnotxsoxopenxx-xgainingxaccessxtoxparticipationxamongxKabulixyouths.pdf.
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Freire, Luciano Nunes Maia. "A acção popular como instrumento de efetividade de democracia". Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/20904.
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Dissertação de Mestrado em Ciência PolíticaEste trabalho procura refletir sobre o papel da acção popular, nomeadamente sua importância e utilidade para a efectividade da democracia. Parte-se, principalmente, da teoria desenvolvida por Thomas Humphrey Marshall, para quem a cidadania pressupõe a conquista de três tipos de direitos: civis, políticos e sociais. Na sequência, traça-se um panorama histórico da cidadania no Brasil, de sorte a identificar as confluências e divergências entre a clássica trajetória da cidadania, desenvolvida a partir da teoria marshalliana, e a história da cidadania na realidade brasileira, bem como as possíveis causas dessa variação. Ademais, esta pesquisa pretende analisar o contexto histórico de criação da acção popular no Brasil, e se o conceito de cidadania, adotado para o manuseio da acção poular, esgota as possibilidade de participação popular na democracia do país. Por fim, discute-se a acção popular à luz do princípio da separação dos poderes, de forma a evidenciar a extensão e os limites do Poder Judiciário nessa seara. Baseando-se no referencial bibliográfico e documental pesquisado, pretende-se explicitar as razões pelas quais a acção popular, embora prevista formalmente, ainda não representa, na prática, um efetivo instrumento de efectividade da cidadania no contexto democrático brasileiro. Como resultado, levanta-se como hipóteses para tal problema: o contexto histórico de regulamentação da acção popular, a limitação do conceito de cidadania adotado para o uso da acção popular e a incipiência dos direitos civis, políticos e sociais, nomeadamente relacionados à participação popular, ao acesso à justiça e à educação.
This work seeks to reflect on the role of popular action, namely its importance and usefulness for the effectiveness of democracy. From the theory developed by Thomas Humphrey Marshall, for whom citizenship presupposes the conquest of three types of rights: civil, political and social. Following, a historical overview of citizenship in Brazil is drawn, in order to identify the confluences and divergences between the trajectory of citizenship in Marshall's work and in the Brazilian reality, as well as the possible causes of this variation. Furthermore, this research intends to analyze the historical context of popular action creation in Brazil, and whether the concept of citizenship, adopted for the handling of popular action, exhausts the possibilities of popular participation in the country's democracy. Finally, popular action is discussed from the principle of separation of powers, in order to highlight the extent and limits of the Judiciary in that area. Based on the researched bibliographic and documentary framework, it is intended to explain the reasons why popular action, although formally foreseen, does not yet represent, in fact, a real instrument of citizenship effectiveness in the Brazilian democratic context. As a result, hypotheses for this problem are raised: the historical context of regulation of popular action, the limitation of citizenship concepts adopted for the use of popular action and the premature nature of civil, political and social rights related to popular participation, access to justice and education.
N/A
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Murgatroyd, Richard. "The popular politics of the poll tax : an active citizenship of the left?" Thesis, Brunel University, 2000. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/4852.
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The Community Charge (poll tax) was seen by both its supporters and opponents alike as an attempt to promote the British New Right's concept of responsible active citizenship in local politics. The reaction of different groups of citizens to the tax is explored through a detailed case study of events in the London Borough of Ealing, an archetypal London suburb. Here, as in most urban areas, organised anti-poll tax protestors clashed with MPs, councillors and the local magistracy, who played a large role in enforcing the measure. It shows how the protestors attempted to mobilise a 'moral community' built around the idea of 'fair' taxation and promote a campaign of civil disobedience to force abolition. This in turn compelled local actors to make principled choices about the enforcement of a law of which many of them strongly disapproved. The protestors' tactics seemed to strike a popular chord and at least a fifth of all Ealing charge-payers (and eight million people nationally) failed to pay the tax in 1990/91. However, the detailed evidence also suggests that non-payment can best be seen as a mass expression of bloody mindedness, rather than a concerted and organised campaign of civil disobedience. Nevertheless the protests had important implications for the practise of left-wing citizenship in contemporary Britain and served to highlight growing divisions between the mainstream and radical Left. Previously published academic accounts have addressed the 'high' politics of the poll tax. The thesis explores instead the 'popular' politics of the poll tax crisis in a suitably local setting and so redresses an imbalance in the literature. It therefore makes an original contribution to knowledge and understanding of the relationship between conventional means of political participation, radical popular protest movements and competing concepts of citizenship.
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Avila, Clarissa Azambuja Lima de. "O voto direito". reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/174935.
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O presente trabalho pretende estudar o instituto do voto direto no direito político constitucional brasileiro. A dimensão dos direitos políticos no Brasil nem sempre esteve relacionada à crescente participação política no processo eleitoral. Essa importância decorre do próprio processo histórico, da extensão desses direitos e do modo como ocorreu essa movimentação. O poder conferido à autoridade, para agir em nome de alguém em uma democracia representativa, se dá através de eleições, isto é, o mecanismo eleitoral é compreendido como meio de ratificar uma ação. Nesse diapasão, tal meio de renovação ocorre em períodos determinados, tendo aprovação limitada a esse ínterim. Assim, por intermédio de eleições o escolhido através do voto popular poderá agir em nome dos eleitores e sua representação será legitimada. Daí a imperiosidade de compreender a extensão da história do voto no Brasil, seu contexto histórico e social, pois através dela buscaremos entender o aperfeiçoamento da representação política e a amplificação da acepção da democracia.The present work intends to study the institute of direct voting in Brazilian constitutional political law. The dimension of non-Brazil's political rights is not always related to growing political participation in the electoral process. This important is a process of distributing historical documents, an extension of rights and the way in which this movement occurred. The power conferred on the authority to act on behalf of someone in a representative democracy is through elections, that is, the electoral mechanism is understood as a means of ratifying an action. In this tuning fork, such a means of renewal in case of non-compliance. Thus, through elections the one chosen through popular vote, acting on behalf of the voters and their representation will be legitimized. Hence the imperiousness of an extension of the history of voting in Brazil, its historical and social context, through which we will seek to understand the improvement of political representation and the amplification of the acceptance of democracy.
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Neves, Angela Vieira. "Clientelismo, cultura politica e democracia : dilemas e desafios da participação popular : a experiencia do orçamento participativo da cidade de Barra Mansa". [s.n.], 2006. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280316.
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Orientador: Evelina DagninoTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Esta tese buscou analisar o impacto do orçamento participativo enquanto um novo instrumento de inovação democrática na cultura política local a partir da afirmação de que esse instrumento tensiona a política mais conservadora presente em diferentes municípios brasileiros. Trata-se de pesquisar nesta tese a tensa relação no exercício da política quando o OP é colocado em prática. A questão a que se tenta responder é: Como se verifica o impacto provocado pela inovação democrática, pela gestão participativa, com o OP sobre a cultura política? Tomando como ponto de partida essas indagações analisamos os efeitos políticos a partir de um estudo de caso sobre o OP em Barra Mansa, Rio de Janeiro. A contaminação de práticas culturais conservadoras como o clientelismo coloca um desafio à democracia participativa. Constatou-se também que um dos maiores conflitos com o OP se deu com aqueles vereadores, inclusive do PT, acostumados a reproduzir uma prática menos democrática na intermediação de interesses com a população por meio do favor e do clientelismo. O que encontramos no estudo de caso foi que o sucesso democrático de uma experiência de participação popular depende bem mais dos aspectos culturais e políticos presentes na sociedade brasileira. Essa tese mostrou que há um hibridismo na cultura política exercida pelos diferentes atores quer sejam da sociedade civil ou dos aparelhos do Estado que acionam mecanismos democráticos e clientelistas na intermediação de interesses públicos e coletivos. Além disso, confirmou-se a hipótese de que a cultura política é uma variável fundamental para o estudo sobre experiências participativas, pois pode limitar a construção da cidadania ativa e a ampliação da esfera pública quando existe a presença de forte tendência clientelista entre as práticas políticas dos atores sociais presentes na sociedade civil em diferentes municípios
Abstract: This thesis searched to analyze the participated budget¿s impact as a new democratic innovation instrument in the local politics culture, considering the affirmation that it pressures the politics more conservatives, present in different Brazilian cities. It is treated to search in this thesis the tense relation in the politics exercising, whenever the participated budget is placed in pratical. The question is how is verified the impact provoked by the democratic innovation, by the participated management, with the participated budget on the politics culture? Starting from these questions, we have analyzed the politics effects considering the case study participated budget on Barra Mansa, Rio de Janeiro. The contamination of cultural pratical conservatives as the client¿s relation, becomes a challenge for the participated democracy. It has concluded also that one of the biggest conflicts with the participated budget was developed with the councilmen, including the members of PT, accustomed to reproduce a pratical less democratic in the interest¿ intermediate with the population through doing favors and client¿s relations. What we have found in this study¿s case was that the democratic success of an experience envolving the popular participation, depends on more the culture and politics¿ aspects presents in Brazilian society. This thesis showed that there is a hybridism in the politics¿ culture, exercised by the different actors, members of the civil society as well as the State¿s apparatus that gesticulate democratic mechanisms based in client¿s relations in intermediate of public and collective interests. Moreover, it was confirmed the hypothesis of that culture politics is a variable basic for the study on participated experiences, because it can limit the construction of the active citizenship and the public sphere¿s magnifying when the presence of strong client¿s relations trend exists between the social actors¿ practical politics presents in the civil society in different cities
Doutorado
Doutor em Ciências Sociais
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Tay, Geniesa. "Embracing LOLitics: Popular Culture, Online Political Humor, and Play". Thesis, University of Canterbury. Media and Communication, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/7091.
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The Internet, and Web 2.0 tools can empower audiences to actively participate in media creation. This allows the production of large quantities of content, both amateur and professional. Online memes, which are extensions of usually citizen-created viral content, are a recent and popular example of this. This thesis examines the participation of ordinary individuals in political culture online through humor creation. It focuses on citizen-made political humor memes as an example of engaged citizen discourse. The memes comprise of photographs of political figures altered either by captions or image editing software, and can be compared to more traditional mediums such as political cartoons, and 'green screens' used in filmmaking. Popular culture is often used as a 'common language' to communicate meanings in these texts. This thesis thus examines the relationship between political and popular culture. It also discusses the value of 'affinity spaces', which actively encourage users to participate in creating and sharing the humorous political texts. Some examples of the political humor memes include: the subversion of Vladimir Putin's power by poking fun at his masculine characteristics through acts similar to fanfiction, celebrating Barack Obama’s love of Star Wars, comparing a candid photograph of John McCain to fictional nonhuman creatures such as zombies using photomanipulation, and the wide variety of immediate responses to Osama bin Laden's death. This thesis argues that much of the idiosyncratic nature of the political humor memes comes from a motivation that lies in non-serious play, though they can potentially offer legitimate political criticism through the myths 'poached' from popular culture.
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Percassi, Jade. "Arte, política, educação popular: diálogos necessários para transformação social". Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/48/48134/tde-07072015-132300/.
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Pretendemos com este trabalho contribuir para evidenciar a atualidade do debate conceitual sobre a educação popular, em diálogo com o fazer artístico e a intencionalidade política. Para tanto, lançamos mão da observação participante junto a uma iniciativa de grupos de teatro de grupo da cidade de São Paulo, de criação de espaços coletivos de ação e reflexão sobre seu fazer artístico, investigando potencialidades e limites de sua contribuição estética, políti-ca e pedagógica para a formação cultural e política - e conscientização - da classe trabalhado-ra. Nessa trajetória emergiram questões fundamentais para a construção de uma atuação transformadora do ponto de vista estético, das condições materiais, do modo de produção, das formas organizativas dos trabalhadores e trabalhadoras da arte e do teatro, da relação com o público, da interação com movimentos sociais. Tais questionamentos nos remeteram a sua historicidade, identificando continuidades, descontinuidades, contradições e supera-ções em relação a experiências anteriores em que a arte, assim como a educação, como as-pectos da cultura estiveram imbricadas em uma estratégia política de transformação social.We intend with this work contribute to highlighting the relevance of the conceptual debate on popular education, in dialogue with artistic practice and the political intentionality. For this, we used participant observation with an initiative of theater groups \"group\" of São Pau-lo, of creating collective spaces of action and reflection on their artistic practice, investigating the potential and limits of its aesthetic , political and educational contribution to the cultural and political - and raising awareness - of the working class. Along the way key issues emerged for the construction of a transforming performance - from the aesthetic point of view, the material conditions, of the production process, the organizational forms of workers of art and theater, the relationship with the public, the interaction with social movements. Such questions have referred to their historicity, identifying continuities, discontinuities, contra-dictions and overcomes from previous experiences when art, as well as education, as cultur-al aspects, were intertwined in a political strategy of social transformation.
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Wansetto, Rosilene. "Avançar na participação com vistas à transformação: o Movimento Consulta Popular". Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2009. http://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/2976.
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Previous issue date: 2009-10-09Participatory democracy is the subject of numerous studies. In this research, we intend to contribute to renewing the analysis of the topic, highlighting the participatory political action with a view to formulating a popular project to Brazil. The completion of this project requires profound social changes and, therefore, collides with the liberal-democratic model of political representation. For this reason, the search for alternatives to that model is present in the struggles of contemporary social movements, especially in Latin America. Upon analyzing this challenge, we will focus on the perspective of Movimento Consulta Popular MCP
A democracia participativa é objeto de numerosos estudos. Nesta pesquisa, pretendemos contribuir para a renovação da análise do tema, destacando a ação política participativa com vistas à formulação de um projeto popular para o Brasil. A realização deste projeto implica transformações sociais profundas e, portanto, se choca com o modelo liberal-democrático de representação política. Por esta razão, a busca de alternativas a este modelo está presente nas lutas dos movimentos sociais contemporâneos, especialmente na América Latina. Ao analisarmos este desafio, centraremos o foco na perspectiva assumida pelo Movimento Consulta Popular MCP
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Dunn, Andrew R., e Andrew F. Herrmann. "Participatory Fandom as Reality Convergence". Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2014. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/807.
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Pudenzi, Ana Gabriela Moreira. "Protagonismo feminino e consciência política: uma análise do papel da economia solidária na ação política da União Popular de Mulheres de Campo Limpo e Adjacências". Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/100/100134/tde-28042015-141154/.
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As diversas formas de ação coletiva promovidas pelas mulheres ao longo da história têm sido capazes de oferecer respostas concretas para a superação de sua condição de subordinação dentro da sociedade. Nesse ínterim, o trabalho remunerado e a participação política têm se constituído enquanto processos que contribuem para a construção de sua autonomia econômica, política e social. Este trabalho buscou pesquisar um movimento popular organizado por mulheres que surgiu na década de 1970, na periferia sul da cidade de São Paulo, a União Popular de Mulheres de Campo Limpo e Adjacências (UPM). Por meio de seis entrevistas realizadas com pessoas atuantes no período de fundação da entidade e de pessoas que trabalham nela atualmente foi possível desenhar a trajetória histórica dessa organização, e construir reflexões observando os diferentes papéis dos sujeitos envolvidos, bem como a peculiaridade de cada período histórico. Com a análise da consciência política das atrizes e atores envolvidos na UPM, na perspectiva da Psicologia Política, buscamos nos debruçar sobre as construções e desconstruções desse coletivo acerca do protagonismo feminino e do desenvolvimento de uma sociedade mais justa e igualitária, na perspectiva da economia feminista e da economia solidária, e entender os limites e potencialidades das práticas da UPM para a transformação social da realidade em que vivem.The many varieties of collective action promoted by women in the course of history have been able to provide concrete responses for overcoming their subordinated condition in society. In this process, paid work and political participation are factors that contributed to the consolidation of their economic, political and social autonomy. The present study investigates the União Popular de Mulheres de Campo Limpo e Adjacências UPM (Popular Union of Women of Campo Limpo and Surrounding Neighborhoods), a social movement created by women in the 1970s decade in the poor outskirts of São Paulo, in Brazil. Through the analysis of six interviews with former and present members of the entity, this study traces the historical trajectory of this organization and elaborates reflections about the specific roles of each subject and about the particularity of its different phases. Through the study of UPM members political consciousness under the perspective of Political Psychology, this study aims to investigate their constructions and deconstructions regarding feminine protagonism and the development of a more fair and equalitarian society within the horizons of feminist and solidarity economy and, furthermore, to understand the potentialities and limits of UPMs actions and practices for social change.
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Silva, Danilo de Carvalho. "Psicologia comunitária e movimentos sociais: juventude, participação política e enfrentamento de formas de desenraizamento em Comunas do MST". Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/47/47134/tde-07102016-172321/.
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As observações realizadas durante o projeto Psicologia comunitária e educação popular: um estudo das possíveis articulações nas práticas dos movimentos sociais, financiado pelo Programa Ensinar com Pesquisa, levantaram elementos para a discussão sobre os sofrimentos provocados pelo desenraizamento em jovens dos assentamentos do MST. Ao longo de nossa participação nas atividades do Movimento, observamos que os jovens dos assentamentos da Regional Grande São Paulo do MST enfrentavam diversos obstáculos ao seu pertencimento no lugar onde moram, tais como o sentimento de que quando viviam acampados os moradores eram mais unidos; a busca por espaços de convivência e socialização, bem como a busca por acesso aos centros urbanos; e os vários preconceitos e discriminações sofridos no bairro e na escola. Por isso, este projeto discute algumas das formas de resistências manifestadas pelos jovens em relação aos sofrimentos que vivem e em que medida os espaços de pertencimento ligados ao movimento sustentam experiências de elaboração de sofrimentos como o desenraizamento e a humilhação social. Para cumprir este objetivo, abordamos as articulações teóricas entre psicologia comunitária e educação popular, refletindo sobre as formas de apoio desenvolvidas pelos psicólogos aos movimentos sociais, cujas práticas são orientadas por um horizonte emancipatório, e continuamos participando de atividades do Movimento, de oficinas com os jovens assentados. Além disso, recolhemos histórias de vida de cinco jovens participantes do MST na regional grande São Paulo. Observamos, a partir das entrevistas e da participação nas atividades do Movimento e nas oficinas, que as diferentes formas de participação nas comunas deixam nos jovens assentados marcas pelas quais é possível reconhecer a importância do Movimento em suas vidas. Os relatos guardam boas lembranças da infância em meio à precariedade dos acampamentos e mostram como os jovens não são passivos as manifestações de desrespeito por eles sofridas, reagindo às violências morais e físicas que vivem em seu cotidiano, seja, por exemplo, na busca do diálogo com a diretoria de uma escola que frequentam ou se unindo e confrontando a violência que sofrem. Compreendemos que o apontamento dessas formas de resistência contribui para a militância fortalecer a participação política desses jovens no Movimento. Esse fortalecimento, por sua vez, contribui na construção da autonomia dos jovens assentados, construída na participação em uma coletividade e que se realiza no reconhecimento de que dependemos uns dos outros, uma dependência que não é subserviência ou submissão, mas reconhecimento de que a nossa humanidade depende do reconhecimento mútuo da humanidade no outro, ou seja, a experiência compartilhada de enraizamentoThe observations made during the project \"Community psychology and popular education: a study of possible links in the social movements practices\", funded by the Program Teaching with Research, raised elements for discussion about the sufferings caused by the uprooting of young people of the MST settlements. Throughout our participation in the Movement\'s activities, we observed that the youth of settlements Regional Greater São Paulo MST faced many obstacles to its membership in the place where they live, such as the feeling that when they lived camped residents were more united; the search for living spaces and socialization, as well as the search for access to urban centers; and the various prejudices and discrimination suffered in the neighborhood and at school. Therefore, this project discusses some of the forms of resistance expressed by young people in relation to the suffering living and to what extent the membership of areas linked to movement support development experiences of suffering as the uprooting and social humiliation. To meet this goal, we approach the theoretical links between community psychology and popular education, reflecting on the forms of support developed by psychologists to social movements, whose practices are guided by an emancipatory horizon, and continue participating in movement activities, workshops with young settlers. Also, we collect life stories of five young participants of the MST in major regional São Paulo. Noted, the interviews and participation in the Movement activities and workshops, the different forms of participation in the communes make us young settlers marks by which you can recognize the importance of the Movement in their lives. Reports keep good memories of childhood amid the precariousness of the camps and show how young people are not passive demonstrations of disrespect they suffered, reacting to the moral and physical violence living in their daily lives, is, for example, in the search for dialogue with the board of a school attending or joining confronting violence and suffering. We understand that the appointment of these forms of resistance contributes to the militancy to strengthen the political participation of these young people in the Movement. This strengthening, in turn, contributes to the construction of autonomy of the settlers young, built on participation in a community and to be held in recognition that depend on each other, a dependence that is not subservience or submission, but recognition that our humanity depends on humanity\'s mutual recognition on the other, that is, the shared experience of rooting
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Herrmann, Andrew F. "Business in the Front, Party in the #Backchannel". Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2014. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/808.
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Backchanneling – maintaining real-time online conversations alongside the primary group activity or live spoken remarks – is a growing part of our mobile-enhanced, networked world. Backchanneling is now prominent in many contexts, including presidential debates, conferences, and classrooms. As such, backchanneling offers possibilities and challenges for communication scholars, including carnival, collaboration, bricolage, and performance. This panel will present various theories and practices of backchanneling and encourages backchanneling from audience members through the Twitter hashtag #csca14bc.
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Dósa, Mariann. "Citizenship undermined : messages received through the social assistance system in contemporary Hungary". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:4a5aa65f-259f-4206-9f07-5f8524389d18.
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Very few narratives go as unchallenged about the transition of Central and Eastern European countries from state socialism to market democracies as the following: before the transitions people in these countries had strong social rights but were lacking any civic and political rights, and while the transformations provided the people with firm civil and political citizenship, they lost out on social rights. In my dissertation I argue that this is an oversimplifying and highly distorted narrative that is blind to the deep inequalities in these societies. My research focused on one particular means of reproducing these inequalities, namely welfare institutions, and explored what recipients of social assistance provision learned about their citizenship in the post-transition Hungarian welfare complex. This analysis not only demonstrated an inextricable interrelationship between civil, political and social citizenship, but also allowed for a deeper understanding of the mechanisms through which apparent political inequalities were reproduced in practice. By the innovative method of institutional ethnography I constructed a mosaic of the various component elements of the institutional system of social assistance provision in contemporary Hungary and investigated the influence that each had on recipients' civil and political citizenship. This study indicated a marked discrepancy between recipients' ideal and their lived experiences of citizenship, and found that certain characteristics of the system of social assistance provision played a crucial part in reproducing this discrepancy. The high level of discretion in the system, recipients' lack of information, the treatment they underwent in the welfare office, as well as the lack of institutional guarantees that could ensure that they enjoyed equal and fair treatment in all the welfare offices in the country proved to be the most important characteristics of social assistance provision that had direct or indirect effects on recipients' democratic subjectivity.
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CamarÃo, Virna do Carmo. "O OrÃamento Participativo de Fortaleza: Ã possÃvel uma pedagogia da participaÃÃo popular?" Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2011. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=6366.
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nÃo hÃEsta tese se propÃs a investigar o fenÃmeno da participaÃÃo popular no OrÃamento Participativo de Fortaleza como processo pedagÃgico. A pedagogia à compreendida como processo instituinte, capaz de mobilizar novos imaginÃrios sÃcio-polÃticos. Esse viÃs contou com as contribuiÃÃes teÃrico-conceituais de Castoriadis e Paulo Freire. Realizou-se um estudo de caso delimitado aos quatro (2005-2008) primeiros anos da implantaÃÃo do OP na cidade. O OrÃamento Participativo faz parte de um projeto democrÃtico-participativo, fundamentado em uma perspectiva de democracia cujos princÃpios da deliberaÃÃo popular, controle social, autonomia etc. detÃm-se no empoderamento popular. O objetivo deste estudo deteve-se no sujeito (individual e coletivo) e nas possibilidades deste desenvolver neste espaÃo uma forma de existir coletivamente. A participaÃÃo nÃo compreende as aprendizagens individuais, mas as que se dÃo entre-os-indivÃduos, daà a categoria central ser: âpedagogia da participaÃÃoâ. Esse termo contempla um conjunto de outras subcategorias (eidos coletivo, saber dialÃgico, tempo pedagÃgico, domÃnio pÃblico do saber) norteadoras do processo investigativo. Os resultados da pesquisa apontaram no OP de Fortaleza uma instituiÃÃo capaz de estabelecer tensÃes com um imaginÃrio sÃcio-polÃtico jà instituÃdo, mas estas tensÃes nÃo romperam com as formas tradicionais de fazer polÃtica (territorialidade, tempo administrativo, saber epistÃmico, etc.), dificultando a criaÃÃo de uma forma de existir coletivamente.
This thesis aims to investigate the phenomenon of popular participation in the Participative Budget (PB) of Fortaleza as a pedagogical process. The pedagogy is understood as an establishing process, able to mobilize new socio-political imaginary. This bias includes the theoretical and conceptual contributions of Castoriadis and Paulo Freire. In this work, we conducted a case study limited to the first four years (2005 - 2008) of the implantation of PB in Fortaleza. The PB is part of a participatory-democratic project, based on a perspective of democracy whose principles of popular deliberation, social control, autonomy, etc., hold on the popular empowerment. In this way, the aim of this thesis had a focus on the subject (individual and collective) and on the possibilities of this to develop a way of to exist collectively. Participation does not include individual learnings, but that which give between individuals, therefrom the central category to be "pedagogy of participation". This terms cover a number of other subcategories (collective eidos, dialogical knowledge, pedagogical time, public domain of knowledge) that are guiding the investigative process. The research results revel the PB of Fortaleza as an institution able of to establish tensions with a socio-political imaginary already established, but these tensions did not breaks with traditional ways of doing politics (territoriality, administrative time, knowledge epistemic, etc..), making impossible the formation of a collective.
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Mtaka, Nhlanhla Dalibhurhwana. "An exploratory study of the role of synergy between the state and civil society in popular participation with reference to the province of Kwazulu-Natal". Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1135.
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A healthy democracy is generally seen as one in which citizens participate regularly in formal political activities. Citizens’ participation in governance has come to be accepted as an expression of their rights and the manifestation of citizen agency. Access to information remains a crucial component of the right to participate. Transparency, as a normative and constitutional value, represents a means, not an end. The means is the mechanism of access to information. Within the South African context, there is evidence of an increase in participation of a variety of interest groups by means of different processes, as well as through the establishment of numerous consultative bodies and mechanisms for popular participation at all levels of the political structure (Houston, 2001:1). However, accountability to citizens can best be gauged by assessing citizens’ opportunities to influence legislation between elections. Ultimately, the effectiveness and sustainability of mechanisms aim at improving citizens’ participation in policy formulation in order to become effective when they are “institutionalized” and when the state’s own “internal” mechanisms are rendered more transparent and open to civic engagement. Furthermore, the success depends on some form of effective interaction between the state and civic society. In the case of South Africa, whilst the political context and culture for participation exist in the form of the constitutional provisions and several pieces of legislation, a discrepancy exist whereby many South Africans are excluded or devalued by the vast differences in wealth. Citizen’s votes may count equally, but they are still not able to participate on an equal basis between elections. Participatory mechanisms established to ensure citizen’s participation, access to information and monitoring inside and outside the legislature, remain ineffective. These unequal opportunities mean that the poorer and less organised segments of society are prejudiced in terms of influencing legislation and policy. Their lack of full and meaningful participation means legislative outcomes are less representative of, and responsive to, the interests of the poorer segments of society (Habib, Shultz – Herzenberg, 2005: 144). The focus of this study is limited to the province of KwaZulu-Natal. The aim is to, firstly, assess the extent to which citizens can control those who make collective decisions about public affairs. Secondly, it assess the extent to which citizens participate in the existing participatory mechanisms, and thirdly, the study explores the possibilities of the synergy between the state and civil society in promoting effective participation by its citizens. The study, therefore : 1. Assess the theoretical and policy framework for citizen’s participation in South Africa; and 2. Evaluate the level of participation and effectiveness of participatory mechanisms inside and outside the KwaZulu - Natal Legislature. The study introduces the theoretical and conceptual framework of citizen participation through a literature review; followed by an empirical study of citizen participation in the legislative process in the kwaZulu Natal legislature. The study makes the following findings: 1. The literature review concurs that South Africa has one of the most progressive and liberal constitutions in the world. This is coupled with a sound policy framework demonstrating genuine political will for citizens’ participation in policy formulation. 2. Within the political context and culture for citizen participation, the main question of how much control citizens have over the actions of their government remains. Another issue is whether existing mechanisms in the legislature are effective in engendering citizen’s participation and quality input in public policy – making processes. 3. The study showed that ultimately the effectiveness and sustainability of citizen participation mechanisms is improved when they are “institutionalised” and when the state’s own internal mechanisms of accountability are rendered more transparent and open to civic engagement. The study also highlighted the need for synergy between the state and civil society. This includes, among other things, participatory budgeting, public expenditure tracking, monitoring of public service delivery, investigative journalism and citizens’ advisory boards. The study, therefore, makes two recommendations: 1. A comparative Citizens Education and Outreach Programme be developed and spearheaded by both the legislature and civil society in kwaZulu-Natal; and 2. A further study needs to be undertaken to investigate the possible structural nature of the synergy (relationship) between the state and civil society in the province.
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Vieira, Karen Lima. "Um olhar: cultura política sob o impacto da Ficha Limpa". Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2013. http://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/2420.
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Previous issue date: 2013-10-14Institute recently inserted into the Brazilian legal system, the Clean Record Law, which emerged within the movement for greater transparency and ethics in politics, have contributed to a change in behavior and the Political Culture of the country. In this line, this thesis has in order to promote an approach on the impacts of this law in political frameworks, as well as how to act and interact in society and their representatives. Therefore, analyzes the Clean Record Law Municipal from the preparation process, their dissemination to public servants and popular participation and non-governmental entities as agents of change in the Political Culture in the political environment and the collective imagination, looking it from the context of the differential composition of powers
Instituto recentemente inserido no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro, a Lei da Ficha Limpa, que surgiu no seio dos movimentos por maior ética e transparência nos meios políticos, têm contribuído para uma mudança nos costumes e na Cultura Política do País. Nessa linha, a presente dissertação tem o intuito de promover uma abordagem sobre os impactos causados por esta lei nos quadros da política, bem como na forma de agir e de interagir da sociedade e de seus representantes. Para tanto, analisa-se a Lei da Ficha Limpa municipal a partir de seu processo de elaboração, sua difusão aos servidores públicos e a participação popular e de entidades não governamentais como agentes de mudança na Cultura Política, no ambiente político e no imaginário coletivo, olhando-o a partir do contexto dos diferenciais da composição dos poderes
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Baxter, Declan Patrick Wemyss. "The Failure to Establish Codetermination in Australia: A Comparative Political Economic Analysis". Thesis, Department of Political Economy, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/26283.
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Codetermination has entered the Australian public conversation in the last 4 years with commentators arguing it could reduce labour market inequality. Yet this is not the first-time it has surfaced in Australian debates – the federal Hawke government committed to introducing codetermination, but to no avail. Australian advocates for codetermination failed to do what European Christian Democrats succeed at; persistently championing codetermination and ensuring both businesses and trade unions supported it in practice.
Codetermination first appeared in Germany in the writings of Catholic social thinkers, and through these thinkers and papal encyclicals it gained wider acceptance amongst the catholic community. In both Germany and Belgium, it was catholic actors – Christian trade unions, employers’ organisations and Christian democratic parties – that pushed codetermination. During the interwar period, these catholic actors won socialist trade union support for the idea, but their efforts ultimately failed due to sustained opposition from the business community. In the post-war period, these catholic actors again pushed codetermination whilst rebuilding the economy and garnered the support of the business community, ensuring its survival thereon.
Comparatively, there was no substantial catholic political movement in Australia, and subsequently codetermination did not enter public debate until the 1970s & 1980s. Furthermore, businesses were never won over to the idea, and so the matter was solely advocated by the trade unions and the Labor party. Ultimately, both the Labor party and trade unions lacked the resolve to instate codetermination, and ultimately dropped the idea as other economic matters became more pressing.
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Cury, Márcia Carolina de Oliveira 1982. "O protagonismo popular : experiências de classe e movimentos sociais na construção do socialismo chileno (1964-1973)". [s.n.], 2013. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280317.
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Orientador: Evelina DagninoTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: Depois da vitória da Unidade Popular (UP), em setembro de 1970, a "experiência chilena" despertou grande interesse de estudiosos do país e da América Latina, o qual se justifica por consistir numa experiência singular que expressou a possibilidade de edificar uma sociedade socialista sem romper com os mecanismos institucionais. Diferentes autores analisaram características desse processo, especialmente o conflito político institucional entre os partidos atuantes no período, as disputas ideológicas internas da UP, e a articulação do golpe militar. Em pesquisas mais recentes é possível visualizar uma nova tendência analítica voltada para as manifestações da classe trabalhadora chilena durante o governo da Unidade Popular. Inserido neste quadro, a presente tese busca realizar uma análise da atuação da classe trabalhadora chilena que valorize as múltiplas experiências no cotidiano dos bairros operários, no ambiente de trabalho, nas entidades de classe, além das relações entre os movimentos sociais envolvidos naquele processo político e os partidos de esquerda, elementos fundamentais para a formação de uma identidade de classe centrada no compartilhamento de interesses. Por meio do cruzamento de diferentes fontes, como documentos partidários, sindicais, registros do Ministério do Trabalho, panfletos, jornais e fontes orais, visamos compreender como os trabalhadores atuaram naquele processo político, participação que entendemos como uma das principais expressões de identidade da classe trabalhadora daquela sociedade e como a faceta mais criativa do socialismo chileno. Além disso, analisar as tensões que configuravam as relações entre trabalhadores e governo consiste em um dos nossos objetivos. Acreditamos que a atuação da classe trabalhadora, que ultrapassou os canais institucionais de representação, assentava-se numa longa tradição política, e que os trabalhadores se reapropriaram do projeto político apresentado pela esquerda a partir das suas próprias experiências e concepções de mundo
Abstract: Since the victory of the coalition Popular Unity (UP) in September of 1970, the "Chilean Experience" has aroused great interest of scholars in the country and in Latin America as a whole, much of which is justified, as it constitutes a singular experience that expressed the possibility of building a socialist society without breaking the institutional mechanisms. Different authors have analyzed this process, specifically the political institutional conflict between the active parties at that time, the internal ideological disputes within UP, and the composition of the military coup. In the most recent studies it is possible to detect a new analytical tendency focusing on inherent manifestations of the Chilean working class during the UP government. Within this context, this thesis aims to analyze the role of the Chilean working class that values the multiplicity of daily experiences in blue-collar neighborhoods, in the working environment, in labor unions, apart from the relations among the social movements involved in that political process and the left parties, essential elements for the making of a class identity centered on shared interests. From the wealth of different sources, such as party documents, unions, records of the Ministry of Labor, pamphlets, newspapers, we seek to understand the involvement of the workers in the political process, and the participation we understand as one of the main expressions of identity of the working class in that society, and the most creative aspect of Chilean socialism. Moreover, analyzing the tensions that were present between workers and the government is at the heart of our objectives. We believe that the role of the working class that went beyond the institutional representative channels, was built on a long political tradition, and that the workers redefined the political project presented by the left wing, based on their own experiences and worldviews
Doutorado
Política Contemporânea
Doutora em Ciência Política
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Kalil, Daniela. "Plebiscito". Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie, 2013. http://tede.mackenzie.br/jspui/handle/tede/1088.
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Previous issue date: 2013-08-28Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie
The preamble of the Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil of 1988, called Citizen Constitution states that representatives of the Brazilian people gathered in the National Constituent Assembly to institute a Democratic State. This democratic state founded on some fundamental principles constitutionally expressed, including, sovereignty and citizenship, which are prerequisites for citizens' political participation in public affairs. All these concepts are interrelated, complementing each other and constitute a set of principles, rights and duties, which provides the practical existence of democratic political order. The challenge of Brazilian society, as well as of other contemporary democratic societies, is to promote the improvement and accomplishment of popular participation in the State s life, which reveals a very complex task from the moment one understands that, first, it is imperative that become effective the rights and guarantees proclaimed in the Constitution. Aside from this need, it is essential, also, that people dispose of participatory mechanisms, which enjoy a truly legal and political framework that aims at the achievement, execution and result. In a country whose highest law prescribes that all power emanates from the people, who may exercise it in a direct form, popular participation is a prerequisite for the fulfillment of the purposes of a democratic State under law. The plebiscite comes as a fundamentally valuable tool for the achievement and consolidation of participatory democracy.
O preâmbulo da Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil de 1988, denominada Constituição Cidadã, declara que representantes do povo brasileiro reuniram-se em Assembléia Nacional Constituinte para instituir um Estado Democrático. Esse Estado Democrático de Direito alicerça-se em alguns princípios fundamentais constitucionalmente expressos, dentre eles, a soberania e a cidadania, que são pressupostos para a participação política dos cidadãos nos negócios públicos. Todos esses conceitos estão interligados, complementando-se mutuamente, e constituem um conjunto de princípios, direitos e deveres, que propicia a existência prática da ordem política democrática. O desafio da sociedade brasileira, assim como das demais sociedades democráticas contemporâneas, é promover o aprimoramento e a concretização da participação popular na vida do Estado, o que se revela tarefa de grande complexidade a partir do momento que se compreende que, antes, é imprescindível que se efetivem os direitos e garantias fundamentais previstos na Constituição. Afora essa necessidade, é essencial, ainda, que o povo disponha de mecanismos participativos, que usufruam de uma estrutura genuinamente legal e política que vise à sua aplicação, execução e resultado. Em um país cuja Lei Maior prescreve que todo o poder emana do povo, que poderá exercê-lo de forma direta, a participação popular é requisito para o cumprimento dos propósitos do Estado Democrático de Direito. O plebiscito surge como um instrumento fundamentalmente valioso para a realização e consolidação da democracia participativa.
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Bezerra, Carla de Paiva. "Do poder popular ao modo petista de governar: mudanças no significado da participação para o Partido dos Trabalhadores". Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-06102014-105726/.
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Desde a formação do Partido dos Trabalhadores, a diretriz da participação ocupa centralidade em seu programa político, dentro de uma concepção de democracia que engloba as dimensões econômica e política. A partir das eleições de 1982, o PT lança um mote que o acompanharia ao longo de sua história: governar com participação popular e inversão de prioridades, chave que sintetiza a forma como o partido valoriza a democracia e a justiça social. No entanto, há uma mudança substantiva no significado da participação para o PT entre 1980 e 2002. Na década de 1980, a proposta era de governar por Conselhos Populares, com objetivo de construir um governo dos trabalhadores. A visão é a de que os governantes delegariam seu poder decisório a tais conselhos. Já na década de 1990, com a gradual expansão de governos municipais, temos a conformação do modo petista de governar. Nele o Orçamento Participativo desponta como o principal, embora não o único, mecanismo de participação da sociedade junto aos governos locais. Por fim, o início dos anos 2000 é marcado pela conquista do executivo federal pelo PT, no qual os Conselhos e Conferências passam a ser as grandes marcas da participação, havendo um silenciamento sobre o Orçamento Participativo, outrora defendido no plano nacional. A participação aqui cumpre um papel de fiscalização e controle, além de auxiliar na elaboração de políticas públicas por meio de uma escuta forte do Estado. Alegamos que as mudanças no significado da participação para o PT são provocadas pela adaptação do Partido a constrangimentos institucionais relacionados à ocupação de novas arenas políticas. Tais mudanças são permeadas por conflitos partidários: seja entre seus grupos internos, seja entre aqueles que ocupam diferentes espaços de atuação: governo, estrutura partidária e movimentos sociais. Utilizamos como referenciais teóricos as contribuições do neoinstitucionalismo histórico, do polity approach e da Teoria do Processo Político.Since the foundation of the Brazilian Workers Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores, PT), its participation guideline has occupied a central role in its political program, which is based on an idea of democracy that involves both the economic and political dimensions. In the 1982 elections, PT launched a motto that would follow throughout its history: to govern with popular participation and inversion of priorities, which summarizes the partys values of democracy and social justice. However, between 1980 and 2002, there was substantive change in the meaning of the term participation for the Workers Party. In the 1980s, the party proposed to rule by popular councils, in order to build a workers government. The vision was that the rulers would delegate their decision power to such structures. In the 1990s, with the gradual expansion of PT in municipal governments, it is forged the PT way of governing (modo petista de governar) in which the Participatory Budgeting (Orçamento Participativo, OP) emerges as the main, though not the only, mechanism of social participation within its local governments. Finally, the early 2000s, marked by the rise of PT to the federal executive, Councils and Conferences became the major mechanisms of participation, with a silencing about the OP, once advocated to be implemented in national level. Here, participation plays a role of supervision, accountability and collaboration in developing public policies through a strong listening of the state. We argue that changes in the meaning of participation for the PT were caused by the adaptation of the party to institutional constraints related to the new political arenas it occupied. Such changes are permeated by partisan conflicts: whether between its internal groups, or among those who occupy different areas of activity such as government, party structure and social movements. We have used as theoretical frameworks the contributions of the historical neo-institutionalism, the polity approach and the contentious politics.
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Gomes, Angela Quintanilha. "Conselhos municipais em Porto Alegre - 1937/2008 : quem participa?" reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/37442.
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A tese tem o propósito de analisar a trajetória dos conselhos municipais em Porto Alegre de 1937 a 2008, identificando o modo como os representantes da sociedade civil foram inseridos em tais instâncias e a quem o Estado se dirigia para ocupar a posição de conselheiro. Tem como questões centrais: (1) a análise dos procedimentos de acesso de tais integrantes aos conselhos; (2) quando e como começou o estabelecimento da relação mais estreita entre governo e sociedade em Porto Alegre; (3) quais as categorias representantes da sociedade e como elas foram definidas; (4) qual o tipo de papel ou atribuição que era esperado de tais representações; (5) qual o tipo de procedimento ou mecanismo utilizado nesta inserção da sociedade e a subjacente concepção de política que estava em jogo nestes cenários. São considerados fundamentais neste estudo duas conjunturas de surgimento destas instâncias em nosso país: os anos 30 e o período pósredemocratização. No entanto, para efeito de análise o período de 1937-2008, dividiu-se em fases que foram esboçadas em consonância com as etapas da história política brasileira, a saber: o Estado Novo, a democratização a partir de 1946, o período ditatorial do regime militar, a transição democrática e a redemocratização após a promulgação da Constituição Federal de 1988, e, a primeira gestão após a saída do Partido dos Trabalhadores da prefeitura de Porto Alegre. Levando em conta os diferentes períodos pelos quais passou o município foi possível identificar ao longo dessa trajetória, duas formas que tiveram regularidade de conceber e tratar a presença da sociedade civil junto ao governo: a sociedade dos “ilustres” ou qualificados e a sociedade “participante”, que, por sua vez, conformam modelos distintos de conselho: o tradicional e o democrático que, longe de se suplantarem, acabam sinalizando a existência de um modelo híbrido de conselho.The thesis aims to analyse the trajectory of municipal councils in Porto Alegre from 1937 to 2008 in order to identify how civil society representatives were included in such instances and who the state was going to hold the position of advisor for. Its main points: (1) an analysis of participants’ access procedures to such councils; (2) when and how a closer relationship between the government and the society was established in Porto Alegre; (3) what categories represent the society and how they have been defined; (4) what role or responsibility was expected from such representatives; (5) what type of procedure or mechanism was used in this insertion of society and the underlying political concept at stake in these scenarios. In our country, two conjunctures originating such instances were regarded as fundamental in this study: the 30s and the postredemocratization period. However, for purposes of analysis of the 1937-2008 period, we established phases which were in line with the stages of the Brazilian political history, namely the New State; the democratization after 1946; the dictatorial period of the military regime; the democratic transition and the redemocratization after the Federal Constitution of 1988; and the first term after the Labour Party left Porto Alegre’s municipality. Regarding the different moments the city has experienced along this path ever since, two ways have been established as constant in conceiving and dealing with the presence of the civil society within the government: a society of the "distinguished" or qualified, and the "participating" society which, in turn, constitute different council models: the traditional and the democratic one. Far from supplanting each other, they seem to signal the existence of a hybrid model of council.
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Brandão, Lucas Coelho. "Os movimentos sociais e a Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1987-1988: entre a política institucional e a participação popular". Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8132/tde-16082012-125217/.
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A dissertação analisa a interação entre a dinâmica da participação popular e a dinâmica político-legislativa a partir do exame da mobilização social ocorrida ao longa da elaboração da Constituição de 1988. Defendo a hipótese de que, no período da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte (ANC), essa interação foi intensificada e requalificada em função: primeiro, do contexto de crise do estado desenvolvimentista e de crise político-institucional que possibilitou o processo de transição democrática e favoreceu a mobilização social; segundo, do uso, até então inédito no mundo, de instrumentos de democracia direta (como a emendas populares) já no processo de elaboração da nova Constituição, o que criou novas oportunidades para a mobilização social na ANC. Utilizando um arcabouço conceitual e analítico das teorias sobre movimentos sociais (especialmente a Teoria do Processo Político), construo e analiso um banco de dados das ações coletivas realizadas ao longo da Constituinte. Demonstro, por meio desta análise, que esses instrumentos populares geraram uma institucionalização da interação entre os parlamentares e os atores extraparlamentares. E isto produziu impactos significativos tanto na dinâmica político-legislativa quanto na dinâmica da participação popular, influenciando a mobilização social, o jogo político e os resultados da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte.The dissertation analyzes the interaction between the popular participation dynamics and the political-legislative dynamics by investigating the social mobilization that occurred during the preparation of the 1988s Constitution. I support the hypothesis that, during the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA), this interaction was increased and requalified according to: first, the context of the of the developmental state crisis and the political-institutional crisis, which allowed the process of democratic transition and favored social mobilization; and second, the use of direct democracy instruments (like the popular amendments) already in the process of drafting the new Constitution, which created new opportunities for social mobilization in the ANC. Using a conceptual and analytical framework of the theories of social movements (especially the Political Process Theory), I construct and analyze a database of collective actions carried out during the Constituent Assembly. This analysis shows that these popular instruments created an institutionalization of the interaction between the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary actors. And that this produced significant impacts both on political-legislative dynamics and on the dynamics of popular participation, influencing social mobilization, the political game and the results of the National Constituent Assembly.
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Souza, Leandro Vianna Silva. "Consciência política e participação no orçamento participativo de Cachoeiro de Itapemirim no período de 2009-2012". Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2012. http://repositorio.ufes.br/handle/10/5653.
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Previous issue date: 2012-06-27This work aim to understand the political consciousness and the participation of the members in the Board of Participatory Budgeting in Cachoeiro de Itapemirim ES Brazil, during 2009-2012. The theoretical is the Model of Political Consciousness to Understand the Participation in Collective Actions from Sandoval (2001). It‟s a qualitative approach of collected data on twenty-eight semi-structured interviews with the counselors of Participatory Budgeting (PB), documents from city hall and reports. To do data‟s organize and analyze, we use the content analysis priori (BARDIN, 2004), with the analytical categories from the Sandoval‟s model (2001). The results show collective identity feelings of union and social belonging, mainly on neighborhoods. Social expectations and beliefs contribute to the participation on OP due to the presence of collective values to answer the needs of all; because they believe in political changes in the city giving voice to the expectations and popular chooses; and by the hope that the choices made on OP will be done. When they don‟t see that, it demobilizes them. The identification of collective interests and adversaries make some counselors face the situation and others don‟t involve anymore. The idea that they can change the reality through OP is present on political efficacy. Feelings of injustice lead to the fight for more resources to do the works and against the injustices and favors perceived in its configuration. Despite the costs of time and money, the interviewers see the collective action to help everybody like a privilege. The OP‟s proposals are good, but your actions are lengthy and insufficient. Then, we can conclude that different types of political consciousness‟s motivate the participation on PB: popular democratic, restrictive, of confronting, reflective and of social justice. So, twenty-three interviewers approve it as an important mechanism of democratic and participative public management; and, because they trust that by means of collective public mobilization can face and overcome the obstacles, changing their life‟s realities. On the other hand, five disapprove it, including three that don‟t participate anymore. The main failures are: don‟t grant equals opportunities for everybody; don‟t give enough resources to answer the requested demands; don‟t actually include all the communities; and don‟t make some chosen works
Este trabalho visa a compreender a consciência política e a participação dos membros do Conselho do Orçamento Participativo (COP) de Cachoeiro de Itapemirim - ES - Brasil, no período 2009-2012. Adota como marco teórico o Modelo de Consciência Política para Compreensão da Participação em Ações Coletivas , de Sandoval (2001). Trata-se de uma pesquisa qualitativa baseada em dados de vinte e oito entrevistas semiestruturadas com conselheiros do OP, documentos da prefeitura e reportagens. Para a organização e análise dos dados, utilizou-se a análise de conteúdo a priori (BARDIN, 2004) com as categorias analíticas do modelo de Sandoval (2001). Os resultados revelam sentimentos de identidade coletiva, sentimentos coletivos, de pertencimento social e união, sobretudo nos bairros. As crenças, expectativas e valores societais contribuem para a participação no OP devido à presença de valores coletivos de atendimento às necessidades de todos; por se crer na mudança da política na cidade ao dar voz aos anseios e escolhas populares; e pela expectativa de que que foi votado no OP será feito. Não ver isso se cumprir, desmobiliza. A identificação de interesses antagônicos e adversários faz alguns conselheiros enfrentarem tal situação e outros não mais se envolverem. A ideia de que se pode mudar a realidade com o OP está presente na eficácia política. O sentimento de justiça e injustiça conduz à luta por mais recursos para a realização das obras e contra injustiças e favorecimentos percebidos em sua configuração. Apesar dos custos de tempo e dinheiro, os entrevistados veem o agir coletivamente pelo bem comum um privilégio. Já, as metas do OP são boas, mas suas ações, morosas e insuficientes, prejudicam a mobilização. Conclui-se que a participação no OP é motivada por diferentes tipos de consciência política: popular democrática, restritiva, de enfretamento, reflexiva e de justiça social. Assim, vinte e três conselheiros aprovam e participam do OP como importante mecanismo de gestão democrática e participativa e um meio de mobilização e transformação popular coletiva para superar barreiras. Em contrapartida, cinco o reprovam, com três nem mais se envolvendo. As principais falhas apontadas são: a falta de oportunidades iguais para todos; conceder recursos insuficientes para atender às demandas; não abranger todas as comunidades; e não concretizar algumas obras escolhidas
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Pinheiro, Werden Tavares. "Os sistemas públicos de comunicação e a política : o contexto econômico e político das emissoras públicas brasileiras – o caso Aperipê". Universidade Federal de Sergipe, 2015. https://ri.ufs.br/handle/riufs/4014.
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Fundação de Apoio a Pesquisa e à Inovação Tecnológica do Estado de Sergipe - FAPITEC/SEOur research seeks to do a reading of the transformations undergone by the Brazilian public communication system. Therefore, we seek to understand the public broadcasters as part of the market structure, next to the trade. In this perspective, we try to discuss the function of each type of public broadcasters field, its chronology and its historical use by politicians, but also its relationship with the private field and with the audience. We, on the other hand, a historical listing the policy to events that are part of the narrative of Brazilian public broadcasters. The survey included interviews and a thorough analysis of documents, laws and printed. As a case study, we chose to focus on the history of Aperipê Sergipe Foundation, trying to understand how the Management, Structure and Popular Participation in the Sergipe public broadcasting system. In other words, we aim to understand the structure and point out its contradictions, approaching theory and reality, to discuss the importance of public media for society as a state instrument, its own definitions and reasons for being.
Nossa investigação procura fazer uma leitura das transformações pelas quais passa o campo público brasileiro de comunicação. Para tanto, buscamos entender as emissoras públicas como parte da estrutura. Nessa perspectiva, procuramos debater a função de cada um dos tipos de emissoras do campo público, sua cronologia e o seu uso histórico por políticos, mas também sua relação com o campo privado e com a audiência. Fazemos, por outro lado, um resgate histórico relacionando os acontecimentos da política aos que fazem parte da narrativa das emissoras públicas brasileiras. A pesquisa incluiu entrevistas e uma exaustiva análise de documentos, leis e de impressos. Como estudo de caso, escolhemos focar na história da Fundação Aperipê de Sergipe, procurando entender como funciona a gestão, a estrutura e a participação popular nas emissoras do sistema público sergipano. Ou seja, pretendemos entender a estrutura e apontar as suas contradições, aproximando teoria e realidade, para discutir a relevância dos meios públicos de comunicação para a sociedade como instrumento de Estado, suas próprias definições e razões de ser.
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Pinheiro, Marcia Maria Biondi. "O CNAS: entre o interesse público e o privado". Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2008. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/17942.
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Previous issue date: 2008-11-17The present work is searching to analize the social control trajectory on social politic assistance, having as locus the National Social Assistance Counsel, discussing the localization of public and private interest of such perspective, starting from 2003 gestions. For this motive,the principal aproaches about social control realized in Brazil , with a a descrption of CNAS, as stage of the experience of those two interests, as a reference in the history of the political and social Brazilian formation, questions that even today pass through social assistance.It describe still the principal fights that the Brazilian people undertake in search of democracy, giving special attention to the arise of new personages in the country and in the social assistance, locating the social assistance birth nominated here as MAS. The CNAS is also focated under it s paritarian composition,civil society and government, after reflexive analysis about such categories. After a definiton of the referential analysis , is realized the activity classification of CNAS at the gestions, since 2003. Finally, the principal analysis of his object is taken followed by the necessary agenda for the advance of popular participaton in the social assistance
Este trabalho procura analisar a trajetória do controle social na política de assistência social, tendo como lócus o Conselho Nacional de Assistência Social, discutindo a localização do interesse público e o privado nessa perspectiva, nas gestões a partir de 2003. Para tanto, traz as principais abordagens realizadas no Brasil sobre o controle social, descreve o CNAS, palco da vivência desses dois interesses, bem como referencia na história da formação política e social brasileira as questões que ainda hoje perpassam a assistência social. Descreve, ainda, as principais lutas que a população brasileira empreendeu na busca da democracia, dando especial atenção ao momento do surgimento dos novos personagens no país e na assistência social, localizando o nascimento do movimento da assistência social aqui denominado MAS. O CNAS também é focado, em sua composição paritária, sociedade civil e governo, após análises reflexivas sobre essas categorias. Após a definição de referenciais de análise, é realizada a classificação das atividades do CNAS nas gestões, desde o ano de 2003. Por fim, retoma as principais análises de seu objeto e, em seguida, aponta a agenda necessária para o avanço da participação popular na assistência social
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Rust, Barbara Cavalcanti de Albuquerque. "Internet e movimentos populares: um modelo global de dados em painel". reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/13336.
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In the past few years, the World witnessed several protests taking place in countries ranging from traditionally developed democracies to developing nations under dictatorships. These social movements gained ground simultaneously to a global explosion in Information and Communication Technology (ICT) over these years, notably mobile phones and the Internet (ITU, 2013; CETIC, 2013), facilitating information diffusion and bypassing traditional media. While some studies argue that different nations contexts are the true responsible for protests, others consider both the context and ICT access as relevant. The research purpose is to identify explanatory variables for protest through a panel data approach, considering its technological, social and political aspects. For this goal, World Bank, ITU and World Economic Forum data were used on a sample of 124 countries. The research results points to the proportion of Internet users as positively influencing protest occurrence, and developed countries most prone to them
Nos últimos anos, o mundo vem assistindo a um maior número de mobilizações sociais, que ocorrem em todo o espectro de regimes de governo e níveis de desenvolvimento econômico: de países tradicionalmente democráticos e desenvolvidos, a países em desenvolvimento sob regimes autoritários. Tais mobilizações vêm ocorrendo simultaneamente a uma expansão acelerada das Tecnologias da Informação e Comunicação (TIC), mais notadamente o avanço da Internet e dos telefones celulares (ITU, 2014; CETIC, 2013), tornando mais rápido e fácil o acesso e difusão de informações sem o intermédio dos meios de comunicação de massa tradicionais; há os que defendem que o contexto de cada nação é o grande responsável por tais manifestações, enquanto outros citam a importância tanto das TIC quanto dos fatores contextuais como influenciadores. O objetivo desta pesquisa é identificar as variáveis explicativas da ocorrência de protestos, considerando aspectos tecnológicos, sociais e políticos, por meio da construção de modelos utilizando dados em painel. Para tal são utilizados dados do Banco Mundial, Fórum Econômico Mundial e ITU, desenvolvendo uma amostra de 124 países. O resultado desta análise revela que o percentual de usuários de Internet influencia positivamente a ocorrência de protestos e que países desenvolvidos possuem maior a chance de apresentarem manifestações.
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Bennani, Jerari Dina-Maria. "Demokratisk innovation : En fallstudie av medborgardialogen som kanal för politiskt inflytande". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-323352.
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The study of citizen dialogues primarily focuses on which citizens are included in dialogues, and how those citizens are included in dialogues, despite the fact that the influence perspective is at least as important as the inclusion perspective for the right to political participation. This essay thus addresses the challenge of citizen dialogues regarding their impact on political decisions. This study examines how citizen dialogue as a democratic innovation operates within a local political context, this to answer how the dialogue functions as a channel of political influence. The overall aim is to determine whether democratic innovation can revitalize representative democracy. This is answered by a qualitative case study of one of the dialogues of Huddinge municipality. The study is conducted with semi-structured interviews as primary materials. Graham Smith's institutional democracy theory forms the analysis framework, which is made up of various institutional and democratic ideals. The study's findings show that citizen dialogues, as democratic innovation, work well in a local political context, since the innovation is considered effective and because the innovation has a structure and a clear function in the political system. The results also show that citizens have a good chance of influencing political processes through citizen dialogues. This is mainly due to the fact that the studied citizen dialogue took place at an early stage of the decision-making process, which enabled better conditions for political participation. The results also reveal that there are no mechanisms within the political system that ensure that the participation will have significance. Consequently, it is not possible to draw conclusions as to whether a citizen dialogue is generally a good channel for political influence or not. The conclusions from this study are that a citizen dialogue can be considered to revitalize representative democracy, provided that it both fits in the local political context and has good conditions for integrating citizens' participation in the subsequent political decisions.Studiet av medborgardialoger kretsar främst kring vilka och hur medborgare inkluderas i dialoger, trots att perspektivet inflytande har en minst lika viktig betydelse för rätten till politiskt deltagande som inkluderingsperspektivet. Uppsatsen tar därmed fasta på medborgardialogens utmaning kring inflytande. Studien undersöker hur medborgardialogen fungerar som demokratisk innovation i en lokalpolitisk kontext, detta för att svara på hur dialogen fungerar som kanal för politiskt inflytande. Det övergripande syftet är huruvida en demokratisk innovation kan vitalisera den representativa demokratin. Detta besvaras genom en kvalitativ fallstudie av en av Huddinge kommuns medborgardialoger. Undersökningen genomförs med semistrukturerade intervjuer som primärmaterial. Med avstamp i Graham Smiths institutionella demokratiteori skapas analysramverket bestående av olika institutionella och demokratiska ideal. Studiens resultat visar att medborgardialogen som demokratisk innovation, fungerar väl i en lokal-politisk kontext då innovationen ses som effektiv och innehar en tydlig funktion inom det politiska systemet. Resultatet visar även att medborgare har en god möjlighet till inflytande på politiska processer. Detta beror främst på att den studerade medborgardialogen skedde i ett tidigt skede av beslutsprocessen, vilket möjliggjorde bättre förutsättningar för politisk delaktighet. Av resultatet framkommer det även att det saknas mekanismer inom det politiska systemet som garanterar att deltagandet blir betydelsefullt. Det går följaktligen inte att dra slutsatsen kring om medborgardialogen i allmänhet är en bra kanal för politiskt inflytande eller inte. Slutsatserna är att medborgardialogen kan ses vitalisera den representativa demokratin, med förbehåll att medborgardialogen både passar i den lokala politiska kontexten och har goda förutsättningar för att integrera medborgarnas deltagande i efterföljande politiska beslut.
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Lage, Gomez Pablo. "Participación y empoderamiento : Experiencias del Movimiento de Trabajadores Desocupados de Lanús". Thesis, Stockholm University, Stockholm University, Department of Spanish, Portuguese and Latin American Studies, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-28963.
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El Movimiento de Trabajadores Desocupados (MTD) de Lanús es una organización de la zona sur del Gran Buenos Aires (Argentina), cuyo ámbito de actuación es la localidad de Monte Chingolo. Se caracteriza por su autonomía con respeto a partidos políticos y sindicatos, por su inserción territorial y trabajo de base en los barrios, por el rechazo a las practicas clientelares enraizadas en el conurbano bonaerense, al igual que por modelos de participación y discusión horizontales. Propugnan la necesidad de un cambio social en el que las clases populares son los actores protagonistas del cambio.
Desde sus orígenes han desarrollado formulas alternativas de organización y un proyecto autogestivo, donde los talleres y micro-emprendimientos autogestionados son su máxima expresión. Este estudio pretende analizar las prácticas colectivas que representan estas experiencias en correlación con procesos de empoderamiento individuales y colectivos.
Concluimos que la participación en el MTD de Lanús ha fomentado relaciones sociales y vínculos comunitarios. La militancia tiene más herramientas para hacer oír su propia voz, sus demandas y propuestas, y cuentan con mayores recursos para el conocimiento de sus derechos como ciudadanos. Un proceso caracterizado por la dotación de poder de sujetos tradicionalmente excluidos de toda participación social y política.
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Theviot, Anaïs. "Mobiliser et militer sur Internet : reconfiguration des organisations partisanes et du militantisme au Parti Socialiste et à l'Union pour un Mouvement Populaire". Thesis, Bordeaux, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014BORD0231.
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La campagne pour l’élection présidentielle de 2012 a été marquée par le rôle majeur joué par Internet pour s’informer, débattre en ligne, mobiliser ou organiser l’action militante sur le terrain. Ce recours au numérique invite à questionner, sous un nouveau jour, des thématiques centrales de l’étude des partis politiques et à contribuer ainsi au débat sur les transformations partisanes, au niveau de l’organisation, mais aussi des acteurs qui s’y insèrent et l’utilisent. Cette étude comparative interroge les processus de recrutement des membres des équipes de campagne, les relations entre médias et professionnels de la communication politique, ainsi que les évolutions du militantismeThe 2012 French presidential campaign was marked by the Internet's prominent role in providing information, debating on-line, mobilizing, and organizing activists in the field. This turn to digital tools allows for a reexamination of central themes in the study of political parties, thereby contributing to the debate on party transformations in terms of organization as well as actors who get involved and use the tools. This comparative study examines the recruitment of campaign team members, relations between the media and political communications professionals, as well as changes in political activism
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Diagne, Yacine. "Sociologie politique d'une expérience de démocratie participative. Le cas d'une radio communautaire au Sénégal". Thesis, Paris 9, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA090018/document.
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Ayant pour ambition de « rendre la parole » aux populations déshéritées de la ville de Pikine, banlieue de la capitale sénégalaise, Débat local est l’émission politique interactive de la radio communautaire Air’Jeunes fondée à la fin des années quatre-vingt-dix à l’initiative des associations de jeunes de la région dakaroise avec le soutien d’une grande ONG canadienne. Cette thèse étudie les usages de cette émission par les citoyens locaux dans les trois domaines principaux où les militants et promoteurs de la démocratie participative s’attachent à développer des dispositifs d’action citoyenne visant à corriger les défauts et insuffisances du gouvernement représentatif au regard de l’idéal démocratique : la place des citoyens dans le système de production des biens publics locaux, les relations symboliques entre les élus et les électeurs et l’espace public de débat sur les politiques publiques et l’action des représentants. À partir d’une étude de terrain à caractère ethnographique menée en trois séquences de 2006 à 2011 dans les studios de la radio et sur les lieux d’écoute de l’émission, il apparaît que si l’émission a permis à des formes de contestation du pouvoir local de s’exprimer publiquement sans médiation, la réalisation du projet originel de l’émission s’est heurtée à un contexte local défavorable marqué par l’absence de moyens donnés aux élus locaux pour exercer leurs compétences récemment décentralisées et par un journalisme politique local polarisé autour de deux formes dominantes laissant peu de place au débat argumenté : le journalisme antagonique des grands groupes privés et de la petite presse du secteur informel et le journalisme légitimiste du groupe public. En dépit de leur attachement militant au projet, les responsables de la radio et les animateurs de l’émission dont les origines sociales et les formations scolaires les tenaient très éloignés des formes de consommation des biens informationnels des Pikinois ainsi que des activités des associations informelles de quartier très vivantes dans la banlieue dakaroise ont progressivement cédé aux forces d’attraction qu’exerçaient les radios privées ordinaires sur leur vision de leur avenir professionnel personnel et, corrélativement, sur leur pratique journalistiqueAspiring to “give a voice” to the poor people of Pikine, a suburb of the Senegalese capital, “Local Debate” is an interactive political programme of the community radio Air’Jeunes, created in the late nineties at the initiative of youth associations in the Dakar region with support from a major Canadian NGO. This thesis explores the use of this programme by local citizens in three main areas where activists and proponents of participatory democracy are committed to developing citizen action mechanisms, aiming to correct the defects and shortcomings under the democratic ideal of representative government: the role of citizens in the production system of local public goods, symbolic relationships between elected leaders and electors, and the public space for debate on public policies and the actions of representatives. Based on an ethnographic field study conducted in three phases between 2006 and 2011 in the radio production studio and the show’s listening sites, it appears that, even if the programme has enabled forms of contestation of local authority to be voiced publicly without mediation, the realisation of the original project faced an unfavourable local context marked by the lack of resources given to local officials to exercise their newly decentralised powers and a local political journalism polarised around two dominant forms, leaving little room for debate: the antagonistic journalism of big private groups and small informal press, and the legitimising journalism of the public service group. Despite their militant commitment to the project, radio staff and hosts whose social origins and educational backgrounds distance them from the forms of consumption of information goods and activities of Pikine’s inhabitants, as well as the dynamic activities of informal neighbourhood associations in the suburbs of Dakar, have gradually yielded to forces of attraction exercised by mainstream private radios, influencing their vision of their professional future and, in turn, their journalistic practice
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Mukuna, J. M. "Political governance and constitution-making in Kenya : in search of popular participation. / J.M. Mukuna". Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/15666.
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This thesis examines the evolving ideal of popular participation in the context of Kenya's
experience in the intertwined areas of political governance and constitution-making. The
thesis is primarily motivated by the spirit and intent of the country's constitution-making
initiatives which commenced in earnest after the 2007 post-election violence in which about
1,300 precious lives were lost, over 300,000 people displaced and property destroyed.
The study adopts a qualitative approach. This method enabled the researcher to view
phenomenon in its context, therefore making the enquiry more exhaustive. Unstructured
interviews were also conducted with personalities quite conversant with Kenya's democratic
trajectory. Key in this thesis is a hermeneutic or textual analysis of the relevant constitutional
and legislative materials and court decisions on the same. tn this regard. South Africa's
experience on the ideal of popular participation was illuminating in view of its wealth of
jurisprudence on popular participation ushered in 1994 by its post-apartheid constitutional
order.
The aim of the 2010 constitution-making process, underpinned by the Constitution of Kenya
Review Act 9 of 2008, was that the people of Kenya would be involved in the making of
their own constitution, and also participate in the management of the apparatus of state. The
paradigm shift in the country's political and constitutional map was imperative because, since
independence from Britain in 1963, Kenyans have experienced deplorable governance
characterised by the personification of power by the presidency, dissipation of the doctrine of
separation of powers and violation of the rule of law. This scheme was executed through a
mutilation, as shown in the study, of the architecture of the L963 Constitution. The new
constitutional project was therefore intended to transition Kenya from a representative
democracy, which had all the hallmarks of a failed system, to a participative democracy.
The thesis therefore demonstrates that Kenya 's dismal governance record cannot be separated
from the peoples clamour for constitutional reforms. It is on this basis that the thesis
examines the 2010 constitution-making process and key provisions of the Constitution. The
aim is to evaluate the extent to which the constitution-making process and the substance of
the Constitution, deal with the over-arching ideal of popular participation and this is the
central research question of the study.
The conclusion derived from a thorough investigation of these cardinal issues in Kenya 's
democratisation initiatives is that Kenya's 2010 constitution-making process did not
significantly embrace the noble ideal of popular participation. Second, the 2010 Constitution
does not substantially and fully incorporate one of the key aims of the review process which
is the participation of the people in the management of the affairs of state. Therefore, the
hypothesis of this study is that Kenya's 2010 constitutional project does not significantly
embrace the ideal of popular participation. In this regard, the main findings of this thesis are
that:
• The process of the 2010 constitution-making was fundamentally flawed.
• The 2010 Constitution lacks legitimacy.
• The 2010 Constitution does not significantly espouse the ideal of popular
participation in the management of the affairs of state.
The thesis therefore makes these key proposals to reform the existing law:
• The process of constitution-making should be commenced denovo for the people of
Kenya to truly consider themselves the owners of their own Constitution.
• Pending the commencement of a fully people-driven constitution-making, and due to
the complex nature of constitution-making, the thesis recommends, among others, the
enactment of legislation to operationalise certain provisions of the Constitution, in
particular. people's involvement in law-making at a national level. Reforms which
would enhance transparency and probity in governance should also be adopted,
including the enactment of legislation to realise the constitutional right of access to
information and the protection of witnesses by an independent agency.
• The thesis thus contributes to the profound need of transforming Kenya's
constitutional and political trajectory from a representative democracy to one in
which the phrase, ''We the people," in the Preamble to the Constitution, would be a
reality. It is also hoped that this approach would preserve and enlarge freedom which
the great jurist, John Locke, said is the end of the law. In addition, the thesis
recommends that the security of tenure of the Attorney-General should be restored as
that would enhance any resolve by the Attorney-General to institute civil proceedings
for the recovery of public resources lost through impunity and corruption perpetrated
by successive regimes.
In addition to the foregoing contribution, it is hoped that the thesis makes a modest
contribution to the improvement of the spirit and ambition of Kenya's constitutional review
project. It is also hoped that the study will provoke debates, further research and development
of discourses on the emerging constitutional direction. This would include:
• The role and place of "experts," in constitution-making and or review. This is
motivated by the role played by the Committee of Experts (CoE), one of the central
organs in the 2010 constitutional review process. Research would, probably,
investigate whether the CoE exceeded its statutory mandate by partially converting
itself into a constituent assembly and therefore an investigation of the legitimacy of
anything done ultra vires the Review Act.
• Questions on the need and usefulness of the two-chamber legislature under the new
Constitution, considering that this new structure is not a bi-cameral legislature. This
enquiry would also dwell on whether Kenyans are now "over-represented."
• The suitability of ad hoc courts, like Kenya's Interim Independent Constitutional
Dispute Resolution Court (IICDRC), in the determination of constitutional review
disputes.
• The new and powerful role of Parliament viewed against the background of inherent
fissures in Kenya's political parties.Thesis (PhD) North-West University, Mafikeng Campus, 2012
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Johnson, Hume Nicola. "When citizen politics becomes uncivil between popular protest, civil society and governance in Jamaica /". 2006. http://adt.waikato.ac.nz/public/adt-uow20070716.124418/index.html.
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WANG, CHIH-I., e 王└豐弟┐翊. "The Influence of Popular Music in Political Participation of Music Fans: A Case Study of Guts United, Taiwan". Thesis, 2010. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/19610245245687183643.
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Mallett, Samantha Josephine Judina. "Preventing Predictions: The Political Possibilities of Play and Aesthetics in Contemporary Installation Art and Works by Carsten Hller and Gabriel Orozco". Master's thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10048/1425.
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This thesis analyzes contemporary participatory installation art, play theory, especially Johan Huizingas seminal Homo Ludens, and the aesthetic theories of Nicolas Bourriauds Relational Aesthetics and Jacques Rancires Politics of Aesthetics. Ping Pond Table 1998 by Gabriel Orozco and Test Site 2006 by Cartsen Hller are studied to illustrate how play and the aesthetic can become political by repositioning the contemporary viewer as an active and playing participant in the artwork, prompting an awareness of the matrix of power between audience, artwork and institution, and by creating the possibility for dynamic social roles. This thesis, like the artworks it examines, invokes a conception of play as a vital construct of culture rather than simply the domain of childhood imagination. Overturning the dominant concept of play and reinstating play in adult life becomes a political act because it engages adults in liberated, creative thinking that challenges traditional, consumer-driven, practical and thus constructive behaviours.
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Brutus, Nora. "Pratiques associatives et construction d'un espace social citoyen à Trou du Nord (Haïti)". Thèse, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/3713.
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Ce mémoire traite de la construction d’un espace social citoyen à partir de l’analyse du travail d’intervention de deux organismes locaux situés à Trou du Nord (Haïti). Il s’agit d’explorer les manières dont les membres se représentent et s’approprient leur statut de citoyen. Pour mettre l’emphase sur les mécanismes associatifs et sociaux qui interviennent dans la construction de ce que nous nommons "espace social citoyen", nous avons mené une recherche qualitative dont la charpente interprétative est conçue avec l’aide des outils théorico-pratiques de la politique de participation (Barber, 1997) et l’intervention sociale collective (Lamoureux, 1991). Nous avançons l’hypothèse centrale que les pratiques associatives sont le vecteur de la construction d’un espace social citoyen à Trou du Nord. Cette hypothèse centrale est soutenue par deux hypothèses opératoires portant sur les conditions d’exercice de citoyenneté et l’affirmation individuelle de l’appartenance des membres à l’espace commun.
Nous avons recueilli quatorze entretiens semi-directifs effectués avec les membres de l’Assemblée Populaire Veye Yo Trou du Nord (APVT) et du Rassemblement des Militants Solidaires de Trou du Nord (RAMSO). Les résultats de la recherche indiquent que les membres de ces deux organisations manifestent une grande volonté de contribuer au développement de leur localité et au «mieux-être» de la population. Leur implication directe dans les affaires politiques et sociales s’accompagne des exigences pour que l’État prenne en charge ses responsabilités vis-à-vis de ses citoyens. Cette liberté d’action repose sur le partage de leurs expériences individuelles et sur une grande connaissance des divers aspects des réalités locales auxquelles sont confrontés quotidiennement les citoyens. Ces deux groupes sont conçus comme des espaces de sociabilité, des lieux publics et dynamiques issus de l’activité commune et des divers types d’interactions au niveau local.
Toujours d’après l’analyse, les membres de ces deux groupes interviennent sur un problème d’ensemble collectif au niveau local sans pour autant négliger leurs propres intérêts. Ils s’inscrivent dans le jeu de marchandage électoral et apprennent à leurs membres à se comporter comme une communauté d’intérêts et d’actions, elle-même inscrite dans l’ensemble des interactions, des processus et des dynamiques de résolution des problèmes au niveau local. Un tel constat vient à la fois valider certaines de nos hypothèses tout en révélant les limites de l’idée de la construction d’un espace social citoyen. D’une part, la volonté de contribuer au «mieux-être» de la population, la nécessité de prendre la parole, d’exprimer les problèmes collectifs et individuels, le souci d’avoir un contrôle sur l’action des dirigeants élus sont autant d’enjeux qui leur ont permis de passer de leur vécu particulier à une vision plus large des intérêts collectifs et à la définition des tâches qu’ils estiment correspondre au rôle citoyen qui leur incombe. D’autre part, leur positionnement dans le champ politique notamment au moment des élections les fait apparaître comme des groupes partisans, c'est-à-dire qu’ils ne sont pas toujours dans la construction de l’intérêt général.
Nous concluons que ce double aspect s’avère nécessaire aussi bien à la construction de l’espace social citoyen qu’au fonctionnement démocratique au niveau local. Car, en plus de se définir comme citoyens et d’affirmer leur appartenance communautaire, les membres développent les capacités critiques face aux gestes et actes posés autant par les dirigeants locaux que par l’État haïtien lui-même. Ils acquièrent aussi les habilités de participer, même dans les interstices, aux jeux sociopolitiques faisant partie du processus de renforcement de la citoyenneté et d’un système démocratique en construction.This master thesis focuses on the construction of a social citizen from the analysis of the intervention of two local agencies located in "Trou du Nord" (Haiti). It is exploring ways in which members will represent their ownership and represent their citizenship status. We put emphasis on the social mechanisms and associations involved in building what we call "citizen social space". We have conducted a qualitative research from the works of Barber (1997) on practical policy participation and those of Lamoureux (1991) on collective social action. We assume, as central hypothesis, that associative practices are the main vector for construction of a citizen social space in "Trou du Nord". This central hypothesis is supported by two secondary one interested on the operating conditions for the exercise of citizenship and the affirmation of individual members belonging to the common area. We have made fourteen semi-structured interviews conducted with members of the "Assemblée Populaire Veye Yo Trou du Nord (APVT)" and the "Rassemblement des militants solidaires de Trou du Nord (RAMSO)". The results indicate that members of both organizations show great willingness to contribute to the development of their locality and "wellbeing" of the population. This freedom of action is based on sharing their individual experiences and their extensive knowledge of the local realities faced daily citizens. Both groups are designed as spaces of sociability, as public and dynamics places reflecting the various types of local interaction. According to the analysis, members of both groups get involved in resolving collective problems at the local level without neglecting their own interests. They are part of the game of electoral bargaining and teach their members to behave as a community of interests and action, itself contained in all interactions, processes and dynamic resolution of problems local level. Those findings validate some of our hypothetical assumptions and reveal at the same time their limits. On the one hand, the willingness to help with the wellbeing on the population, with the need for the people to speak out and to express their collective and individual problems, with the desire to have control over the elected leaders actions, are all issues that allowed the groups to pursue broader collective interest and to define themselves as a citizen social space. On the other hand, their position in the political arena especially at election time makes them appear as groups of supporters, that is to say they are not always in the construction of the general interest. We conclude this dual aspect is necessary both for the construction of a citizen social space and that of democratic citizen at the local level. In addition, those two groups help citizen to assert their sense of belonging to a local community. They help them also to develop capacities to criticize actions taking by both local and national leaders. They help them also to acquire the skills to participate – even though in the interstices – at the sociopolitical games as part of the process of building citizenship and a democratic system under construction.
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Ottmann, Goetz Frank. "Symbolic contestation : genesis, death and resurrection of the liberationist project in the bairros of São Paulo". Phd thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/147892.
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Magomero, Christopher Julio. "The development role of traditional authorities in view of the decentralization in Malawi". Diss., 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/628.
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Chiefs in Malawi have traditionally been part of the government machinery since colonial days and continue to play a crucial role in development administration even more so in decentralized structures. They are able upon to mobilize communities in rural areas to initiate and implement community development projects with minimal supervision. Malawi Social Action Fund 1 (MASAF 1) project management approach, which centered on community ownership of projects and registered enormous successes, is a case in proof of this. However, distribution of power and roles between chiefs and local government authorities in view of decentralization demand more research and policy debate if chiefs are to be effectively utilized and for the decentralization process to work effectively. Whilst the local authorities derive their power from the control of 5% of revenue collected in the districts, which they are allocated, chiefs derive theirs from the legitimacy they have over their subjects for being in constant touch with the community.Development Studies
M.A. Social Science (Development Studies)